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Abduljabar’s Shiite Agenda And Blasphemy

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Ibrahim Ado-Kurawa

Abduljabar Nasiru Kabara has confirmed that he is a Shiite. But there is need to examine the trajectory of Shiism in Nigeria and their strategies since they first manifested as internationalist propagandists.

Sunni Islam is predominant in Nigeria since the arrival of Islam in the Sudan. Shehu Usman Danfodio and his successors reinforced this position. In 1979 Ayatullah Khomenei led the Shiite Revolution in Iran, which he called Islamic Revolution. He gained the sympathy of many Muslims across the world because of American antagonism towards his Shiite State.

 

In Nigeria many students sympathized with the Iranian cause. One of such students was Ibrahim Yakubu (aka ElZakzaki). He recruited many followers in the university not in the name of Shiism because at that time he did not profess to be Shiite.

He was more inclined to Muslim Brothers (Ikhwan of Egypt and Syria) and he used their books for preaching and propagation of his ideas. Even Khomenei at that time did not insist all Muslims should become Shiites. In fact the Iranians even pledged to edit and translate the literature of the Sokoto leaders. This was in the formative stage. It was a deliberate action that enticed innocent people who thought Khomenei was genuine. I visited Iran in 1983 and since then I realized that their aim was not Islam but Shiite propagation and recruitment for Iranian imperialist expansionism.

All the rhetoric against the USA is only a deceitful deviance. After all Iran is now a major financier of terrorism and other high stake crimes such as drug dealings and laundering of counterfeit currency. These are not Islamic actions.

Breaking:Kano Government bans Islamic Cleric, Abduljabbar Nasiru Kabara from sermon, closes his mosque over inciting comments.
Many student activists visited Iran but ElZakzaki became the focal person. Abdulkarim Kaura Namoda met Khomenei who promised and directed that Nigerian version of Hizbollah terrorist organization should be founded under his command.

This did not materialize because of his rivalry with ElZakzaki. Gradually ElZakzaki transmuted and became a full Shiite. The Islamist political activists deserted him and his Shiism became public knowledge. Others who went to Iran to study returned as Shiites some were trained as theologians while others in the natural sciences.

 

Shiites were recruited from the rural areas and from the urban vulnerable. They established their cells in many states of Northern Nigeria. The Shiite Republic of Iran and its clients supported Shiite groups across the country. They established schools in many parts of Northern Nigeria. They commenced the recruitment drive.

 

The first targets were Islamists in educational institutions where they recruited as much as they could. The next targets were followers of Sufi brotherhoods (Darikas).

The reason for targeting them was political as most of them were against Saudi religious propaganda. This was the soft point of people like Abduljabar and some of them were eventually converted.

Meanwhile Ibrahim ElZakzaki became the de-facto leader of Shiites in Nigeria even though some who were trained in Iran resisted because of his intellectual deficiency. They even claimed that they are apolitical and that they have nothing to do with ElZakzaky’s confrontation with the State. The incapacitation of ElZakzaki has created a vacuum up for the grabs.

 

Abduljabar is about to fill that vacuum. He has requested Iran to support him. This is a clear manifestation of his agenda. He uses misrepresentation of Islam propagated by orientalists, out right lies and virulent narratives to entice the many ignorant and unemployed youths. This was the same strategy used by Maitatsine earlier and ElZakzaki, who subsequently eliminated Abdulkarim Kaura, the Zamfara prince who eventually became a psychiatric case.

 

Abduljabar’s agenda is to recruit as many gullible people into Shiism as possible. This could be achieved through the mass media by exploiting the intellectual and material weaknesses of the society and the secularist contradictions of the Nigerian State. He falsely claims, through his postures that he wants to purge Islam of adulteration according to him as a result of the lies fabricated against the Prophet (SAW), which have remained in the books of Ahl Sunna. He claims that all the Ahl Sunnah are misguided and by extension Shaykh Nasiru Kabara his father who lived as a scholar of the Ahl Sunna doctrine and never challenged the books of Hadith, Fiqh or even the Ash’ari School of Theology. All these according to the claims of Abduljabar must be discarded.

And he has nothing to offer apart from disjointed quotations since he is not even grounded in Fiqh. Sometimes when it suits him, he condemns the great Muslim Jurists who espoused the rules of Fiqh.

His aim is to confuse the listeners and eventually recruit them into deviant Shiite doctrine since most of them are ignorant.

 

Abduljabar is not a scholar but a propagandist so he assumes everyone is ignorant. There is nothing original or scholarly in his ranting. Every student not even scholar knows that Christianity, Islam, Shiism have their epistemology.

They have the rules upon which they establish their beliefs. So if anyone wants to reform any practices of any people that claim to be adherents of these faiths he must follow the established rules. For example when Martin Luther decided to reform the Church he did not challenge Trinity or the fundamental practices approved by the early Church.

Those engaged in polemics against Christianity can bring so many phrases that contradict each other in the Bible.

Such polemics can even prove that the Council of Nicaea in 325 AD was a later contrivance presided by unbaptized Christian and it made Trinity the Final Doctrine of Christianity. But no Christian will ever accept this as a reason to discard Trinity or even shake his faith in it. This is because Christ said to Simon the fisherman: “And I also say to you that you are Peter, and on this rock I will build My church and the gates of Hades shall not prevail against it” (Matthew 16: 18).

According to Christian teaching the Holy Spirit guided the institution of the Church after Christ and it has final authority on Faith hence it promulgated all the important creeds especially that of Chalcedon in AD 451. It was the Church not Christ that decided what should even be in the Bible. Thus “St. Paul in writing letters to the congregations of disciples in Rome and other centers had no idea that he was helping to construct a New Testament” of the Bible (Wilfred Cantwell Smith The Meaning and End of Religion Fortress Press Minneapolis 1991 p. 94). In this respect Shiism is closer to Christianity than Islam because it was created after the Prophet (SAW).

 

In Islam not Shiism, there is no clergy or Church as in the case of Christianity. There are certain principles outlined which all scholars know and they use them to discern any issue hence it is possible reach consensus without any meeting.

This was how every issue was resolved since the time of the companions. As it is clear now on the blasphemy of Abduljabar, when he equated himself with the Prophet (SAW) in widely circulated video. Shiism, on the other hand is different as it was invented after the Prophet (SAW) because of politics. Everything revolves around their Imams who are infallible and they came after our beloved Prophet (SAW).

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Anything that does not elevate them must be interpreted to have that meaning. Some Shiites do not even pray the Juma’a because the Imam of the time is hidden until Khomenei elevated his own status to that of Velayat-e Faqih, a new concept in Shiism, which he introduced to assume the role of the representative of the Imam and he directed them to pray. His authority to his followers is similar to that of the Pope hence he made decrees in absence of the Imam who is the supreme Shiite authority. So the positions of Ahl Sunnah on the Qur’an and Hadith are different from those of the Shiites but Abduljabar will never say this. Because his aim is to use his fraud to hoodwink the ignorant and disconnect them from the Sunnah and then introduce them to his Shiite false doctrine that was invented after the Prophet (SAW).

The Qur’an is the Word of Allah and is recited by Muslims as revealed, to our beloved Prophet (peace and blessings be upon him). Qur’an is unadulterated and has remained as revealed ever since and it shall forever remain because the Muslims have the Qur’an in their memory. Not all Shiites believe this. This is because of their hatred for Sayyiduna Usman and the fact that their false doctrines cannot stand if they accept the Finality and Divinity of the Qur’an (Word of ALLAH). Anyone who doubts the authenticity of the Qur’an is not a Muslim. Some Shiites, who did not reach the level of kufr (unbelief) do not out rightly reject the Qur’an but misinterpret its meanings whenever it does not satisfy their desires. But this is more difficult for them to openly declare hence the only strategy is to attack the Hadith literature and generate confusion in the minds of the ignorant and the gullible. If Abduljabar succeeds in this adventure he will begin to openly attack the Qur’an.

 

Sunnah is the sum total of the “divinely guided” life style of the Prophet (SAW) as transmitted through an impeccable chain of narrators in authentic Hadith.  It includes all his statements and actions “as well as the statements and actions of others done in his presence which did not meet his disapproval. Hadith is the record of actions and sayings of the Prophet (SAW).”  Hadith, is also the record of sayings and actions of his companions done in his presence” (Philips, A. A. B.  1995 The Evolution of Fiqh: Islamic Law and the Madh-habs Riyadh p. 29), which he approved.  Hadith therefore is the record of the Sunnah. Scholars of Ahl Sunnah have categorized Hadiths and the majority of the Muslims accept these categorizations.

 

There are scholarly disagreements on Hadiths and also critiques of all Hadith collections. Analyses were done before using them for any Shari’ah rulings, which are accepted based on the principles outlined over one thousand years ago. One of the most important differences between Ahl Sunnah and deviant Shiites is in the principles accepted for authentication, rejection of Hadith and using them to make legal judgments. Yet Shiites with evil intention such as Abduljabar quote Hadith authenticated or rejected by Ahl Sunnah, make additions, misinterpret them and even translate the Arabic wrongly where possible since it is all about polemics not principles of knowledge.

This is because they have no Hadith collections to use in authenticating their heretic interpretations or engage in polemics but only have the fabricated sayings of their Imams and fabricated or misinterpreted Hadiths of the Ahl Sunnah.

The Shiites are able to engage in these evil actions because the Ahl Sunnah revere all the companions and most of the Shiite Imams therefore it is easy to find traditions in the collections of Ahl Sunnah that are attributed to these pious leaders.

It is a similar case with Christians it is an article of Faith of Ahl Sunnah to believe in the Prophets mentioned in the Bible even though Christians do not believe in our beloved Prophet SAW.

 

So why is Abduljabar different? He claims that he wants to purge Islam of contradictions according to him people are leaving the Faith because of such contradictions. Therefore he has appointed himself as a reformer, committed to refining all the corpus of knowledge of the Ahl Sunnah. This is deliberate to deceive the gullible. In his rhetoric he does not adhere to any principles. And he is not able to outline his own new principles since he does not even have the capacity to do that. For example Al-Sayid Sabiq decided to write Fiqh Sunnah because he was not satisfied with the principles of the Schools of Islamic Law (Madhahib) and Shaykh Nasirudeen Albani wrote Sifat Salat Nabi because he was not satisfied with the description of many scholars.

Abduljabar on the other hand is only interested in creating confusion not even the critique of the Hadith collections. He claimed that he studied Bukhari with his father Shaykh Nasir Kabara but was that how he taught him? Abduljabar is totally disrespectful to our beloved Prophet SAW because he does not adhere to the principles outlined in Ash-Shifa of Qadi that has been in Kano and continuously used for over 500 years. His father Shaykh Nasiru Kabara was very proud of Ash-Shifa and lived by its teachings. Based on the rulings in Ash-Shifa part four the chapter on ‘The Legal Judgment As Regards the One Who Characterizes Oneself with the Prophets’ Qualities”, Abduljabar should be indicted and punished for committing this blasphemy.

 

Some people are claiming that Abduljabar should be allowed to continue with his heresy because Nigeria is a democracy. But every democracy has certain values.

For example nobody dears to deny that there was Holocaust or even criticize Jews or the Lesbians and Gays (LGBT) in the Western countries. This support to LGBT is unchristian but it is strong in the West.

This is because “the Europe once coterminous with Christendom is now post-Christian and neo-pagan” (Roberts J. M. 1996 A History of Europe Oxford p.583) hence they elevated their desires above God’s prohibitions. Muslims can never accept elevating man above Allah’s Law.

 

Therefore in Kano, according to the position of Ahl Sunnah it is a crime to denigrate the Prophet (SAW) his family and companions. Those who oppose this position are either Shiites who want to damage the reputation of the Sunnah or ignorant people. Some of the Shiites, including the terrorist organization IMN and their sympathizers are angry that all Ahl Sunnah are united against Abduljabar so they invoke polemics against Ibn Taimiyah and Saudi-Iran rhetoric to seek support. The IMN Shiite agents of Iranian imperialism in their naivety think they can gain the sympathy of the Tijaniyya followers they mentioned in their release.

They will never because the Prophet (SAW) is too important to Ahl Sunnah. But to these Iranian imperialist agents their politics is more important than the integrity of the Prophet (SAW) because politics invented theology in Shiism. They use the Prophet (SAW) only for political gain as Khomenei did. They claim that Abduljabar has denied his insults against the Prophet (SAW), that this reason why he should be tried before a competent court, not to be exonerated by terrorists like, the IMN. All Ahl Sunnah are united including those they mentioned in their press statement this is the position of the truth because our beloved Prophet (SAW), his family and companions are more important than any sect or affiliation.

 

Is there any need to engage Abduljabar in a debate? All the issues concerning critique of Hadith have been discussed and understood by Ahl Sunna for over 1200 years culminating in the magisterial work of Ibn Hajar al-Asqalani (1372-1449). Abduljabar’s positions are very clear. He is Shiite. So there is no need to debate with him. The only thing that needs to be done is for him to face trial for blasphemy nothing more. If he is found guilty he should be punished according to the Shari’a Penal Law of Kano State. There is need for decisive action against him. This is not an infringement on his religious freedom. There is difference between religious freedom and criminality. He can be Shiite or an atheist but if denigrates our beloved Prophet SAW he is a criminal as far as the Law of this land is concerned.

He should not be allowed to use public platform to propagate Shiism using out of context quotations and outright lies. The Americans stopped Trump’s hate propaganda in the social media so those who look up to the West for guidance even there, they have red line. The red line in Muslim societies is the integrity of our beloved Prophet SAW. There is no place for that blasphemy in Kano State the choice was made over 1000 years ago just as one cannot go to Iran and propagate anti-Shiism of any kind.

 

The strategy of Abduljabar is to use rabble-rousing, creating confusion and finally offering Shiism to his audience. Most of his listeners are unaware that Shiism was invented after the Prophet (SAW) because of politics. Their politics created a new theology for them based on the supremacy of their Imams and belief in them is an article of faith in Shiism.

Therefore the Iranian imperialist agenda is to confuse innocent people through this propaganda of people like Abduljabar who misinterpret, wrongly translate Hadiths and interpolate with outright lies. Through this, they hope to recruit as many as possible and a gain foothold for imperialist Iran in the largest concentration of African Muslims. This must be stopped.

Opinion

Silence Is Complicity: How Peter Obi and Kwankwaso’s Failure to Repudiate Their Supporters’ Insults Against the Sardauna Exposes the True Character of the NDC Ticket

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In the political culture of Northern Nigeria, there is a particular category of test that every leader seeking the region’s trust must pass, not in a debate hall, not in a policy document, and not in the carefully managed environment of a presidential campaign rally, but in the unscripted, uncontrolled, and therefore most revealing moments when something is said or done that directly offends the values, the history, and the sacred memory of the people whose confidence that leader is seeking. It is in those moments, and only in those moments, that the depth of a leader’s respect for the north is truly measurable. Not by what they say about the north in their own speeches but by what they are prepared to say in defence of the north when it is being attacked by their own supporters. By that measure, the one that counts most in the court of northern political opinion, Peter Obi and Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso have failed a test of the most fundamental and the most consequential kind. And their failure is documented, verifiable, and sitting in the public record for every northern voter to read before casting their ballot in 2027.

The facts are these. In a publicly published article on Opinion Nigeria, a verified Obi supporter responding directly to a pro-northern commentary written by Sufyan Lawal Kabo, whose article on the NDC ticket’s northern viability has been widely circulated within political commentary circles, described Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto and Premier of Northern Nigeria, in the following terms. The Sardauna was characterised as a Fulani aristocrat who inherited power from the jihad.

His documented concerns about Igbo political dominance were dismissed as the testament of a conqueror who feared losing his conquered territory. And the legacy of one of the most consequential, most institution-building, most educationally transformative, and most internationally respected political figures in the entire history of northern Nigeria was reduced, in a single contemptuous paragraph, to the frightened posturing of an entitled hereditary ruler defending unearned privilege.
Let those words sit for a moment before we proceed. A Fulani aristocrat who inherited power from the jihad. The testament of a conqueror who feared losing his conquered territory. These are not the words of a political opponent engaging in legitimate historical debate.

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They are the words of someone who holds the Sardauna of Sokoto in contempt. Someone who regards his life’s work, the building of Ahmadu Bello University, the establishment of the Bank of the North, the creation of the Northern Regional Development Corporation, the construction of the 16,000-seat Ahmadu Bello Stadium in Kaduna, the cultivation of northern political consciousness that gave the region its voice in the first republic, as nothing more than the self-interested manoeuvring of an aristocratic class protecting inherited power. They are words that every northerner who has ever spoken the Sardauna’s name with pride, every student who has sat in the institution that bears his name, every community that has drawn on the legacy he built, and every family that traces its civic identity to the northern political tradition he helped define, has the right to hear, to evaluate, and to hold accountable.
And accountability, in a democracy, begins with leadership. When a political leader is seeking the votes of millions of people, they acquire, as an inseparable part of that solicitation, the responsibility to defend those people’s values, history, and sacred memory from disrespect, even when, and especially when, that disrespect comes from within their own political family. This is not an abstract principle invented for the purpose of this argument. It is the standard that has been applied consistently and correctly across Nigerian political history whenever leaders failed to speak up in the face of insults directed at communities they claimed to represent or to court.

It is the standard that northern voters have applied to every candidate who has ever sought their support. And it is the standard that Peter Obi and Kwankwaso have demonstrably and completely failed to meet in relation to the documented insult directed at the Sardauna of Sokoto by a verified member of their political community in a publicly accessible national publication.

Mohamed Hussaini writes from Bauchi.

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Opinion

A Library in One Man: The Legacy of Dr. Ibraheem Ladi Amosa

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The Pen that Teaches, the Mind that Illuminates, and the Legacy that Endures

There are men who merely pass through time, and there are men who leave footprints upon the sands of history. Ibraheem Ladi Amosa Abubakr Al Mu’allim, widely known as Albani belongs to the latter category—a rare intellectual craftsman, an educational reformer, a prolific author, and a visionary whose works continue to illuminate minds across continents.

A son of Ilorin, Nigeria, he emerged not merely as a teacher but as a bridge between tradition and modernity, dedicating his life to making Islamic knowledge, Arabic language, and contemporary education accessible to all. His journey is a testimony that greatness is not measured by titles alone but by the number of minds enlightened and hearts guided.

A Scholar of Many Horizons

Ibraheem Ladi Amosa is a distinguished educator, researcher, writer, and author whose intellectual contributions span across: Islamic Studies, Tawheed and Aqeedah, Fiqh and Hadith, Arabic Language Education, Children’s Islamic Literature, Social Reform, Ethics and Morality, Comparative Thought, Science and Technology Education, Community Development etc. His scholarship is characterized by a rare ability to simplify complex subjects without compromising their depth, making knowledge accessible to beginners while remaining beneficial to advanced learners.

A Pen That Refused to Sleep: Ibraheem Albani Al-Mu’allim Surpasses 100 Publications

Few scholars of his generation can boast of such a vast and diverse intellectual portfolio. Through dozens of publications and educational works, he has demonstrated extraordinary versatility and academic excellence. He is a prolific author, researcher, and educator with over one hundred and ten (110) publications in Arabic and English, covering diverse fields including ʿAqeedah (Islamic Creed), Fiqh, Hadith, Qur’anic Studies, Arabic Language, Education, History, Social Issues, Public Policy, Contemporary Islamic Thought, Community Development, and Youth Empowerment.

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His books such as “Simplified Islamic Quiz 300 Islamic Questions and answers for seekers of knowledge,” “100 Questions and Answers on Tawheed,” “600 Authentic Hadiths,” “Al-Eemaan,” “Fiqh Zakah with Evidence,” “Fiqhus Salaat with Evidence,” “The Sacred Legacy of Al-Aqsa,” “Daily Prophetic Adhkar,” and numerous Arabic educational manuals have become valuable resources for students, teachers, and seekers of knowledge worldwide.

An Architect of Accessible Knowledge

What distinguishes Ibraheem Ladi Amosa is not merely the quantity of his works but their transformative vision. He possesses the rare gift of turning difficult concepts into understandable lessons and transforming academic knowledge into practical guidance. His mission has never been to fill bookshelves; it has been to fill minds. His writings embody the timeless wisdom that: “Knowledge is not what is stored in books; knowledge is what transforms lives.”

A Legacy beyond the Classroom

While many teach within four walls, Ibraheem Ladi Amosa has chosen a larger classroom—the world itself. Through books, research, educational initiatives, and digital platforms, he has extended the reach of beneficial knowledge far beyond geographical boundaries.

His contributions continue to: strengthen Islamic literacy, promote authentic tawheed, encourage critical thinking, preserve Arabic language heritage, inspire future generations of learners, and build bridges between faith and contemporary realities.

The Rare Genius of Purpose

True genius is not the accumulation of information but the ability to transform information into guidance, wisdom, and societal benefit. Ibraheem Ladi Amosa exemplifies this principle. He writes not for applause but for impact. He teaches not for recognition but for transformation. He researches not for prestige but for posterity. His life reflects the profound truth that: “A candle loses nothing by lighting a thousand others.”

A Legacy in Motion

The story of Ibraheem Ladi Amosa is not merely the story of an author. It is the story of a builder of minds. A cultivator of intellects. A reviver of beneficial knowledge. A guardian of authentic Islamic teachings. A mentor whose pen continues to speak long after the ink has dried. As generations continue to benefit from his writings and educational contributions, his legacy stands as a reminder that the greatest wealth a person can leave behind is knowledge that benefits humanity.

“When history remembers the builders of minds, the name Ibraheem Ladi Amosa (Albani) will stand among those whose pens became lanterns and whose knowledge became a lasting charity for generations yet unborn. – Markaz

Markaz Ihyahis Sunnah Waikhmadil Bid’ah

markazihyaahisunnah@gmail.com, 48, Line Chairman, Maikalwa, Naibawa Yanlemu, Kano

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Opinion

A Governor the World Applauds: The Story Behind Abba Yusuf’s Remarkable Three-Year Awards Record

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By Hafiz Garba PhD,

In the long and complicated history of Nigerian governance, awards have too often been the currency of flattery rather than the fruit of performance. They have been given to the powerful because they are powerful, to the wealthy because they are wealthy, and to the politically connected because connection is its own reward in a system where accountability is frequently optional and excellence is rarely demanded. It is against that deeply ingrained culture of performative recognition that the awards record accumulated by Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf of Kano State across three years in office must be understood, because what distinguishes his recognition from the routine distribution of honorary plaques that passes for institutional commendation in too many Nigerian contexts is something specific, something verifiable, and something that the evidence of his governance record makes impossible to dismiss: these awards were earned.
They were earned in classrooms across 44 local government areas where children are learning in renovated buildings for the first time in years. They were earned in hospitals where emergency response vehicles now arrive at night when they previously did not exist. They were earned on roads that connect communities that were previously isolated, in boreholes that draw clean water from ground that was previously untapped, in solar streetlights that illuminate neighbourhoods that were previously dark, and in the accounts of 6,680 women entrepreneurs who received monthly empowerment stipends that changed the material conditions of their lives and the lives of their families. The awards are not the story. They are the world’s response to the story. And the story is three years of governance that has genuinely, measurably, and consistently put the people of Kano State first.
The awards began arriving early and have not stopped. Vanguard Newspaper named Governor Yusuf its Governor of the Year 2024 for Good Governance, citing the administration’s comprehensive approach to development and its demonstrated commitment to transparency and service delivery. Leadership Newspaper, one of Nigeria’s most respected national dailies, named him Governor of the Year 2024 for Education, specifically recognising the historic declaration of a state of emergency in the education sector and the extraordinary commitment of 30 percent of the state’s annual budget, the highest education budget share of any state in Nigeria, to the transformation of a system that had been in visible decline for years. The Nigerian Medical Association presented him with the Best Governor of the Year award, citing his administration’s substantial investments in primary healthcare, hospital renovation, drug supply, and the Abba Care health insurance scheme. The Daily News Agency named him Authentic Humanitarian Governor 2024, recognising the human dimension of a governance philosophy that has consistently prioritised the welfare of the most vulnerable members of Kano’s society over every other consideration.
The Africa Housing Awards presented Governor Yusuf with the Housing and Infrastructure-Friendly Governor of the Year recognition, with organisers describing him as the people’s governor and specifically citing his commitment to inclusive housing, urban renewal, and openness to innovative construction solutions that make quality housing accessible to ordinary citizens rather than merely to the economically privileged. The CREED Magazine Governor of the Year 2025 on Infrastructure and Good Governance added continental weight to a domestic recognition record that was already remarkable, acknowledging the scope and the ambition of an infrastructure investment programme that has reshaped Kano’s physical landscape across three years with a comprehensiveness that few Nigerian state administrations have matched.
And then came Casablanca. At the 14th African Leadership Magazine Persons of the Year Awards ceremony in Morocco, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf was named African Governor of the Year for Good Governance, an honour bestowed at a gathering of distinguished African leaders, statesmen, and institutional figures, at which he was recognised alongside Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, Director-General of the World Trade Organisation, and other continental luminaries whose careers have shaped the governance and development landscape of Africa. The award was presented by the President of Ghana, one of West Africa’s most respected democratic leaders, in a moment that placed Kano State’s governance record on an explicitly continental platform and communicated to an international audience that what Governor Yusuf has been building in the ancient commercial city of northern Nigeria is not merely of local or national significance but of the kind of quality and consequence that the African continent recognises and celebrates.
That moment in Casablanca deserves to be understood in its full historical context. Kano State has a five-century history as one of Africa’s great commercial and intellectual centres, a history that includes its role as the terminal point of trans-Saharan trade routes connecting sub-Saharan Africa to the Mediterranean world, its tradition of Islamic scholarship, and its position as the commercial capital of Northern Nigeria. For its governor to be recognised as the African Governor of the Year for Good Governance at a continental awards ceremony in Morocco is, in one sense, the most modern expression of a very old truth: that Kano’s significance extends beyond Nigeria, that its leaders carry responsibilities not merely to their immediate constituents but to a broader story of northern Nigerian achievement that the continent watches and respects. Governor Yusuf’s Casablanca recognition is not an anomaly in Kano’s history. It is a continuation of it.
What makes the awards record particularly significant from a governance analysis perspective is not merely its volume but its diversity. The recognitions have come from national newspapers, medical associations, housing organisations, infrastructure monitoring bodies, and continental leadership platforms. They have been granted by institutions with different mandates, different evaluation criteria, different political affiliations, and different institutional interests. None of them had any obligation to recognise Governor Yusuf. None of them had anything to gain from doing so beyond the credibility of having identified genuine excellence when it was present. The fact that institutions as different as the Nigerian Medical Association, the Africa Housing Awards, and the African Leadership Magazine have independently arrived at the same conclusion, namely that Abba Kabir Yusuf is governing Kano State with an unusual quality and commitment, is not a coincidence. It is a convergent verdict produced by the consistent application of different assessment criteria to the same governance reality.
As Kano marks its third anniversary on May 29, 2026, those awards line the walls of achievement not as decorations but as a documented, independently verified, and institutionally diverse record of a performance that has been seen, assessed, and recognised by the world beyond Kano’s borders. They are the external confirmation of what the people inside those borders already know from their daily experience: that they have a governor who came to office with a genuine commitment to their welfare, invested in it consistently across three difficult and turbulent years, and delivered outcomes that the most demanding and the most credible evaluators in Nigeria and across Africa have found worthy of the highest recognition available to them.
The world has applauded. And Kano, on its third anniversary, has every reason to stand and join in.

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