The World Bank has urged the Nigerian government to reopen the petrol market to competition by reinstating import licences in an effort to reduce the inflationary pressures caused by the fallout of the Middle East conflict.

In its latest Nigeria Development Update released , the Washington-based lender says the suspension of petrol import licences since January 2026 “has reduced competition, allowing prices to exceed import-parity levels”.

Word Bank further says

“Allowing qualified marketers to resume imports would restore competition, reduce pricing distortions and better align domestic prices with global benchmarks,” it says. “Greater market contestability would also strengthen supply security by reducing reliance on a single refinery and broadening sourcing options, while remaining consistent with domestic refining objectives.”

The World Bank recommends reinstating petrol import licences to dismantle a supply monopoly, aiming to lower domestic fuel costs that currently sit 12% above global benchmarks.

“Allowing qualified marketers to resume imports would restore competition, reduce pricing distortions and better align domestic prices with global benchmarks,” it says. “Greater market contestability would also strengthen supply security by reducing reliance on a single refinery and broadening sourcing options, while remaining consistent with domestic refining objectives.”

The World Bank points out that following the recent surge in global oil prices, the Dangote refinery – the main supplier of refined petrol after the regulator ceased issuing import licences in early 2026 – raised its ex-depot petrol price to about ₦1,275 ($0.92) per litre as of 23 March 2026.

That compares to an estimated import-parity price of around ₦1,122 per litre, implying a cost differential of roughly 12%, according to the report.

On 13 March, The Africa Report reported that the battle for survival among Nigeria’s traditional fuel importers had intensified in the first quarter of 2026 following the non-issuance of petrol import licence .

With the Africa report on the World Bank’s stand on Nigeria’s petroleum market, Nigerians continued to express their mixed feelings, noting that other company owners have staff to pay, they were not given the opportunity to import, Nigeria is a big country and a single company and refinery cannot supply sufficient fuel to the teeming millions of Nigerians. It is the nation’s economy; it cannot be handled by a single individual, and if there is a problem, he cannot handle it alone.

Source:Africa Report

Religious leaders, media professionals, and stakeholders have converged in Gombe State for a two-day capacity-building workshop aimed at combating misinformation and promoting media literacy ahead of Nigeria’s election season.

The workshop, organised by Alkalanci, a fact-checking and media literacy organisation, brought together the Islamic clerics and journalists to strengthen community resilience against false narratives, disinformation and emdisinformation and emerging threats such as deep fakes.

Speaking at the opening ceremony, the editor of Alkalanci, Alhassan Bala, described the initiative as both timely and urgent, warning that the country faces heightened risks of misinformation as the elections approach.

The workshop featured practical sessions on fact-checking, verification of digital content, and strategies for countering false narratives.

Organisers disclosed to Arewa PUNCH that similar trainings have been held in Kano and Sokoto, with expansion plans across Nigeria to build a network of “resilient communities” anchored on truth and accountability.

“Our goal is to create communities where misinformation can not easily take root because people are equipped to challenge and reject it,” Bala said.

“This year is an election eve period, and misinformation is expected to rise not just from local actors but also through foreign information manipulation and interference,” Bala noted.

With the growing sophistication of AI-generated content like deepfakes, we must equip influential voices to protect themselves and their communities from falsehood,” he alerted.

The editor further warned that the rapid spread of unverified content poses a direct threat to peace and unity.

“A single message can reach thousands within minutes. Unfortunately, much of what circulates is misleading or harmful. That is why we are here to build resilience through truth,” he insisted.

Bala noted that the training specifically targets Islamic clerics due to their influence in shaping public opinion.

“For millions, your voices are sources of guidance and authority. With that trust comes the responsibility to ensure what you share is verified and beneficial,” he said.

Representing the Emir of Gombe, Abubakar Shehu-Abubakar, the Dan Amana Gombe, Alhaji Abubakar Isma’ila, underscored the moral and religious obligation to uphold truth.

“Misinformation and disinformation remain among the most pressing challenges of our time, often leading to social tension and conflict,” he said.

Punch

By Yusuf Danjuma Yunusa

The Nigerian political landscape is currently simmering with uncertainty as the country’s embattled opposition coalition grapples with a series of interconnected dilemmas. From internal party squabbles to the high-stakes question of a presidential candidate capable of unseating incumbent Bola Ahmed Tinubu in 2027, the coalition’s path forward is anything but straightforward. This report provides a detailed examination of the key fault lines within the opposition, the strategic calculations underway, and the prospects for a unified challenge against the All Progressives Congress (APC).

The Party Allegiance Conundrum: Stay or Abandon the ADC?

At the heart of the opposition’s immediate crisis is the question of which political platform to adopt. The coalition had previously coalesced around the African Democratic Congress (ADC), but the party has since become deeply factionalised, raising doubts about its viability as a vehicle for a credible electoral challenge. Alternatives such as the New Democratic Congress (NDC) and the People’s Redemption Party (PRP) have been floated as potential replacements.

After intense internal deliberations, coalition leaders have resolved not to abandon the ADC at this critical juncture. Their reasoning rests on two pillars. First, they argue that considerable resources—financial, organisational, and political—have already been invested in building the ADC into a formidable opposition force ahead of the 2027 general election. Second, they contend that the ruling APC’s strategy of suppressing opposition platforms is not unique to the ADC. In their view, leaving the ADC for another party without first cleansing it of “bad eggs” would only export the same dysfunction to any new vehicle. Therefore, calls to exit solely because of the ongoing leadership tussle have been firmly rejected.

The Presidential Candidate Puzzle: Atiku, Obi, Kwankwaso, or Amaechi?

Beyond the party platform issue lies an even more contentious dilemma: who will fly the coalition’s flag as presidential candidate. The quartet of political heavyweights—former Vice President Atiku Abubakar (PDP), former Governor of Anambra Peter Obi (Labour Party/ADC), former Governor of Kano Rabiu Kwankwaso (NNPP), and former Minister of Transport Rotimi Amaechi (APC defector)—each command significant followings. Yet their rivalry threatens to fragment the coalition before it can even take shape.

The Atiku-Obi Ticket Proposition

Political pundits have suggested that the coalition’s strongest chance lies in reviving the 2019 formula: Atiku as presidential candidate and Peter Obi as his running mate. Proponents argue that this combination balances regional and ethnic considerations—Atiku drawing from the north-east and Obi from the south-east—while leveraging the name recognition of both figures. The ticket would also present a direct contrast to President Tinubu’s southern Muslim identity.

The Kwankwaso-Obi Counterproposal

Observers have countered that the electorate may be suffering from “Atiku fatigue,” noting that the former vice president has contested every election cycle since 2007 without success. These analysts argue that it is time for Atiku to step aside and allow a Kwankwaso-Obi pairing, with Kwankwaso at the top and Obi as his deputy. They believe that Kwankwaso’s northern grassroots appeal, combined with Obi’s youth and digital following, could replicate the “outsider” energy that propelled Obi to third place in 2023.

The Obedient Movement’s Resistance and Obi’s Stated Position

The permutations become more fraught once the Obedient Movement—the sprawling, youth-led network that propelled Peter Obi to unexpected prominence in 2023—is factored in. The movement has been unequivocal: Peter Obi will not deputise for anyone. Its leaders view Obi not merely as a candidate but as the embodiment of a generational and governance reform movement. Any suggestion that he accept a vice-presidential slot is met with fierce resistance.

For his part, Peter Obi has repeatedly stated that he will be on the 2027 presidential ballot as a flag bearer of a party. Observers have interpreted this stance in two ways. Either he remains committed to his previous political platform—the Labour Party, which gave him the ticket in 2023—or he has prepared an alternative in the event that the coalition’s chosen vehicle (the ADC) becomes unworkable.

Speculation of an Obi Exit from ADC

With the ADC’s leadership crisis now fully manifest, social media and political circles are rife with speculation that Obi may soon abandon the ADC altogether. The most likely destination is a return to the Labour Party, where he still enjoys substantial institutional loyalty. However, other unnamed parties are also said to be under consideration. The coalition’s ability to hold together could hinge on whether Obi decides to remain within the fold or strike out on his own.

The Electability Question: Can Obi Defeat President Tinubu?

Beyond the internal machinations, analysts are divided on whether Peter Obi—even if he secures a presidential ticket—can actually defeat President Bola Ahmed Tinubu in 2027.

The Case for Obi’s Victory

Proponents of Obi’s electability point to the momentum he generated in 2023, when he captured over six million votes despite running on a relatively unknown party platform. They argue that if that momentum remains intact—and if he selects a northern Muslim as his running mate to balance the ticket—he could defeat Tinubu. The reasoning rests heavily on the north’s growing disillusionment with the president. Tinubu’s economic policies, including the removal of fuel subsidies and unification of exchange rates, have triggered steep inflation and a cost-of-living crisis. Furthermore, political observers note that Tinubu’s administration has engaged in what many northern elites perceive as the political persecution of prominent northern figures, allegedly to neutralise potential challengers from the region. This combination of economic pain and political marginalisation, they argue, could drive a decisive northern rejection of the incumbent.

The Counterargument: Obstacles to an Obi-Led Ticket

Opposing analysts offer a sobering rebuttal. They note that any ticket with Obi at the top would require a northern politician to accept the vice-presidential slot. But among the coalition’s leading lights—Atiku, Kwankwaso, and even Amaechi—none are likely to subordinate themselves to Obi. Atiku sees himself as the elder statesman and natural standard-bearer. Kwankwaso commands his own northern power base and has little interest in playing second fiddle. Consequently, the prediction that Obi could defeat Tinubu, while not impossible, rests on a political alignment that currently shows no signs of materialising. Without a willing and credible northern running mate, Obi’s chances remain speculative at best.

The Nigerian opposition coalition stands at a defining moment. It has chosen to stay and fight for control of the factionalised ADC, rejecting the easier path of switching to a new platform. Yet that decision may prove pyrrhic if the leadership tussle continues to drain energy and credibility. Simultaneously, the unresolved question of a presidential candidate threatens to fracture the alliance before it can present a united front. Peter Obi’s unwillingness to play a subordinate role, coupled with the Obedient Movement’s intransigence, creates a high-stakes bargaining environment. Meanwhile, the coalition’s ultimate viability depends on whether it can translate anti-Tinubu sentiment—particularly in the north—into a coherent electoral strategy.

As 2027 approaches, the opposition would do well to remember that Nigerians are watching not only for charisma but for competence, unity, and a credible plan to address the nation’s deepening economic and security challenges. The current web of dilemmas, if left unresolved, may hand President Tinubu a second term by default.