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Profile Of The Sixteen Officers Detained For Alleged Coup Plot Revealed

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By Yusuf Danjuma Yunusa

As military investigators continue probing the foiled coup plot against President Bola Tinubu’s administration, Nigerian Tracker News has obtained details of the identities of 16 of the top military officers allegedly involved in the failed attempt.

Sources with details of the ongoing investigations earlier divulged that 14 of the 16 detained officers with regards to the coup plot are from the Nigerian Army. The remaining two, they said, are from the Navy and the Air Force

According to sources, 12 of the 14 army officers belong to the Infantry Corps, the army’s frontline combat unit whose troops primarily engage in ground battles. One officer is from the Signals Corps, which manages military communications, while another serves in the Ordnance Corps, responsible for procuring, storing, and maintaining weapons, ammunition, vehicles , and other essential hardware.

The army officers include a brigadier general, a colonel, four lieutenant colonels, five majors, two captains, and a lieutenant. The remaining two are a lieutenant commander from the Navy, the naval equivalent of a major, and a squadron leader from the Air Force, which holds the exact rank equivalence.

Profile Of The Detained Officers Over Alleged Coup Plot

 

1.Brigadier General Musa Abubakar Sadiq
Born on 3 January 1974, Mr Sadiq is a brigadier general with service number N/10321, trained as an NDA cadet between 14 August 1992 and 20 September 1997. He is suspected to be the leader of the coup plot.

As a member of Regular Course 44, Mr Sadiq, an indigene of Nasarawa State, rose through the ranks, becoming a colonel in 2015 and a brigadier four years later. He belongs to the infantry corps.

This is not the first time Mr Sadiq has made headlines for alleged gross misconduct. In October 2024, he was reportedly detained for “alleged diversion of rice palliatives, selling of military equipment, including generator sets and operational vehicles to scrap yards.” Among other postings, the officer served as Commander of the 3rd Brigade in Kano and Garrison Commander of the 81 Division of the Army in Lagos.

2. Colonel M.A. Ma’aji
Mr Ma’aji is a colonel with service number N/10668. Born on 1st March 1976, the Nupe native from Niger State started training on 18 August 1995 and finished on 16 September 2000. Investigators suspect he played the role of a key strategist for the coup plot.

A member of the infantry corps, Mr Ma’aji was promoted to the rank of lieutenant colonel in 2013, becoming a full colonel four years later. The 49-year-old officer was the Commanding Officer of the 19 Battalion of the Nigerian Army based in Okitipupa, Ondo State.

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He took part in Operation Crocodile Smile II, a Nigerian Army military exercise conducted in 2017 to address security challenges in the Niger Delta and parts of the South-west. He also served at Depot, Nigerian Army and later as Commander, Operation Delta Safe.

He was a member of the 47 Regular Course of the NDA.

3. Lt. Colonel S. Bappah
Mr Bappah, a member of the Nigerian Army Signals Corps, with service number N/13036, is from Bauchi State in North-East Nigeria. He was born on 21 June 1984.

The 41-year-old officer started his cadet training on 27 September 2004 and completed it on 4 October 2008.

He is a member of the 56 Regular Course of the NDA

4. Lt Colonel A.A. Hayatu
Mr Hayatu, now a lieutenant colonel with service number N/13038, hails from Kaduna State.

Born on 13 August 1983, he underwent his cadet training between 27 September 2004 and 04 October 2008.

5. P. Dangnap
Mr Dangnap is from Plateau State. He was born on 1 April 1986. In 2015, he was court-martialed alongside 29 others for offences related to the fight against Boko Haram.

The 39-year-old officer, with service number N/13025 began his cadet training on 27 September 2004 and completed it on 4 October 2008.

An infantry corps officer, Mr Dangnap is also a member of the 56 Regular Course of the NDA.

6. Lt. Colonel M. Almakura
A member of the 56 Regular Course, Mr Al Makura, a lieutenant colonel from Nasarawa State, was born on 18 March 1983.

The infantry corps officer with service number N/12983 trained as a cadet at the NDA from 27 September 2004 to 4 October 2008.

7. Major A. J Ibrahim
Mr Ibrahim, a major with service number N/13065, hails from Gombe State.

Born on 12 June 1987, the Infantry Corps officer trained between 27 September 2004 and 4 October 2008.

He was a member of the 56 Regular Course, and he became a captain in 2013

8. Major M.M. Jiddah
An indigene of Katsina State, Major Jiddah, was born on 9 July 1985.

He trained between 27 September 2004 and 4 October 2008.

Mr Jiddah is an infaArmy officer and a member of the 56 Regular Course. His service number is N/13003.

9. Major M.A. Usman
Mr Usman is a Nigerian Army major with service number N/15404.

He was born on 1 April 1989. He hails from the Federal Capital Territory, in North-central Nigeria.

A member of the 60th Regular Course, the infantry officer trained as a cadet at the NDA between 16 August 2008 and 14 September 2012.

10. Major D. Yusuf
Mr Yusuf, a major with service number N/14753, is a member of the Ordnance Corps.

He was born on 26 May 1988. As a member of the 59th Regular Course, Mr Yusuf trained at NDA between 7 July 2007 and 8 September 2012.

11. Major I. Dauda
Mr Dauda joined the army through the Direct Short Service Commissions.

Born on 26 November 1983, the infantry officer with service number N/13625, trained between 5 June 2009 and 27 March 2010.

Mr Dauda, who hails from Jigawa, is a member of Short Service Commission Course 38. The officer hails from Gombe State.

 

12. Captain Ibrahim Bello
Mr Bello is a captain with service number N/16266. He was born on 28 July 1987. He is a member of the Direct Short Service Commission Course 43.

13. Captain A.A Yusuf
He is an army captain with service number N/16724.

14. Lieutenant S.S Felix
A lieutenant with service number N/18105

15. Lieutenant Commander D. B. Abdullahi
He is a Nigerian Navy personnel with service number NN/3289.

16. Squandron Leader S. B Adamu
An Air Force squadron leader with service number NAF/3481.

The listed officers are currently undergoing thorough investigation.

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Nigeria’s Opposition Coalition: Navigating Leadership Tussles, Candidate Selection, and the Road to 2027

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By Yusuf Danjuma Yunusa

The Nigerian political landscape is currently simmering with uncertainty as the country’s embattled opposition coalition grapples with a series of interconnected dilemmas. From internal party squabbles to the high-stakes question of a presidential candidate capable of unseating incumbent Bola Ahmed Tinubu in 2027, the coalition’s path forward is anything but straightforward. This report provides a detailed examination of the key fault lines within the opposition, the strategic calculations underway, and the prospects for a unified challenge against the All Progressives Congress (APC).

The Party Allegiance Conundrum: Stay or Abandon the ADC?

At the heart of the opposition’s immediate crisis is the question of which political platform to adopt. The coalition had previously coalesced around the African Democratic Congress (ADC), but the party has since become deeply factionalised, raising doubts about its viability as a vehicle for a credible electoral challenge. Alternatives such as the New Democratic Congress (NDC) and the People’s Redemption Party (PRP) have been floated as potential replacements.

After intense internal deliberations, coalition leaders have resolved not to abandon the ADC at this critical juncture. Their reasoning rests on two pillars. First, they argue that considerable resources—financial, organisational, and political—have already been invested in building the ADC into a formidable opposition force ahead of the 2027 general election. Second, they contend that the ruling APC’s strategy of suppressing opposition platforms is not unique to the ADC. In their view, leaving the ADC for another party without first cleansing it of “bad eggs” would only export the same dysfunction to any new vehicle. Therefore, calls to exit solely because of the ongoing leadership tussle have been firmly rejected.

The Presidential Candidate Puzzle: Atiku, Obi, Kwankwaso, or Amaechi?

Beyond the party platform issue lies an even more contentious dilemma: who will fly the coalition’s flag as presidential candidate. The quartet of political heavyweights—former Vice President Atiku Abubakar (PDP), former Governor of Anambra Peter Obi (Labour Party/ADC), former Governor of Kano Rabiu Kwankwaso (NNPP), and former Minister of Transport Rotimi Amaechi (APC defector)—each command significant followings. Yet their rivalry threatens to fragment the coalition before it can even take shape.

The Atiku-Obi Ticket Proposition

Political pundits have suggested that the coalition’s strongest chance lies in reviving the 2019 formula: Atiku as presidential candidate and Peter Obi as his running mate. Proponents argue that this combination balances regional and ethnic considerations—Atiku drawing from the north-east and Obi from the south-east—while leveraging the name recognition of both figures. The ticket would also present a direct contrast to President Tinubu’s southern Muslim identity.

The Kwankwaso-Obi Counterproposal

Observers have countered that the electorate may be suffering from “Atiku fatigue,” noting that the former vice president has contested every election cycle since 2007 without success. These analysts argue that it is time for Atiku to step aside and allow a Kwankwaso-Obi pairing, with Kwankwaso at the top and Obi as his deputy. They believe that Kwankwaso’s northern grassroots appeal, combined with Obi’s youth and digital following, could replicate the “outsider” energy that propelled Obi to third place in 2023.

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The Obedient Movement’s Resistance and Obi’s Stated Position

The permutations become more fraught once the Obedient Movement—the sprawling, youth-led network that propelled Peter Obi to unexpected prominence in 2023—is factored in. The movement has been unequivocal: Peter Obi will not deputise for anyone. Its leaders view Obi not merely as a candidate but as the embodiment of a generational and governance reform movement. Any suggestion that he accept a vice-presidential slot is met with fierce resistance.

For his part, Peter Obi has repeatedly stated that he will be on the 2027 presidential ballot as a flag bearer of a party. Observers have interpreted this stance in two ways. Either he remains committed to his previous political platform—the Labour Party, which gave him the ticket in 2023—or he has prepared an alternative in the event that the coalition’s chosen vehicle (the ADC) becomes unworkable.

Speculation of an Obi Exit from ADC

With the ADC’s leadership crisis now fully manifest, social media and political circles are rife with speculation that Obi may soon abandon the ADC altogether. The most likely destination is a return to the Labour Party, where he still enjoys substantial institutional loyalty. However, other unnamed parties are also said to be under consideration. The coalition’s ability to hold together could hinge on whether Obi decides to remain within the fold or strike out on his own.

The Electability Question: Can Obi Defeat President Tinubu?

Beyond the internal machinations, analysts are divided on whether Peter Obi—even if he secures a presidential ticket—can actually defeat President Bola Ahmed Tinubu in 2027.

The Case for Obi’s Victory

Proponents of Obi’s electability point to the momentum he generated in 2023, when he captured over six million votes despite running on a relatively unknown party platform. They argue that if that momentum remains intact—and if he selects a northern Muslim as his running mate to balance the ticket—he could defeat Tinubu. The reasoning rests heavily on the north’s growing disillusionment with the president. Tinubu’s economic policies, including the removal of fuel subsidies and unification of exchange rates, have triggered steep inflation and a cost-of-living crisis. Furthermore, political observers note that Tinubu’s administration has engaged in what many northern elites perceive as the political persecution of prominent northern figures, allegedly to neutralise potential challengers from the region. This combination of economic pain and political marginalisation, they argue, could drive a decisive northern rejection of the incumbent.

The Counterargument: Obstacles to an Obi-Led Ticket

Opposing analysts offer a sobering rebuttal. They note that any ticket with Obi at the top would require a northern politician to accept the vice-presidential slot. But among the coalition’s leading lights—Atiku, Kwankwaso, and even Amaechi—none are likely to subordinate themselves to Obi. Atiku sees himself as the elder statesman and natural standard-bearer. Kwankwaso commands his own northern power base and has little interest in playing second fiddle. Consequently, the prediction that Obi could defeat Tinubu, while not impossible, rests on a political alignment that currently shows no signs of materialising. Without a willing and credible northern running mate, Obi’s chances remain speculative at best.

 

The Nigerian opposition coalition stands at a defining moment. It has chosen to stay and fight for control of the factionalised ADC, rejecting the easier path of switching to a new platform. Yet that decision may prove pyrrhic if the leadership tussle continues to drain energy and credibility. Simultaneously, the unresolved question of a presidential candidate threatens to fracture the alliance before it can present a united front. Peter Obi’s unwillingness to play a subordinate role, coupled with the Obedient Movement’s intransigence, creates a high-stakes bargaining environment. Meanwhile, the coalition’s ultimate viability depends on whether it can translate anti-Tinubu sentiment—particularly in the north—into a coherent electoral strategy.

As 2027 approaches, the opposition would do well to remember that Nigerians are watching not only for charisma but for competence, unity, and a credible plan to address the nation’s deepening economic and security challenges. The current web of dilemmas, if left unresolved, may hand President Tinubu a second term by default.

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INEC Urges Broadcasters to Uphold Fairness Ahead of 2027 Elections

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By Yusuf Danjuma Yunusa

The Independent National Electoral Commission has underscored the critical role of broadcast media in safeguarding electoral integrity, urging broadcasters to uphold fairness, professionalism, and accuracy ahead of the 2027 general elections.

Addressing the 81st General Assembly of the Broadcasting Organisations of Nigeria on Wednesday in Abuja, the INEC chairman, Prof. Joash Amupitan, stressed that the management of the airwaves under the Electoral Act 2026 would be decisive in shaping public trust and democratic outcomes.

Amupitan noted that the growing influence of broadcast platforms has made it central to political communication.

He warned, saying, “Your airwaves have become the primary infrastructure of our democracy. If they are clear, the nation sees the truth; if they are clouded by misinformation, the sovereign will of the people is threatened.”

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Amupitan highlighted key provisions of the Electoral Act 2026, particularly those mandating equal access to media platforms and prohibiting the misuse of state-owned media.

He explained that “state apparatus, including the media, shall not be employed to the advantage or disadvantage of any political party or candidate at any election”.

He also emphasised that media time shall be allocated equally among the political parties or candidates at similar hours of the day.

Amupitan further cautioned against inflammatory political messaging, citing the law, which states that “a political campaign or slogan shall not be tainted with abusive language directly or indirectly likely to injure religious, ethnic, tribal or sectional feelings.”

The commission also reiterated restrictions on campaign broadcasts close to election day, noting that “any person, print or electronic medium that broadcasts, publishes, advertises or circulates any material within 24 hours immediately preceding or on polling day commits an offence under this Act.”

While acknowledging the reforms introduced by the new law, the INEC chairman raised concerns over enforcement gaps, regulatory overlap, and the growing influence of digital media, warning that these challenges could undermine the effectiveness of the legal framework.

He called for stronger collaboration between regulators and industry players, proposing an alliance involving INEC, BON, security agencies, and the judiciary to ensure compliance and accountability.

With the countdown to the 2027 elections underway, the Commission disclosed that “283 days remain until the Presidential and National Assembly Elections on January 16, 2027,” and “304 days to go” before the governorship and state assembly polls.

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Isoko Traditional Rulers Divided Over 250 Million Offer To Confer Chieftaincy Title On Senatorial Aspirant

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Isoko Traditional Rulers Divided Over 250 Million Offer To Confer Chieftaincy Title On Senatorial Aspirant

A Delta South Senatorial candidate in a desperate bid to garner endorsements has made an offer of a whopping N250 million to Isoko Traditional Rulers for conferment of an omnibus Chieftaincy Title on him, insisting that he had never had one.

The offer is however been rebuffed by some of the notable Kings, who view the offer as a “Greek gift”, and vowed to stonewall it, while the other group is desperate to have their hands in the bounty.

A traditional ruler, who crave for anonymity said: “you are offering a hefty N250 million for a chieftaincy title at the eleventh hour when in normal circumstances it should be free based on your performances while in office.

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Frantic efforts are being made to get the integrity group of traditional rulers on board to grant the Senatorial Candidate his wish through intensive lobbying.

The traditional rulers are said to be consulting amongst themselves whether to accept the offer.

Isoko is made up of 17 autonomous clans, each with its own authority to confer chieftaincy on deserving sons and daughters.

Last week Saturday, Senator Joel Onowakpo Thomas, representing Delta South gathered some traditional rulers, politicians and Isoko Development Union (IDU) at his country home, Emede in Isoko South and got an endorsement for a second term come 2027.

The endorsement had not gone down well with the generality of Delta South, especially the people of the two local governments in Isokoland as it has been heavily criticized.

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