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 ASUU vs Buhari’s Government; What Kind of Public University Do We Want?

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ASUU President Prof ,Biodun Ogunyemi

 

 

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Abdelghaffar Amoka Abdelmalik

 

The interesting piece from Mr Salihu Muhammad Lukman, the DG of the Progressive Governors’ Forum is an indication that ASUU is alone in the fight for the survival of the public universities. While he analyzed the damage the ASUU strike has done to university education in Nigeria, he refused to x-ray the damage that the improper funding of the universities has done to university education. He also failed to critically evaluate the little input we had in public universities for the last 30 years. He deliberately refused to acknowledge that it is the proceeds o…

: Trumpet. The tone now is that the agreement reached with Jonathan’s government is not implementable. How amazing that the agreement they once supported is no more implementable. So, what were they supporting then? It is either they lack principle or Nigerian politicians generally lack principle.

 

You would have expected that as soon as the government took over in 2015 it will put up a committee from public universities, the government, and other stakeholders to review the NEEDS Assessment report of public universities and the 2009 and 2013 ASUU-FG agreements. And also be mandated to figure out ways to source funds for the implementation to permanently end the strikes and funding crisis in public universities. But it wasn’t the APC-led government priority, instead, ASUU and the university systems were left alone. The union has no meaningful audience and discussion with the government from 2015 till the declaration of the ASUU-2017 strike. Sadly, the onlookers ended up blaming ASUU, not FG. An agreement was then reached, the strike suspended, and the agreement was not implemented. Consequently, led to the ASUU-2018 strike. An agreement was reached that was again not implemented and along with IPPIS enforcement on the universities, the ASUU-2020 strike came up. Of course, the Federal government won’t get the blame for not implementing the agreement but ASUU. The strike is now suspended on conditions. If the agreement is not implemented by January 31st, 2021, ASUU will be blamed and not FG. But come to think of it. What sort of government will allow a strike to last for 9 months? 9 unbelievable months. Of course, ASUU is blamed and not FG. What sort of people watch the government-run an expensive democracy at the expense of education and other critical sectors and keep quiet?

ASUU STRIKES: Sack And Re-Apply Model As The Ultimate Solution

It is over 5 years of Buhari’s government, the government is fully aware of the decay in the education sector- the main reason why the president and his government officials send their kids abroad for education. Yet, FG has no clear policy to reposition education and universities in particular. So, what sort of Universities do we want to have? A mere clearing houses or institutions that can compete with any other one in the world like we use to have till the 70s? Meanwhile, even with the funding crisis in the universities, the federal and state governments are still establishing more universities without funding plans. What do APC governments intend to achieve with the current establishment of more universities and other tertiary institutions? Why does ASUU need to go on strike for the universities to get attention from the government? The amazing part is that those in the government that used to be in academics are not talking. Were they overpowered as a minority in the government or just a display of hypocrisy? FG is sure our employer through the respective University Governing Council. You want your employee to be productive? You give him all that he needs to be comfortable to work perfectly well.

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I got a postdoc job in Norway around May 2013 and in August 2013, I received an email that they are ready to receive me in Trondheim by 1st of Sept 2013. I eventually got there last week of September because I got d visa last week of August. I was shown my office with a brand new computer that was delivered just before my arrival. I was then taken to my lab located at SINTEF basement. And Lars said: Abdel, this is where you will be spending your 2 years and we laughed. In the lab was 2 High voltage sources, Omicron partial discharge detectors, photomultiplier tubes, CCD camera, amplifiers, oscilloscope, signal generators, pressure stuff, pressure test cell, etc. I met a complete lab that gladdens my heart and mine was to use all that was in there to get results.

 

Then, I had an issue securing a visa for my wife to join me. I was destabilized. The department and international office quickly took it over and we got a visa for my wife within a few days. And Lars said: Now that you can bring your wife here to be with you, I hope we can now have the whole of you here to do our work. My wife joined me, they got the whole of me and we got the results that were above their expectation. NTNU Trondheim is one of the public universities in Norway. That is a working system that wants results. They provide for you your every need and they are getting the results.

 

In Nigeria, very little is spent on research and teaching facilities in our universities. The undergraduate and postgraduate student laboratories are in a terrible state. Goodluck Jonathan’s PDP government put up the NEEDS Assessment committee that was chaired by Professor Mahmud Yakubu. They went around to assess the university infrastructures and they were pathetic scenes. The pictures were published. How can you train fully baked students for BSc, MSc, and Ph.D. degrees with such facilities? Universities are supposed to be research hubs blessed with a group of solution developers. So, how do you develop solutions without facilities and funds? These were among the reasons that made the FG NEEDS Assessment committee recommended that as of 2012, 1.3 trillion naira is required to revitalize the public universities.

 

President Buhari’s government has put a lot of emphasis on diversification and universities are sources of foreign exchange for many countries. The UK government estimates an income of over £5 billion excluding tuition fees from international students every year. International students contributed $45 billion to the U.S. economy in 2018, according to the U.S. Department of Commerce. International students were reported to contribute an average of RM7.2bn (£1.4bn) to Malaysia per year via tuition fees and other living expenses. Malaysian leaders not beclouded with greed were able to see that education is not just the key to national development but also a source of foreign exchange and they key into it. Education was allocated RM50.4 billion (over NGN4.6 trillion) in Malaysia’s 2021 budget proposal. The expectation in 2020 was to hit a target of 200,000 international students in Malaysia to generate RM15.6 billion. What is education to us? What are the expectations? How do we make our university programs attractive to international scholars without facilities? How do we make our universities attractive to the rest of the world without facilities? How do we get global recognition and ranking with our laboratories having 70s teaching facilities?

 

Chief Obafemi Awolowo was quoted to have said: “I do not want the children of my drivers to be drivers to my children, neither do I want the children of my cooks to be cooks to my children. Nevertheless I want free access to education for all”. It is time to define the kind of education that we want, public universities inclusive. If Buhari’s government is serious about public universities revitalization and sourcing for the fund to implement that, he needs to take charge like Jonathan did in 2013 and stop looking at the issue from a labor point of view and ministerial conciliatory meetings. It is not too late to put up a team of “serious-minded” people from the stakeholders with specific terms of reference and timeline to figure out ways to raise the fund to reposition the universities and improve the conditions of service of the university workers. That I think is the only way we can bring an end to the perennial strike actions in public universities.

Abdelghaffar Amoka Abdelmalik Department of Physics Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria.

aaabdelmalik@abu.edu.ng

Opinion

Northern Nigeria at the Crossroads: Leadership, Succession, and the Question of Survival -Zainab Buba

Zaynab Buba Galadima

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Zai

 

 

Northern Nigeria’s leadership crisis is not the absence of leaders, but the absence of structured continuity. From independence in 1960, the North understood leadership as stewardship. Under Sir Ahmadu Bello (Sardauna of Sokoto), and other Northern leaders such as Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, Hassan Usman Katsina, Sir Kashim Ibrahim, Chief Sunday Awoniyi, Joseph Tarka and Aminu Kano, governance was anchored on moral authority, regional cohesion, education, and economic productivity. Institutions like the Northern Nigeria Development Corporation (NNDC), Ahmadu Bello University (1962), and regional marketing boards were deliberate tools for sustainability, not personal gain.

The NNDC, funded largely by proceeds from cotton, groundnuts, hides and skins exports, financed industrial estates, textile mills (Kaduna Textiles, Arewa Textiles), and scholarship schemes. Graduates were absorbed into public service, and employment guarantees, official cars, and housing schemes were not populist gestures but outcomes of a planned regional economy. These systems began to weaken after the 1966 coup, and by the collapse of the First Republic, the North lost its ideological anchor.

Military rule (1966–1979) centralized power, dismantled regional economic autonomy, and replaced mentorship with command loyalty. The abolition of marketing boards in the late 1980s under Structural Adjustment further destroyed Northern productive capacity. What followed was survival politics leaders focused on federal allocations rather than regional development.

The North miscalculated profoundly with Muhammadu Buhari. From 2003 to 2015, Northern elites rallied behind him as a symbol of integrity and discipline. He was projected as the solution, but not as the builder of systems. When he finally won in 2015, no clear succession plan or leadership school emerged. Buhari’s personal moral standing did not translate into institutional reform, mentorship pipelines, or a future-facing Northern agenda. The North lived in the moment, not the future.

Yet, Northern Nigeria still possesses experienced leaders who, if united around vision rather than ambition, could arrest the decline; To mention a few:
1. Atiku Abubakar – unmatched private-sector exposure, national networks, and understanding of fiscal federalism and economic restructuring.
2. Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso – proven record in education, human capital investment, and institutional continuity.

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3. . Sen. Jonah David Jang (rtd.) – he symbolizes minority participation in both military and democratic leadership, particularly in navigating identity, faith, and regional diversity.
4. Kashim Shettima – crisis governance experience from Borno, exposure to insurgency management and national economic coordination.
5. Gen. Theophilus Danjuma (rtd.) – A former Chief of Army Staff and Defence Minister, Danjuma represents moral courage and principled leadership, later channeling his influence into philanthropy, national stability, and institutional support through the TY Danjuma Foundation.
6. Nasir El-Rufai – infrastructure reform, urban governance, and policy articulation.
7. Rt. Hon. Yakubu Dogara – His leadership symbolized inclusion, constitutionalism, and the political relevance of Northern minorities in national decision-making. As Speaker, he emphasized legislative independence, rule of law, and national unity across faith and ethnic lines.
8. Aminu Tambuwal – legislative depth, constitutional knowledge, and executive experience.
9. Ahmad Lawan – legislative continuity and federal budgeting experience.
10. Bukola Saraki – institutional reform, health sector interventions, and bridge-building across regions.
11. Aliyu Wamakko – grassroots mobilization and state-level governance.
12. Babagana Zulum – security-informed leadership and humanitarian governance.

The tragedy is that these leaders operate in silos, not as a collective Northern brain trust. Most times leadership without ideology, even competence fragments.

Today, Northern Nigeria bears the brunt of capital project neglect, decaying rail and road networks, underfunded schools, overstretched security architecture, and disproportionate poverty indices despite producing the bulk of Nigeria’s political leadership. Federal allocations meant for education, security, and infrastructure have been mismanaged by Northern elites who themselves benefited from free education, scholarships, and social justice structures of the old North.

What went wrong? The destruction of production-based economics. The North abandoned agriculture value chains, textile manufacturing, and vocational education for rent-seeking politics. Mentorship collapsed. Elders stopped acting as moral guardians. Young people were mobilized as political foot soldiers, not future leaders.

More dangerously, the North has failed to interrogate the worst case scenarios. If Nigeria fractures under economic pressure, insecurity, or ethnic fragmentation, what becomes of a region plagued by poverty, porous borders, arms proliferation, and food insecurity? Survival thinking demands preparation for the worst, not blind faith in the status quo.

To rebuild, a credible Northern agenda must incorporate:
• Human capital development (education, skills, research)
• Security sector reform and local intelligence structures
• Regional economic revival (agro-processing, solid minerals)
• Leadership mentorship and succession institutions
• Moral reorientation and civic responsibility
• Intergenerational leadership pipelines

Unity is not optional it is existential. 2027 is not about ambition; it is about survival. For elites, it is the final chance to correct history. For the poor, it is a fight for dignity. For the youth, it is a moment of becoming. Titles must fall. Ego must retreat. The North must sit at the table as equals, not as lords.

History shows what the North built. The present shows what neglect destroyed. The future will judge whether this generation had the courage to rebuild or allowed the house to collapse completely.

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Opinion

Kano Gov’s Defection : As Gov Radda Concretizes Synergy With Kano

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By Abba Anwar

Immediately after his official decamping to All Progressives Congress (APC), the Kano state Governor, Abba Kabir Yusuf, the Governor of Katsina state Dr Umar Dikko Radda, described the move as “… strategic for regional unity, stability and development.”

In a press statement issued by his Chief Press Secretary, Ibrahim Kaula Mohammed, the Chairman of the North West Governors’ Forum, Radda, after congratulating Kano governor for the move, he signaled his intention of working in good synergy with his Kano counterpart for finding lasting solutions to insecurity, political instability and other vices.

He was instructive when he said, according to the statement, “The decision of His Excellency, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, to join the APC is a demonstration of responsible leadership and a strategic step towards deepening cooperation with the Federal Government and advancing the Renewed Hope Agenda of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu for the benefit of Kano State and the entire North West.”

The statement clearly indicates maturity in governor Radda’s statesmanship position across the zone, his readiness to work tirelessly with governor Yusuf in repositioning and revitalizing the zone for better tomorrow. In areas like sustainable development, enhanced security, fight against youth restiveness and drug abuse.

In his commendation of the Kano state governor, he acknowledged that, “Leadership demands the courage to take decisions in the long-term interest of the people. Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf has demonstrated this by placing peace, stability and progress above all other considerations.”

In my estimation and understanding, the way Kano APC received the hitherto New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP) governor into its fold, with all sense of dignity, humility and magnanimity, was what moved other APC North West Governors to collectively congratulate him through the able leadership of the governor of Katsina state.

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The statement disclosed that, “On behalf of the North West Governors’ Forum, Governor Radda congratulated Governor Yusuf and assured him of the full support and cooperation of his colleagues across the region and the country, while wishing him wisdom, strength and success in his leadership.”

All who is who in Kano APC was very much around and received the governor with all open hearts. To the extent that, he was assured by the APC leader in Kano, then, former governor Dr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, CON, that, all paths were set for the new entrant, governor Yusuf, to seek for re-election come 2027.

The same assurance was given by the Deputy Senate President, Distinguished Senator Barau I Jibrin, CFR, that, he jettisoned his ambition and gave way for the incumbent to contest for a second tenure, 2027. Many good wishes and encouragements were transparently stared at the good face of the governor.

Observing how comfortable the Kano state governor was, during the grand event for his decamping, that took place at Government House, Kano, governor Radda believes further that, another good partner for meaningful development is now on board. Hence the unwavering support from other North West governors to governor Yusuf.

Radda’s glaring happiness and show of commitment towards the development of Kano, was what prompted him to acknowledge and accept new political alignment and realignment with Kanawan Dabo at the peak of political cohesion, as governor Yusuf cross-carpeted.

In the referenced press statement, the Katsina state governor hinted that with Yusuf’s exit from NNPP to APC, the synergy between Kano and federal government, which he termed as political realignment would enhance the implementation of the Renewed Hope Agenda in critical areas such as security cooperation, agricultural transformation, industrialisation and youth empowerment.

With this, we have nothing to add, as encomium to the people’s President, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR, who has energetic state governors under the platform of his party, the APC. Such as Governor Radda, who leads North West Governors’ Forum.

In another way round, Katsina state governor, is very instructive to some basic advances that, Kano state under APC, would receive critical attention from the federal government. This, I observed severally.

This could also mean, Radda’s attention and unwavering commitment for development, are focused on Kano, with the entrance of Yusuf into APC’s fold. This means a lot as build – up to APC’s victory come 2027. It also means his un-arguable commitment to regional cohesion and cooperation.

To fully appreciate and strengthen the courage of other elected officials from Kano, who also decamped to the ruling APC, in the press release, the leader of North West Governors’ Forum, “… welcomes the decision of members of the Kano State Executive Council, the State House of Assembly, National Assembly members and local government Chairmen to also join the APC, describing it as a strong signal of political stability, unity of purpose and shared commitment to development in the state.”

Anwar writes from Kano
Wednesday, 28th January, 2026

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Opinion

Political Juggernaut And Stabilizer Of Reckon

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Dan Sa’idu Mamman Gaya

The ongoing political shake-up navigating the Kano’s political atmosphere will ultimately lead to alignment and realignment of political forces. Positions, both elective and appointive will be adjusted to align with the new coalition. This is with a view to striking balance, provide the necessary shocks to accommodate members of the ruling Al Progressives Congress (APC).
Since the news of resignation of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf from New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) broke, the political atmosphere in Kano state has been tensed and filled with high degree of uncertainty which has led to the sharp division of the Kwankwasiyya movement into those in favour of the impending defection of the Governor to All Progressives Congress (APC), led by key confidants of the Governor and those oppose to the move led by the leader of the Kwankwasiyya movement, Senator Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso.
Naturally, when there is such a political development, positions are likely to be affected and realigned to suit the desired political stability and balance. In the instant case of the defection of Governor Yusuf from NNPP to the APC, which triggered division among the Kwankwasiyya adherents, there are indications that the office of the Deputy Governor might ultimately become vacant owing to the adamant posture of the current occupier of the office, Comrade Aminu Abdulsalam who apparently pitch tent with those that are opposed to the defection of the Governor. The likely thing to happen with the eventual vacation of the office by the Deputy Governor either voluntarily or to be consumed by the consequential political adjustment, the realignment will create a vacant deputy governor’s position.
The governor’s defection may lead to the impeachment of the deputy governor at worst, or he might decide to follow the path of honour by resigning the position.

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In the event of the eventual Deputy Governor’s exit, the task of replacement becomes a priority and a matter of serious consideration for political stability and balance of power in the state. In this regard, the process of choosing a new Deputy Governor must be matched with the necessary tact and strategy and forward thinking. Already, there are schemings and discreet moves by interested individuals and groups that are promoting certain individuals to replace the Deputy Governor in his eventual exit as the number two citizen of the state.
Among the frontrunners for the replacement of the Deputy Governor is a former Commissioner for Local Government, Honourable Murtala Sule Garo whose choice is seen as most strategic, suitable, appropriate, right and apt for stability and balance of the Abba Kabir Yusuf government and political structure. Those who favour Honourable Murtala Sule Garo to emerge as the next Deputy Governor hinged their argument on some sterling qualities of Honourable Garo among which include his strong political structure that cuts across the entire length and breadth of Kano State. Loyalty and commitment as displayed in his previous assignments both as Local Government Chairman and later Commissioner for Local Government has made him the best option so far. Honourable Garo’s political influence came to the fore when he aspired for Kano Governorship in 2023 where his political strength, doggedness, dexterity and spread made him to secure the Deputy Governorship ticket of the All Progressive Congress (APC) after the party primaries, owing to the fact that he was a force to reckon with since APC was deeply committed and determined to win the governorship election.
Those behind the moves for the emergence of Honourable Sule Garo as the next Deputy Governor are of the view that fairness, justice and equity are essential components of democracy hence maintaining the Deputy Governorship seat in Kano North Senatorial district where Honourable Garo hails from will solidify the support base of the APC and by extension that of the Governor. This is even more so, as the zone has always been a stronghold of the APC. The APC has maintained control of the Kano north senatorial district even in the face of the NNPP’s 2023 winning streak that swept across the entire Kano’s political landscape. Unarguably, Honourable Garo’s unmatched influence and strong political grip in the Kano North remains the secret of the continuous relevance and dominance of the APC in the zone, hence his choice as the next Deputy Governor will ultimately solidify APC in the zone and better prepare Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf for a smooth return to Government House come 2027. A word is enough for the wise.

Mamman contributes this piece from Kaduna.

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