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 ASUU vs Buhari’s Government; What Kind of Public University Do We Want?

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ASUU President Prof ,Biodun Ogunyemi

 

 

By,

 

Abdelghaffar Amoka Abdelmalik

 

The interesting piece from Mr Salihu Muhammad Lukman, the DG of the Progressive Governors’ Forum is an indication that ASUU is alone in the fight for the survival of the public universities. While he analyzed the damage the ASUU strike has done to university education in Nigeria, he refused to x-ray the damage that the improper funding of the universities has done to university education. He also failed to critically evaluate the little input we had in public universities for the last 30 years. He deliberately refused to acknowledge that it is the proceeds o…

: Trumpet. The tone now is that the agreement reached with Jonathan’s government is not implementable. How amazing that the agreement they once supported is no more implementable. So, what were they supporting then? It is either they lack principle or Nigerian politicians generally lack principle.

 

You would have expected that as soon as the government took over in 2015 it will put up a committee from public universities, the government, and other stakeholders to review the NEEDS Assessment report of public universities and the 2009 and 2013 ASUU-FG agreements. And also be mandated to figure out ways to source funds for the implementation to permanently end the strikes and funding crisis in public universities. But it wasn’t the APC-led government priority, instead, ASUU and the university systems were left alone. The union has no meaningful audience and discussion with the government from 2015 till the declaration of the ASUU-2017 strike. Sadly, the onlookers ended up blaming ASUU, not FG. An agreement was then reached, the strike suspended, and the agreement was not implemented. Consequently, led to the ASUU-2018 strike. An agreement was reached that was again not implemented and along with IPPIS enforcement on the universities, the ASUU-2020 strike came up. Of course, the Federal government won’t get the blame for not implementing the agreement but ASUU. The strike is now suspended on conditions. If the agreement is not implemented by January 31st, 2021, ASUU will be blamed and not FG. But come to think of it. What sort of government will allow a strike to last for 9 months? 9 unbelievable months. Of course, ASUU is blamed and not FG. What sort of people watch the government-run an expensive democracy at the expense of education and other critical sectors and keep quiet?

ASUU STRIKES: Sack And Re-Apply Model As The Ultimate Solution

It is over 5 years of Buhari’s government, the government is fully aware of the decay in the education sector- the main reason why the president and his government officials send their kids abroad for education. Yet, FG has no clear policy to reposition education and universities in particular. So, what sort of Universities do we want to have? A mere clearing houses or institutions that can compete with any other one in the world like we use to have till the 70s? Meanwhile, even with the funding crisis in the universities, the federal and state governments are still establishing more universities without funding plans. What do APC governments intend to achieve with the current establishment of more universities and other tertiary institutions? Why does ASUU need to go on strike for the universities to get attention from the government? The amazing part is that those in the government that used to be in academics are not talking. Were they overpowered as a minority in the government or just a display of hypocrisy? FG is sure our employer through the respective University Governing Council. You want your employee to be productive? You give him all that he needs to be comfortable to work perfectly well.

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I got a postdoc job in Norway around May 2013 and in August 2013, I received an email that they are ready to receive me in Trondheim by 1st of Sept 2013. I eventually got there last week of September because I got d visa last week of August. I was shown my office with a brand new computer that was delivered just before my arrival. I was then taken to my lab located at SINTEF basement. And Lars said: Abdel, this is where you will be spending your 2 years and we laughed. In the lab was 2 High voltage sources, Omicron partial discharge detectors, photomultiplier tubes, CCD camera, amplifiers, oscilloscope, signal generators, pressure stuff, pressure test cell, etc. I met a complete lab that gladdens my heart and mine was to use all that was in there to get results.

 

Then, I had an issue securing a visa for my wife to join me. I was destabilized. The department and international office quickly took it over and we got a visa for my wife within a few days. And Lars said: Now that you can bring your wife here to be with you, I hope we can now have the whole of you here to do our work. My wife joined me, they got the whole of me and we got the results that were above their expectation. NTNU Trondheim is one of the public universities in Norway. That is a working system that wants results. They provide for you your every need and they are getting the results.

 

In Nigeria, very little is spent on research and teaching facilities in our universities. The undergraduate and postgraduate student laboratories are in a terrible state. Goodluck Jonathan’s PDP government put up the NEEDS Assessment committee that was chaired by Professor Mahmud Yakubu. They went around to assess the university infrastructures and they were pathetic scenes. The pictures were published. How can you train fully baked students for BSc, MSc, and Ph.D. degrees with such facilities? Universities are supposed to be research hubs blessed with a group of solution developers. So, how do you develop solutions without facilities and funds? These were among the reasons that made the FG NEEDS Assessment committee recommended that as of 2012, 1.3 trillion naira is required to revitalize the public universities.

 

President Buhari’s government has put a lot of emphasis on diversification and universities are sources of foreign exchange for many countries. The UK government estimates an income of over £5 billion excluding tuition fees from international students every year. International students contributed $45 billion to the U.S. economy in 2018, according to the U.S. Department of Commerce. International students were reported to contribute an average of RM7.2bn (£1.4bn) to Malaysia per year via tuition fees and other living expenses. Malaysian leaders not beclouded with greed were able to see that education is not just the key to national development but also a source of foreign exchange and they key into it. Education was allocated RM50.4 billion (over NGN4.6 trillion) in Malaysia’s 2021 budget proposal. The expectation in 2020 was to hit a target of 200,000 international students in Malaysia to generate RM15.6 billion. What is education to us? What are the expectations? How do we make our university programs attractive to international scholars without facilities? How do we make our universities attractive to the rest of the world without facilities? How do we get global recognition and ranking with our laboratories having 70s teaching facilities?

 

Chief Obafemi Awolowo was quoted to have said: “I do not want the children of my drivers to be drivers to my children, neither do I want the children of my cooks to be cooks to my children. Nevertheless I want free access to education for all”. It is time to define the kind of education that we want, public universities inclusive. If Buhari’s government is serious about public universities revitalization and sourcing for the fund to implement that, he needs to take charge like Jonathan did in 2013 and stop looking at the issue from a labor point of view and ministerial conciliatory meetings. It is not too late to put up a team of “serious-minded” people from the stakeholders with specific terms of reference and timeline to figure out ways to raise the fund to reposition the universities and improve the conditions of service of the university workers. That I think is the only way we can bring an end to the perennial strike actions in public universities.

Abdelghaffar Amoka Abdelmalik Department of Physics Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria.

aaabdelmalik@abu.edu.ng

Opinion

Dr Bello Matwallle: Why Dialogue Still Matters in the Fight Against Insecurity

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By Musa Iliyasu Kwankwaso

In the history of leadership, force may be loud, but wisdom delivers results. This is why security experts agree that while military action can suppress violence temporarily, dialogue is what permanently closes the door to conflict. It is a lesson the world has learned through blood, loss, and painful experience.

When Dr. Bello Matawalle, as Governor of Zamfara State, chose dialogue and reconciliation, it was not a sign of weakness. It was a different kind of courage one that placed the lives of ordinary citizens above political applause. A wise leader measures success not by bullets fired, but by lives saved.

Across conflict zones, history has consistently shown that force alone does not end insecurity. Guns may damage bodies, but they do not eliminate the roots of violence. This understanding forms the basis of what experts call the non-kinetic approach conflict resolution through dialogue, reconciliation, justice, and social reform.

When Matawalle assumed office, Zamfara was deeply troubled. Roads were closed, markets shut down, farmers and herders operated in fear, and citizens lived under constant threat. Faced with this reality, only two options existed: rely solely on military force or combine security operations with dialogue. Matawalle chose the path widely accepted across the world security reinforced by dialogue not out of sympathy for criminals, but to protect innocent lives.

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This approach was not unique to Zamfara. In Katsina State, Governor Aminu Bello Masari led peace engagements with armed groups. In Maiduguri granted amnesty to repentant offenders of Boko Haram, In Sokoto, dialogue was also pursued to reduce bloodshed. These precedents raise a simple question: if dialogue is acceptable elsewhere, why is Matawalle singled out?

At the federal level, the same logic applies. Through Operation Safe Corridor, the Federal Government received Boko Haram members who surrendered, offered rehabilitation and reintegration, and continued military action against those who refused to lay down arms. This balance
rehabilitation for those who repent and force against those who persist is the core of the non-kinetic approach.

Security experts globally affirm that military force contributes only 20 to 30 percent of sustainable solutions to insurgency. The remaining 70 to 80 percent lies in dialogue, justice, economic reform, and addressing poverty and unemployment. Even the United Nations states clearly: “You cannot kill your way out of an insurgency.”

During Matawalle’s tenure, several roads reopened, cattle markets revived, and daily life began to normalize. If insecurity later resurfaced, the question is not whether dialogue was wrong, but whether broader coordination failed.

Today, critics attempt to recast past security strategies as crimes. Yet history is not blind, and truth does not disappear. Matawalle’s actions were rooted in expert advice, national precedent, and global best practice.

The position of Sheikh Ahmad Gumi, who publicly affirmed that Matawalle’s approach was appropriate and that military force accounts for only about 25 percent of counterinsurgency success, further reinforces this reality. Such views cannot be purchased or manufactured; they reflect established security thinking.

In the end, dialogue is not a betrayal of justice it is often its foundation. And no amount of political noise can overturn decisions grounded in evidence, experience, and the priority of human life.

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Opinion

Matawalle: The Northern Anchor of Loyalty in Tinubu’s Administration

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By Adebayor Adetunji, PhD

In the broad and competitive terrain of Nigerian politics, loyalty is often spoken of, yet rarely sustained with consistency, courage and visible action. But within the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, one Northern appointee has demonstrated this quality not as a slogan, but as a lifestyle, as a political principle and as a national duty — Hon. (Dr.) Bello Muhammad Matawalle, Minister of State for Defence.

Since his appointment, Matawalle has stood out as one of the most loyal, outspoken and dependable pillars of support for the Tinubu administration in the North. He has never hesitated, not for a moment, to stand firmly behind the President. At every turn of controversy, in moments of public misunderstanding, and at times when political alliances waver, Matawalle has continued to speak boldly in defence of the government he serves. For him, loyalty is not an occasional gesture — it is a commitment evidenced through voice, alignment, and sacrifice.

Observers within and outside the ruling party recall numerous occasions where the former Zamfara State Governor took the front line in defending the government’s policies, actions and direction, even when others chose neutrality or silence. His interventions, always direct and clear, reflect not just loyalty to a leader, but faith in the future the President is building, a future anchored on economic reform, security revival, institutional strengthening and renewed national unity.

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But Matawalle’s value to the administration does not stop at loyalty. In performance, visibility and active delivery of duty, he stands among the most engaged ministers currently serving in the federal cabinet. His portfolio, centred on defence and security, one of the most sensitive sectors in the country, demands expertise, availability and unbroken presence. Matawalle has not only embraced this responsibility, he has carried it with remarkable energy.

From high-level security meetings within Nigeria to strategic engagements across foreign capitals, Matawalle has represented the nation with clarity and confidence. His participation in defence summits, international cooperation talks, and regional security collaborations has positioned Nigeria as a voice of influence in global security discourse once again. At home, his involvement in military policy evaluation, counter-terrorism discussions and national defence restructuring reflects a minister who understands the urgency of Nigeria’s security needs, and shows up to work daily to address them.

Away from partisan battles, Matawalle has proven to be a bridge — between North and South, civilian leadership and military institutions, Nigeria and the wider world. His presence in government offers a mix of loyalty, performance and deep grounding in national interest, the type of partnership every President needs in turbulent times.

This is why calls, campaigns and whisperings aimed at undermining or isolating him must be resisted. Nigeria cannot afford to discourage its best-performing public servants, nor tighten the atmosphere for those who stand firmly for unity and national progress. The nation must learn to applaud where there is performance, support where there is loyalty, and encourage where there is commitment.

Hon. Bello Matawalle deserves commendation, not suspicion. Support — not sabotage. Encouragement, not exclusion from political strategy or power alignment due to narrow interests.

History does not forget those who stood when it mattered. Matawalle stands today for President Tinubu, for security, for loyalty, for national service. And in that place, he has earned a space not only in the present political equation, but in the future judgment of posterity.

Nigeria needs more leaders like him. And Nigeria must say so openly.

Adebayor Adetunji, PhD
A communication strategist and public commentator
Write from Akure, Ondo State, Nigeria

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Opinion

Drug Abuse Among People With Disabilities: The Hidden Crisis Nigeria Is Yet to Address

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By Abdulaziz Ibrahim

Statistically Invisible, Persons with Disabilities feel shut out of Nigeria’s drug abuse war as a report from Adamawa reveals lacks data and tailored support needed, forcing a vulnerable group to battle addiction alone.

In Adamawa State, the fight against drug abuse is gaining attention, but for many people living with disabilities (PWDs), their struggles remain largely unseen. A new report has uncovered deep gaps in support, treatment, and data tracking for PWDs battling addiction despite official claims of equal access.

For nearly three decades, Mallam Aliyu Hammawa, a visually impaired resident of Yola, navigated a world increasingly shrouded by drug dependency. He first encountered psychoactive substances through friends, and what began as casual use quickly escalated into long-term addiction.

“I used cannabis, tramadol, tablets, shooters everything I could get my hands on,” he recalled. “These drugs affected my behaviour and my relationship with the people close to me.”

Family members say his addiction changed him entirely. His friend, Hussaini Usman, described feeling “sad and worried” when he realized Aliyu had fallen into drug use.

Aliyu eventually made the decision to quit. It was marriage and the fear of hurting his wife that finally forced him to seek a new path. “Whenever I took the drugs, I felt normal. But my wife was confused about my behaviour,” he said. “I decided I had to stop before she discovered the full truth of what I was taking.”

A National Problem With Missing Data

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Nigeria has one of the highest drug-use rates in West Africa, according to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). Over 14 million Nigerians between the ages of 15 and 64 use psychoactive substances. Yet, within that massive user base, PWDs are statistically invisible.

There is almost no national data on drug abuse among persons with disabilitiesa critical gap that experts warn makes it impossible to design effective, inclusive rehabilitation programmes.

Ibrahim Idris Kochifa, the Secretary of the Adamawa State Association of Persons with Physical Disability, told this reporter that PWDs face unique, systemic pressures that intensify their vulnerability to drug abuse, specifically citing poverty, unemployment, isolation, and social discrimination.

“Whenever a person with disability is caught with drugs, the common decision is to seize the drugs and let him go,” Kochifa said, speaking on behalf of the disabled community leadership. “But if they consult us, we have advice to offer on how they can be treated and rehabilitated. Without involving us, no programme will fully benefit people with disabilities.”

NDLEA Responds

At the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) Command in Adamawa, officials insist their services are open to everyone without discrimination.

Mrs. Ibraham Nachafia, the Head of Media and Advocacy for the NDLEA Adamawa State Command, said during an interview, “Our rehabilitation centre is open to all. There is no discrimination. Anyone including persons with disabilities can access treatment.”

While the official position suggests inclusiveness, disability advocates call it “tokenistic.” They argue that equal access on paper does not translate to tailored support in practice. True rehabilitation for PWDs requires specialized counselling that understands their unique traumas, physically accessible facilities, and significantly stronger community engagement to prevent relapse.

A Call for More Inclusive Action

Advocates are now urging the Nigerian government and drug-control agencies to build a response framework that recognizes PWDs as a vulnerable group in need of targeted support.

The advocate Goodness Fedrick warns that until rehabilitation and prevention programmes reflect the realities faced by people with disabilities, Nigeria’s battle against drug abuse will remain incomplete.

For people like Aliyu Hammawa, who managed to recover without structured support, the message is clear: many others may not be as fortunate.

This story highlights the urgent need for inclusive, data-driven, and community-supported approaches in Nigeria’s fight against drug addiction. Until the nation sees and serves this ‘hidden crisis,’ its overall battle against addiction will continue to be fought with one hand tied behind its back.

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