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Governor Yahaya Bello’s Thuggery Against Dangote Cement

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Governor Yahaya Bello and Alhaji Aliko Dangote

 

Ali Abubakar Sadiq

Before i delved into the issue proper, we need first to understand how Governor Yahaya Bello’s mental furniture is arranged. I believe no one will disagree me that as much as his youthful vigor and exuberance, he exhibit equal energy in clamoring over controversies. He is a governor that can publicly flaunt his disregard for the law, considering he was once reported to have register twice with INEC and we all know double registration is against the law.

But to me his greatest absurdity was at its height during the Corona Pandemic when on June 30, 2020, he alleged that COVID-19 is an artificial creation aimed at causing fear and panic among people. And he went ahead to rejected N1.1bn support fund from the World Bank because of his belief that COVID-19 is a “glorified malaria”.

In defense of his view he told the world “I rejected the World Bank fund because I do not believe in COVID-19. Even the five cases reported in Kogi State is an NCDC creation” He also condemned the use of the vaccine, saying it is meant to kill people.

A statement even his comrades-at-arms, at the Nigeria Governors Forum quickly dissociated itself from. His other shortcomings, like most politicians, is he’s surrounded by sycophants that chose only to tell him what he wishes to hear.

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During the recent Obajana furore, Dr. (Mrs) Folashade Ayoade, the Secretary to the Kogi State Government and Chair of the Technical committee that was saddled with the responsibility to evaluate “The Legality of the Alleged Acquisition of Obajana Cement Company Plc by Dangote Cement Company Limited” said “The claimed transfer of Obajana to Dangote Industries Limited was “invalid, null and void.”  And goes on to contradict herself by saying “Kogi State Government should take steps to cancel the EXISTING seven Certificates of Occupancy in the name of Dangote Cement Company.” While also acknowledging that “Agreement between Kogi State Government of Nigeria and Dangote Industries Limited, dated 30th July 2002 and supplemental agreement dated 14th February 2003…are all invalid, null and void” and also added “All the transfer process of the share capital to Dangote from Obajana by the previous administration was without any law backing it by the state House of Assembly,”

In any society led by sensible leadership, dispute resolution always follow sane and legal channel and as enshrined in the MOU between Dangote and Kogi State, a clause called for arbitration in case of any dispute. Whenever dispute arbitration failed, there is always an alternative route through legal redress. But Kogi State government under Yahaya Bello prefer to use thuggery and intimidation against the company instead of rule of law.

To go down memory lane, beginning with a prayer to the departed soul of two-time governor of Kogi state, Prince Abubakar Audu, whose legacy led to the rise of Obajana Cement Company as one of the largest cement company not only in Nigeria but the African continent.The company was a brainchild of Abubakar Audu conceived during his first tenure in 1992. His dream was to make Obajana a household name in the world (God has granted him that wish) thus he registered a company under that name for Kogi State government. Successive governments for a decade between 1992-2002, failed to capitalize the company and make it up and running.

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Abubakar Audu resurrected his pet dream during his second tenure and in 2002 approached Dangote to come and make Obajana Cement company a reality. After series of meetings and negotiations, Dangote added Obajana Cement under the umbrella of its Dangote Cement (that already have the former BCC under its umbrella) through an acquisition arrangement that concessed 90% share for Dangote and 10% share for Kogi State in which 5% stake is for the state government and the other 5% for its citizens interested in investing therein. Dangote was allowed to use the Obajana name as a vehicle of its investment.

It was also agreed that Dangote shall be granted tax relief and exemption from levies and other charges for a period of 7 years to stabilize the company and begin making profits. With the agreement sealed, Dangote seeks the intervention of World Bank under International Finance Corporation and acquired a loan, the first company in the country to have received such.

By 2003 Dangote Industries acquired the 2 square kilometer land in Obajana to build the factory after payments of compensations and receiving C of O’s. In line with Nigerian constitution, the Federal Government not state governments, had the licensing authority for extracting mines/resources, Dangote applied, obtained and paid duly the mining leases since inception. It was only in 2010, after the Kogi State government’s failure to abide by the agreement clause that stipulates Kogi State government should have the option to acquire 5% equity shareholding within 5 years, that Dangote Industries in an attempt to aligned with the Dangote Brand, changed the Obajana Cement Company’s name and the much older Benue Cement Company to Dangote Cement Plc.

In a nutshell, we can discern from the above that Kogi state has no equity claim since they did not invest a single kobo in the company, Dangote paid for the land and the lease for the mines and according to The Executive Director of Dangote, Alhaji Ladan Baki, they have documented proofs for consistent remittance of tax payments to Kogi State Government since 2007. He even went further to claim that Dangote had paid 16 Billion Naira to Yahaya Bello’s administration.

Now back to Governor Yahaya Bello’s fallacy in this charade. Obajana cement is one of the largest labor employers in the country, employing 22,000 people out of which 50% of them are indigenes of Kogi State. Traditional rulers in the state are usually the ones submitting list for the recruitment of their people at Obajana, yet they watch as Yahaya Bello is behaving like a bull in a china shop. He sent hooligans that besieged the factory, trespassed, intimidate and perpetrates act of violence by wounding several factory workers with gunshots and stabbing. The thugs even forcefully shut down a boiler that operates at a temperature of 1500 degrees, which a mishap could have been calamitous. As a governor that attains notoriety in his failure to pay salaries for his seven years in office and even in this year 2022, a state government employee claiming he received under 3000 Naira for the month of March, can he afford over ten thousand of his people having their livelihood threatened?

As the country is desperately in need for foreign investing, what signal is Yahaya Bello sending to potential foreign investors, when indigenous ones are being threatened like this? What about the loss of man-hours, money, goods and confidence his charade is creating? After being one of the worst performing Governors in terms of infrastructure and maintenance of his civil service (with record of longest unpaid months to civil servant) does he really want to cripple the biggest investment in his state at the twilight of his non-performance tenure?

I concur with Ladan Baki in his assesment that Kogi State has one of the most educated northerners, it is time they rise up to protect their state from ignominy. Politicians usually employs thuggery to cover their mistakes and the Kogi elites must demand what Yahya Bello did with the Dangote 16 Billion paid to the state coppers and other revenue accrued in the last seven years.

Finally, i think this saga should serve as lesson for us all; we must rise against politicians and demand rule of law and transparency and consider them based on what they offer not take from us; Yahya Bello should understand that it is what you do today that judges you in posterity, as we have seen how the Legacy of Abubakar Audu continue to live. As for Dangote Industry, i am vindicated for my earlier criticism of them in their choice of places to invest, closer home is always more secure. What the outcome of this conflict will be, remains to be seen, but hopefully we look forward to an amicable solution when the conflicting sides meets for the second time this Thursday under the arbitration of the presidency.

 

Opinion

Dr Bello Matwallle: Why Dialogue Still Matters in the Fight Against Insecurity

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By Musa Iliyasu Kwankwaso

In the history of leadership, force may be loud, but wisdom delivers results. This is why security experts agree that while military action can suppress violence temporarily, dialogue is what permanently closes the door to conflict. It is a lesson the world has learned through blood, loss, and painful experience.

When Dr. Bello Matawalle, as Governor of Zamfara State, chose dialogue and reconciliation, it was not a sign of weakness. It was a different kind of courage one that placed the lives of ordinary citizens above political applause. A wise leader measures success not by bullets fired, but by lives saved.

Across conflict zones, history has consistently shown that force alone does not end insecurity. Guns may damage bodies, but they do not eliminate the roots of violence. This understanding forms the basis of what experts call the non-kinetic approach conflict resolution through dialogue, reconciliation, justice, and social reform.

When Matawalle assumed office, Zamfara was deeply troubled. Roads were closed, markets shut down, farmers and herders operated in fear, and citizens lived under constant threat. Faced with this reality, only two options existed: rely solely on military force or combine security operations with dialogue. Matawalle chose the path widely accepted across the world security reinforced by dialogue not out of sympathy for criminals, but to protect innocent lives.

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This approach was not unique to Zamfara. In Katsina State, Governor Aminu Bello Masari led peace engagements with armed groups. In Maiduguri granted amnesty to repentant offenders of Boko Haram, In Sokoto, dialogue was also pursued to reduce bloodshed. These precedents raise a simple question: if dialogue is acceptable elsewhere, why is Matawalle singled out?

At the federal level, the same logic applies. Through Operation Safe Corridor, the Federal Government received Boko Haram members who surrendered, offered rehabilitation and reintegration, and continued military action against those who refused to lay down arms. This balance
rehabilitation for those who repent and force against those who persist is the core of the non-kinetic approach.

Security experts globally affirm that military force contributes only 20 to 30 percent of sustainable solutions to insurgency. The remaining 70 to 80 percent lies in dialogue, justice, economic reform, and addressing poverty and unemployment. Even the United Nations states clearly: “You cannot kill your way out of an insurgency.”

During Matawalle’s tenure, several roads reopened, cattle markets revived, and daily life began to normalize. If insecurity later resurfaced, the question is not whether dialogue was wrong, but whether broader coordination failed.

Today, critics attempt to recast past security strategies as crimes. Yet history is not blind, and truth does not disappear. Matawalle’s actions were rooted in expert advice, national precedent, and global best practice.

The position of Sheikh Ahmad Gumi, who publicly affirmed that Matawalle’s approach was appropriate and that military force accounts for only about 25 percent of counterinsurgency success, further reinforces this reality. Such views cannot be purchased or manufactured; they reflect established security thinking.

In the end, dialogue is not a betrayal of justice it is often its foundation. And no amount of political noise can overturn decisions grounded in evidence, experience, and the priority of human life.

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Opinion

Matawalle: The Northern Anchor of Loyalty in Tinubu’s Administration

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By Adebayor Adetunji, PhD

In the broad and competitive terrain of Nigerian politics, loyalty is often spoken of, yet rarely sustained with consistency, courage and visible action. But within the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, one Northern appointee has demonstrated this quality not as a slogan, but as a lifestyle, as a political principle and as a national duty — Hon. (Dr.) Bello Muhammad Matawalle, Minister of State for Defence.

Since his appointment, Matawalle has stood out as one of the most loyal, outspoken and dependable pillars of support for the Tinubu administration in the North. He has never hesitated, not for a moment, to stand firmly behind the President. At every turn of controversy, in moments of public misunderstanding, and at times when political alliances waver, Matawalle has continued to speak boldly in defence of the government he serves. For him, loyalty is not an occasional gesture — it is a commitment evidenced through voice, alignment, and sacrifice.

Observers within and outside the ruling party recall numerous occasions where the former Zamfara State Governor took the front line in defending the government’s policies, actions and direction, even when others chose neutrality or silence. His interventions, always direct and clear, reflect not just loyalty to a leader, but faith in the future the President is building, a future anchored on economic reform, security revival, institutional strengthening and renewed national unity.

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But Matawalle’s value to the administration does not stop at loyalty. In performance, visibility and active delivery of duty, he stands among the most engaged ministers currently serving in the federal cabinet. His portfolio, centred on defence and security, one of the most sensitive sectors in the country, demands expertise, availability and unbroken presence. Matawalle has not only embraced this responsibility, he has carried it with remarkable energy.

From high-level security meetings within Nigeria to strategic engagements across foreign capitals, Matawalle has represented the nation with clarity and confidence. His participation in defence summits, international cooperation talks, and regional security collaborations has positioned Nigeria as a voice of influence in global security discourse once again. At home, his involvement in military policy evaluation, counter-terrorism discussions and national defence restructuring reflects a minister who understands the urgency of Nigeria’s security needs, and shows up to work daily to address them.

Away from partisan battles, Matawalle has proven to be a bridge — between North and South, civilian leadership and military institutions, Nigeria and the wider world. His presence in government offers a mix of loyalty, performance and deep grounding in national interest, the type of partnership every President needs in turbulent times.

This is why calls, campaigns and whisperings aimed at undermining or isolating him must be resisted. Nigeria cannot afford to discourage its best-performing public servants, nor tighten the atmosphere for those who stand firmly for unity and national progress. The nation must learn to applaud where there is performance, support where there is loyalty, and encourage where there is commitment.

Hon. Bello Matawalle deserves commendation, not suspicion. Support — not sabotage. Encouragement, not exclusion from political strategy or power alignment due to narrow interests.

History does not forget those who stood when it mattered. Matawalle stands today for President Tinubu, for security, for loyalty, for national service. And in that place, he has earned a space not only in the present political equation, but in the future judgment of posterity.

Nigeria needs more leaders like him. And Nigeria must say so openly.

Adebayor Adetunji, PhD
A communication strategist and public commentator
Write from Akure, Ondo State, Nigeria

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Opinion

Drug Abuse Among People With Disabilities: The Hidden Crisis Nigeria Is Yet to Address

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By Abdulaziz Ibrahim

Statistically Invisible, Persons with Disabilities feel shut out of Nigeria’s drug abuse war as a report from Adamawa reveals lacks data and tailored support needed, forcing a vulnerable group to battle addiction alone.

In Adamawa State, the fight against drug abuse is gaining attention, but for many people living with disabilities (PWDs), their struggles remain largely unseen. A new report has uncovered deep gaps in support, treatment, and data tracking for PWDs battling addiction despite official claims of equal access.

For nearly three decades, Mallam Aliyu Hammawa, a visually impaired resident of Yola, navigated a world increasingly shrouded by drug dependency. He first encountered psychoactive substances through friends, and what began as casual use quickly escalated into long-term addiction.

“I used cannabis, tramadol, tablets, shooters everything I could get my hands on,” he recalled. “These drugs affected my behaviour and my relationship with the people close to me.”

Family members say his addiction changed him entirely. His friend, Hussaini Usman, described feeling “sad and worried” when he realized Aliyu had fallen into drug use.

Aliyu eventually made the decision to quit. It was marriage and the fear of hurting his wife that finally forced him to seek a new path. “Whenever I took the drugs, I felt normal. But my wife was confused about my behaviour,” he said. “I decided I had to stop before she discovered the full truth of what I was taking.”

A National Problem With Missing Data

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Nigeria has one of the highest drug-use rates in West Africa, according to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). Over 14 million Nigerians between the ages of 15 and 64 use psychoactive substances. Yet, within that massive user base, PWDs are statistically invisible.

There is almost no national data on drug abuse among persons with disabilitiesa critical gap that experts warn makes it impossible to design effective, inclusive rehabilitation programmes.

Ibrahim Idris Kochifa, the Secretary of the Adamawa State Association of Persons with Physical Disability, told this reporter that PWDs face unique, systemic pressures that intensify their vulnerability to drug abuse, specifically citing poverty, unemployment, isolation, and social discrimination.

“Whenever a person with disability is caught with drugs, the common decision is to seize the drugs and let him go,” Kochifa said, speaking on behalf of the disabled community leadership. “But if they consult us, we have advice to offer on how they can be treated and rehabilitated. Without involving us, no programme will fully benefit people with disabilities.”

NDLEA Responds

At the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) Command in Adamawa, officials insist their services are open to everyone without discrimination.

Mrs. Ibraham Nachafia, the Head of Media and Advocacy for the NDLEA Adamawa State Command, said during an interview, “Our rehabilitation centre is open to all. There is no discrimination. Anyone including persons with disabilities can access treatment.”

While the official position suggests inclusiveness, disability advocates call it “tokenistic.” They argue that equal access on paper does not translate to tailored support in practice. True rehabilitation for PWDs requires specialized counselling that understands their unique traumas, physically accessible facilities, and significantly stronger community engagement to prevent relapse.

A Call for More Inclusive Action

Advocates are now urging the Nigerian government and drug-control agencies to build a response framework that recognizes PWDs as a vulnerable group in need of targeted support.

The advocate Goodness Fedrick warns that until rehabilitation and prevention programmes reflect the realities faced by people with disabilities, Nigeria’s battle against drug abuse will remain incomplete.

For people like Aliyu Hammawa, who managed to recover without structured support, the message is clear: many others may not be as fortunate.

This story highlights the urgent need for inclusive, data-driven, and community-supported approaches in Nigeria’s fight against drug addiction. Until the nation sees and serves this ‘hidden crisis,’ its overall battle against addiction will continue to be fought with one hand tied behind its back.

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