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Opinion

The imperative of a Muslim-Muslim ticket for APC

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Bola Ahmad Tinubu

 

Abdussamad Jibia

The All Progressive Congress (APC) is no doubt a party that brings together some of the most outstanding politicians in Nigeria. However, what makes the APC most attractive is the fact that it is in power. It seized this power from the PDP, a party that ruled Nigeria for 16 years and adjudged to be a failure by majority of Nigerians including their President, Alhaji Muhammadu Buhari. That is why despite all the shortcomings of the APC Federal Government and the economic and security challenges confronting them, Nigerians do not see PDP as the solution.

One manifestation of the interest Nigerians have in the APC is the occupation of social media discussions, radio and television programmes and interpersonal group discussions by the APC Presidential ticket. Last week, Asiwaju Bola Ahmad Tinubu, a devout Muslim from Lagos won the APC Presidential primary election with a landslide to qualify as the party flag bearer in the February 2023 presidential election. As is the tradition, Alhaji Tinubu, a southerner is expected to pick a Northerner as his running mate that shall serve as the Vice President in the event that the party succeeds in winning the presidential elections.

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But there is also another tradition. Christian flagbearers usually pick Muslim running mates and Muslim flagbearers pick Christian running mates. The examples are many. In fact, since the Nigeria’s return to party politics that has been the case. First it was Obasanjo/Atiku, then Yaradua/Jonathan followed by Jonathan/Sambo and now Buhari/Osinbajo. But in all these examples, the Muslims are Northerners and the Christians are southerners. There is no problem, since it can be said with a good degree of accuracy that Christians are the majority in the South and a negligible minority in the North.

Now, should Asiwaju pick a Northern Nigerian Christian as his running mate? I listened to many arguments. The Governor of Kaduna state Mallam Nasiru Elrufai, for example, said religion does not matter in the choice of a running mate. What matters, according to him, is competence. This argument is faulty considering that fact that democracy is about the choice of the majority, a choice characteristically influenced by many factors that include ethnicity, religion, gratifications, etc. in our country. If it is just about merit, candidates would be selected based on their performance in a standard examination on governance organized by my colleagues in Political sciences.

The CAN position is the most uncouth and uncivilized. This group of Nigerians think they have the monopoly of violence and always use threats instead of valid logic. If their position were backed by sound logic all they have to do is to present their arguments to Nigerians including Christians and non-Christians like every other individual and group does and the rest shall be for Nigerians to judge. Again, in politics threat is the language of someone who has no one to influence and it is obvious that Nigerian peace-loving Christians have lost faith in CAN and are no longer influenced by its rantings.

The fact is, any step taken by a political party preparing for an election is carefully taken to attract majority votes from the electorates. This includes choice of its flagbearer and their running mate, its manifesto which unfortunately majority of Nigerian voters do not read, its campaign strategy, etc.

Now, who are the majority voters in Northern Nigeria and what is their relationship with the minority? What would happen to the chances of APC if this majority realizes that the party is succumbing to threats like that of CAN to select its running mate? Is it by force to vote for the ruling party afterall? Can’t they look and vote for an alternative?

Religion was not captured in the 2006 census but we can have a good idea of the Muslim:Christian ratio in the North by considering the ratio of elected politicians in the North. Of the 19 elected governors in the North, 16 are Muslims representing 84.2 % while three are Christians representing 15.8 % in the North and 8 % nationwide. Of the 58 senators from the North, nine are Christians representing 15.5 % in the North and 9 % in the entire country. In the North Central geopolitical zones, there are more Muslims than Christians. Four of the six elected governors in the North Central are Muslims with the other two being Christians.

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The meaning of these figures is that Northern Christians are a very small minority compared to their Northern Muslim compatriots. Their number is even much smaller when the country is considered as a whole, and much smaller if we take into cognizance the fact that most Christians in the North would not vote for APC regardless of its flagbearer or his running mate. You may wish to look at the voting pattern of Benue, Taraba and Southern Kaduna.

Over the years, activities of groups like CAN have set Northern Christian minority against the Muslim majority. It is so bad that in any Northern Nigerian community where Christians are the majority, the story is that of hate and violence against Muslims. The examples are many. For example, as I am writing this piece, there is no single Muslim left in Tafawa Balewa, the hometown of the first Nigerian prime minister. The few Muslims who have not been killed have migrated to Bauchi and other places. Incidentally, that is the constituency of Yakubu Dogara, one the Northern Christians being mentioned in the selection of a running mate for the APC flagbearer. In the event Dogara becomes the running mate of Asiwaju, the question every Northern Nigerian Muslim would ask is, is it compulsory for me to vote for my killer?

Other examples of Christian communities known for their violence against Muslims are Plateau state and southern Kaduna. Over the last several decades, whole Muslim communities have been attacked and nearly wiped out in these places. When commissions of enquiry are set up, the grievances of the Northern Christians have always been that they are dominated by emirs, their great grandparents were enslaved, they are not given opportunities, etc.

Muslims have made many overtures in states where they have the majority in order to take Christians along and make them feel at home. An example of this is Kaduna state. It has always been ensured that the Deputy Governor of Kaduna is a Christian even though a Muslim-Muslim ticket can win with a landslide as demonstrated in 2019. To give Christian maximum opportunity, Muslim politicians were once suppressed to allow for a Christian to become the governor. Where in the whole of Christian world has this ever happened? To address their complaints of being traditionally ruled by emirs, chiefdoms were created for them by Makarfi administration. It was after all these overtures that the same people killed over 1000 Muslims on one day in Zonkwa. Those who are saying that appointing a Christian as the running mate of Asiwaju would bring Christians and Muslims closer are probably not aware of this.

Compare the case of Kaduna with that of Plateau. Plateau has a population of Muslims equivalent to the population of Christians in Kaduna state. Yet, a Muslim has never been a Deputy Governor, much less a Governor of that state. Attacks on Muslim communities in Plateau and Southern Kaduna only ceased because of the Fulani herders who, unlike the Hausa, would always revenge when they are attacked. When the intolerant Christians realized that it is a war they cannot win they had to declare peace.

That does not mean Muslim travelers are not intercepted in Plateau and massacred. We are very much aware of the murder of General Idris Alkali by Lafendeg non-Muslims. Somehow, all the suspects arrested have been released due to the influence of the Governor, Simon Bako Lalong. We saw how he was running up and down between the state house and Defence headquarters to make sure that the culprits were not punished and not even a fly of Plateau state has been convicted due to the murder of General Idris, a high profile Muslim General.

Those who are pushing for Lalong to become Asiwaju’s running mate are probably ignorant of this. If Lalong who is only a Governor can successfully follow up to make sure that murderers of Muslims are not punished, what would happen if tomorrow he sits as the Acting President with full control of the security apparatus of the country and a similar thing happens?

Now take Babachir and the more charismatic Boss Mustapha. Both of them are from Adamawa state and were appointed by Mr. President only because he is Buhari, the darling of Northerners. The only question I have here is that do they have the political strength to defeat Atiku in their state. Certainly no. Outside Adamawa, other rules apply.

This writeup is not meant to malign any politician. All the Christian politicians I have mentioned above have APC dear to their heart and wouldn’t like to see it lose at the polls. That is also the intention here.

Northern Nigerian Christians have not adequately prepared themselves for elections at National level due to unnecessary inferiority complex and hate towards their Muslim neighbours. Of course there are very good ones among them as no rule exists without exception. However, collective behaviour of a community is used to assess a people anywhere.

For now, Northern Christians may wish to set their house in order and plan for the future. Elections are not won by threats but by careful planning and building bridges.

Professor Abdussamad Umar Jibia
14/06/2022

Opinion

Kashim Shettima and the Question of Continuity in 2027

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Kashim S

By Baba Dantiye, MON, mni, FNGE

As Nigeria gradually approaches another election cycle, political discussions are naturally beginning to focus on the choices that will shape the 2027 general elections. Among the issues attracting attention is the question of presidential tickets and, particularly, the role of Vice President Kashim Shettima within the current administration.

The choice of a running mate is one of the most significant decisions in any presidential contest. It involves considerations that go beyond electoral calculations. Factors such as competence, experience, political balance, governance record, public perception and the ability to complement the President’s vision all play important roles.

Against this background, the performance, public service record and leadership contributions of Vice President Kashim Shettima have become central to discussions about continuity and the future direction of the Tinubu administration.

Since assuming office in May 2023, Shettima has occupied an important position within the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. As Vice President, his responsibilities have included representing the President at official engagements, chairing strategic meetings, coordinating government initiatives and engaging with national and international stakeholders.

One of the notable features of the Tinubu-Shettima partnership has been the public display of cooperation between the President and his deputy. Nigeria’s political history has witnessed instances where relationships between presidents and vice presidents became strained, creating distractions that affected governance. The relatively smooth working relationship between the two leaders has been viewed by observers as an important factor in maintaining stability within the administration.

Shettima has consistently presented himself as a supportive deputy, focusing on responsibilities assigned to him and contributing to the implementation and communication of government policies.

In political leadership, loyalty is often considered alongside competence and capacity. A Vice President is expected not only to support the President but also to bring experience, judgment and independent value to governance. Supporters of Shettima point to his ability to maintain this balance by remaining committed to the administration while drawing from his extensive background in public service.

His leadership of the National Economic Council (NEC) is one of the key areas in which his role has attracted attention. The Council provides a platform for collaboration between the Federal Government and state governments on issues affecting economic development, infrastructure, agriculture, energy and other national priorities.

Chairing such a body requires political maturity, patience and the ability to manage diverse interests. Nigeria’s governors represent different political parties, regions and perspectives. Effective coordination therefore depends on consultation, dialogue and consensus-building.

As a former Governor of Borno State, Shettima brings practical experience of state administration and an understanding of the challenges faced by sub-national governments. This background has been useful in facilitating discussions between the Federal Government and State leaders on issues requiring collective action.

The Vice President has also been involved in government efforts relating to economic coordination, food security and other national development priorities. While the long-term impact of many policies will continue to be assessed, his role demonstrates the importance of coordination and collaboration in a complex federal system.

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Another area frequently discussed is his role in communicating government policies. The current administration has introduced significant economic reforms that have generated extensive public debate. In such circumstances, communication and public engagement become important elements of governance.

Shettima has consistently used public platforms to explain government positions, engage stakeholders and present the administration’s perspective on national issues. His approach has generally emphasised patience, understanding and the long-term objectives of government programmes.

Beyond his current office, Shettima’s experience as Governor of Borno State remains an important part of his public record. He governed during one of the most challenging periods in Nigeria’s recent history, when the Boko Haram insurgency created serious security and humanitarian difficulties.

Leading Borno State during that period required resilience, crisis management skills and the ability to work with security agencies, traditional institutions, humanitarian organisations and development partners. His administration operated under extraordinary circumstances while attempting to sustain government services and support affected communities.

That experience contributed to his understanding of security management, humanitarian challenges and the relationship between peace, stability and development.

His political journey also reflects experience across different levels of governance. Before becoming Vice President, he served in the Senate, where he participated in national legislative processes and gained further exposure to federal governance. His experience as a former governor, legislator and Vice President has shaped his understanding of Nigeria’s political and administrative environment.

Observers have also highlighted his relationship with his successor in Borno State as an example of political transition without public disagreement. In Nigeria’s political environment, where transitions between elected officials can sometimes lead to conflicts, peaceful succession and institutional continuity are often regarded as positive developments.

The Vice President’s relationship with Northern stakeholders has also formed part of discussions around his political relevance. Through engagements with traditional institutions, business communities, professional groups and other stakeholders, he has remained one of the administration’s prominent voices in explaining government policies and national priorities.

The North remains an important component of Nigeria’s political landscape, and leaders from the region have historically played significant roles in national affairs. Shettima’s experience and political network have contributed to his visibility in national conversations.

However, the question of a presidential ticket involves broader considerations beyond the performance of an individual office holder. Political parties must consider issues such as national spread, electoral strategy, changing alliances, public sentiment and the overall objectives of the party.

Different perspectives will naturally emerge as Nigeria moves closer to 2027. Some may emphasise continuity and the value of retaining an established partnership, while others may advocate different approaches based on evolving political circumstances. Such debates are part of the democratic process.

Ultimately, the decision on the composition of the presidential ticket will rest with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and the leadership of the All Progressives Congress. Their decision will reflect political consultations, strategic considerations and their assessment of what best serves their objectives and the country.

Nevertheless, public discussion remains important because democracy is strengthened when citizens assess leaders based on performance, responsibility and contributions to national development.

A successful administration depends not only on policies but also on teamwork among those entrusted with implementing them. Stability, trust and institutional experience are valuable assets in governance, particularly in a country as complex and diverse as Nigeria.

Whether continuity is ultimately preferred or a different path is chosen, the debate underscores an enduring principle: democratic leadership is strengthened when decisions are informed by performance, experience, constitutional responsibility and the public interest. As Nigeria looks ahead to 2027, the experience, service and contributions of Kashim Shettima will remain central to any serious assessment of the choices before the nation.

About the Writer

Baba Dantiye, MON, mni, FNGE, is a former Commissioner for Information and Internal Affairs, Kano State and former President of the Nigerian Guild of Editors (2003–2008)

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Opinion

History Matters:Development Should Not Be Rebranded-Tijjani Sarki

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Kano Map

 

 

Tijjani Sarki

I have always believed that governments should be applauded for genuine achievements. But I am equally convinced that no administration earns public trust by taking credit for projects it did not initiate.

The historical record on the Kano Northern Bypass and the Bagwai (Watari) Irrigation Scheme is clear. The Northern Bypass was initiated in 2007 under President Olusegun Obasanjo, while the Bagwai Irrigation Scheme has existed for decades as part of the Kano River irrigation programme. If the Tinubu administration has accelerated work on the bypass, it deserves commendation. However, advancing an inherited project is not the same as conceiving it.

I was particularly amazed by a recent post from a political aide to the President, which portrayed the Kano Northern Bypass and the Bagwai Irrigation Scheme as achievements of the Tinubu administration without clearly distinguishing between inherited projects and the administration’s specific interventions. My brother, what the people of Kano expect from you is not the rebranding of long-standing projects, but your influence in attracting new, tangible federal projects to our state. That, more than anything else, would be a legacy worthy of recognition.

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I am often skeptical whenever political communication attempts to replace facts with convenient narratives. Governments earn greater credibility when they acknowledge the foundations laid by their predecessors while demonstrating the value they have added.

To be fair, the Renewed Hope Housing Programme deserves recognition. However, many working Nigerians and low-income families, the overwhelming majority of our population, still question whether such houses are genuinely within their reach.

As a Kano indigene, my greater concern is not who claims inherited projects but what our numerous presidential appointees are attracting to the state. Kano is proud of their appointments, yet their developmental footprint remains far less visible than many expected.

Rather than engaging in avoidable historical revision, I expect our presidential appointees, individually or collectively, to leverage their positions to attract fresh federal investments in irrigation, water resources, healthcare, education, roads, power, agriculture, and industrial development. Kano needs new projects that address its pressing developmental challenges, not borrowed glory wrapped in political narratives.

History remembers those who create lasting legacies, not those who merely claim inherited ones.

Tijjani Sarki
Good Governance Advocate and Public Policy Analyst
From the Ancient City of Kano
17th July,2026

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Opinion

Christian Genocide Debate in Nigeria: Examining the Facts, Statistics, and Different Perspectives.

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By Ayoola Esther Ifeoluwa

Introduction

Few security issues in Nigeria generate as much debate as claims that Christians are facing genocide. International politicians, religious organizations, journalists, and scholars have expressed different opinions. Understanding this issue requires examining the available statistics alongside the broader context of Nigeria’s security challenges.

Arguments Supporting the Genocide Claim

The Sun Nigeria reports that several Christian organizations argue that many attacks deliberately target Christian villages, churches, and clergy. They point to repeated attacks in Benue, Plateau, Kaduna, and Borno, where churches have been destroyed and worshippers killed. Some advocacy groups estimate that tens of thousands of Christians have died since 2009 and describe the violence as systematic persecution.

Arguments Against the Genocide Label

Other researchers disagree with using the term genocide. Data from the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED) indicate that although Christians have suffered serious attacks, Muslims have also been victims of terrorism, banditry, and communal violence. Many experts therefore describe Nigeria’s insecurity as a combination of terrorism, farmer-herder conflict, organized crime, weak governance, and competition over natural resources rather than a coordinated campaign to eliminate Christians nationwide.

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Key Statistics

According to ACLED, more than 20,400 civilians were killed in nearly 12,000 attacks across Nigeria between January 2020 and September 2025.

According to ThisDay, various organisations have reported that many Christians have been killed or kidnapped in recent years, although exact figures remain disputed.

Recent Reuters reports indicate that violence has continued in Benue and Plateau States, resulting in repeated loss of lives, displacement, and destruction of property. In Plateau State, attacks in communities such as Bokkos, Barkin Ladi, Mangu, Jos North, and surrounding areas have claimed many lives. In Benue State, attacks have also been reported in Katsina-Ala, Kwande, Agatu, and Otukpo, while security agencies have intensified patrols following the killing of the Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association of Nigeria (MACBAN) State Chairman. These incidents highlight the continuing humanitarian and security challenges facing both states.

A Balanced View

Evidence suggests that some attacks have clear religious dimensions, particularly those carried out by extremist groups such as Boko Haram and ISWAP. In other cases, especially farmer-herder conflicts, religious identity overlaps with ethnic and economic disputes, making it difficult to attribute every incident solely to religion.

Overall, the available evidence suggests that Christians have experienced serious persecution and violence in several regions of Nigeria. However, legal experts remain divided on whether the situation satisfies the international legal definition of genocide.

Conclusion

The debate over Christian genocide in Nigeria is unlikely to end soon because of the different interpretations of the evidence. What is beyond dispute is that thousands of Nigerians, both Christians and Muslims, have lost their lives due to insecurity. The priority should be to strengthen security, prosecute perpetrators, support victims, and address the root causes of violence, including poverty, weak institutions, environmental pressures, and political failures.

Sources
Reuters
ACLED (Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project)
ThisDay
The Sun Nigeria

By Ayoola Esther Ifeoluwa
200 Level Student
Department of Development and Strategic Communication
University of Abuja.

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