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Ballon dOr and the Credibility Question-Amir Abdulazeez

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By: Amir Abdulazeez

I am writing on this not because I have any significant concern for the award or its credibility or because it has any correlation with the wellbeing of anybody in need (which I am often more concerned about). I am rather doing so due to the massive perennial debate it generates especially among youths in Nigeria as well as the misinformed opinions around it. Again, the Ballon dOr like football itself has transcended sport to become part of international politics and history. I became shocked when I saw a globally renowned Muslim scholar congratulating Ousmane Dembele for winning the 2025 version and hailing its award to a practicing Muslim. Obviously, the crown now carries political significance that stretches well beyond the pitch.

Since its inception in 1956, the Ballon dOr has been regarded as footballs most prestigious individual award. Founded by France Football (conceived by sports writers Gabriel Hanot and Jacques Ferran), the award was initially designed to honour the best European player annually, with Stanley Matthews of Blackpool becoming the pioneer winner. Later, it evolved into a global prize, celebrating many other icons. Many have rightly questioned the credibility of the award but mostly on myopic grounds centred around player and club sentiments. However, as a long time football observer, I believe there are much broader issues regarding the credibility of the award that are worth discussing.
Let us start with the politics. During the Cold War (1947-1991), Eastern European players (more aligned to the Soviet Union) often struggled to receive equal recognition despite dazzling performances, while Western European stars (more aligned to the United States and friends) enjoyed more favourable media attention. Although Russian goalkeeper Lev Yashin won the award in 1963, many argue that his case was only the exception that proved the unwritten rule of ‘politics, geography and media exposure consistently play decisive roles’. Today, the award continues to reflect broader inequalities in football. European clubs dominate global coverage, which inflates the recognition of their stars. Players performing in less visible leagues whether in South America, Africa, or Asia rarely receive consideration, even if their contributions are extraordinary.

Another concern is the awards inconsistent eligibility rules over time. Until 1995, only European players competing in European clubs were considered, excluding legendary figures like Pelé and Diego Maradona from getting even a nomination. It was only after a rule change that non-Europeans in European leagues became eligible, allowing George Weah to win in 1995. Yet, by then, the award had already excluded decades of worthy non-European and non-European based winners. Mild allegations of racism also cast a dark shadow over the award.

Many believe players like Didier Drogba, Samuel Etoo, Yaya Touré, Sadio Mané and Mohammed Salah were routinely ranked below their pedigree. In 2021, French pundit Emmanuel Petit openly questioned whether African players were judged by double standards.

The selection of voters itself raises concerns. Initially restricted to journalists, it later expanded between 2010 and 2015 after a merger with FIFAs World Player of the Year, adding coaches and captains to the electorate whose votes often reflected tribal, national or club loyalties rather than merit. The 2016 reversion to journalist-only voting is perhaps a tacit admission of voting flaws thereby creating difficulties in comparisons across eras. For example, Lionel Messis consecutive wins (2009-2013) under a global, mixed electorate cannot be objectively compared to Michel Platinis (1983-1985) under a European-only jury. The current co-organization with UEFA, which began in 2024, signifies another attempt to lend the award more institutional weight. However, the constant changes in its format and governing alliances suggest an award in search of a stable identity, struggling to balance its commercial ambitions with its original purpose.

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Bias towards attacking players has been an emerging hallmark of Ballon dOr selections. Legendary defenders like Paolo Maldini, Alessandro Nesta, Sergio Ramos and Roberto Carlos, who defined an era of defensive excellence, always fell short. The exception of Fabio Cannavaro in 2006 along with few others in the past, after a World Cup-winning campaign with Italy, serves as a testament to the rarity of a defender being recognized. More recently, Virgil van Dijks 2019 narrow runner-up finish sparked debate about whether non-attacking players could ever realistically win in a sport increasingly obsessed with goals and flair. The award relies heavily on football journalists who often prioritize goal highlight reels, statistics and global recognition over tactical nuance and defensive brilliance. Strikers and playmakers dominate the headlines that directly feeds into voting behaviour.

To combat positional bias, a more revolutionary approach could be implemented; nomination by quota. Why not have separate shortlists and voting panels for goalkeepers, defenders, midfielders and forwards? The top three or five of these categories could then be considered for the overall voting and eventual award. This would ensure that the unique skills of each position are evaluated by those who best understand them, guaranteeing that players are judged on their specializations rather than against others with contrasting roles.

The criteria for judgment also lack clarity and consistency. Officially, the award considers individual performance, team achievements, talent, fair play and career consistency. In practice, however, voters often seem swayed by a single outstanding tournament or by sentimental narratives. Luka Modrić’s 2018 victory after Croatia’s World Cup run exemplified this. While Modrić was superb, critics argued that other players had stronger year-round performances, but the emotional weight of Croatia’s fairy tale run tilted the scales. But how comes, this same emotion did not sway voters to select any player from Leicester Citys 2016 Premier League incredible winning team? A pervasive, though often unstated, criterion for many voters is team success. To win the Champions League or a major international tournament has become almost a prerequisite for contention. This creates an inherent unfairness, elevating players in dominant teams while punishing extraordinary individuals in less successful sides. This inconsistency reveals a fundamental confusion: is the award for the “best player”, most popular player or the “most successful player”?
The timing and calendar controversies is another issue. International tournaments occur every two years, creating periods where national team success heavily influences voting. World Cup years traditionally favour tournament winners, regardless of club form. The recent calendar change to August-July aimed to address this imbalance but created new problems, with voters now contending with assessing performances from overlapping seasons and tournaments. This temporal confusion affects not just voting patterns but public understanding of what the award actually represents; is it recognition for calendar year performance, season achievement or tournament success? The 2013 Ballon d’Or win by Cristiano Ronaldo was critiqued following timing inconsistencies from odd deadline extensions. The current system, which can see a player win a major tournament in the summer and have their performance rewarded a year later, creates a disjointed narrative.

The question of authority is another big one. FIFA represents 211 national associations, UEFA oversees European football’s institutional framework, yet it is a private French publication that bestow football’s most prestigious individual honour. The comparison with FIFAs The Best awards and UEFAs Player of the Year exposes this imbalance. This raises the paradox: why should a magazine possess such outsized influence in determining footballs most prestigious individual accolade, overshadowing awards backed by governing institutions? While there is nothing fundamentally wrong with this, it only emphasizes the need for France Football to show more responsibility by sanitizing and standardizing its award.
I am not in a position to coach France Football on how to reform its awards to minimize the credibility dilemma, they have much better experts who can do that. My concern is to see young football followers and analysts become more informed and equipped for deeper debates that are beyond sentiments. My other concern which has little to do with the Ballon dOr is to see football giving a little back to its estimated 3.5 billion fans that have made it powerful. While fans give it a lot, the sport appears to be giving almost nothing significant in return. It is sad to see football remaining silent, bias and indifferent in the face of global oppression and injustice. While it took FIFA and UEFA just four days to suspend Russia after its invasion of Ukraine in 2022, both bodies have remained criminally silent over two years since Israel launched its genocide on the football supporting people of Palestine.

24-09-2025

Opinion

Professor Adamu Abubakar Gwarzo: The Young African Visionary Redefining Education, Innovation and Human Development Across Continents

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By Musa Abdullahi Sufi

In an era where Africa continues to search for transformational leaders capable of bridging the gaps between education, innovation, entrepreneurship and humanitarian development, one name is increasingly standing out across the continent and beyond — Professor Adamu Abubakar Gwarzo.

From Northern Nigeria to the global academic landscape, Professor Gwarzo has emerged as a symbol of visionary leadership, educational transformation and youth-driven development. His story is not merely one of personal success; it is a remarkable movement dedicated to empowering humanity through knowledge, innovation, research, healthcare support, youth empowerment and international collaboration.

At a relatively young age, Professor Gwarzo has achieved what many institutions and governments struggle to accomplish within decades. His rapidly expanding educational, humanitarian and developmental footprints have positioned him among the most influential education reformers and social impact leaders in contemporary Africa.

Building a Pan-African Educational Revolution

The rise of Professor Gwarzo reflects the growing emergence of African-led solutions to African challenges. Through the establishment and expansion of globally oriented universities and academic institutions, he has created opportunities for thousands of students from diverse nationalities, cultures and socioeconomic backgrounds.

Among the institutions linked to his transformational vision is Maryam Abacha American University of Nigeria, an institution that has rapidly gained attention for promoting international standards in higher education, innovation, research and multicultural learning. The university has become a meeting point for students from across Africa and other parts of the world.

What distinguishes Professor Gwarzo’s educational philosophy is his emphasis on practical knowledge, global competitiveness, entrepreneurship and moral development. Rather than producing graduates who merely seek employment, his institutions encourage innovation, leadership and problem-solving capabilities that respond directly to modern societal challenges.

His educational investments extend beyond classrooms. They include scholarships for underprivileged students, support for female education, and promoting science and technology.

Others include youth leadership development, research partnerships, international academic collaborations and community-based development initiatives. In many ways, his work reflects the educational renaissance Africa urgently needs.

A Vision Beyond Profit

Unlike many private educational ventures driven primarily by commercial interests, Professor Gwarzo’s initiatives consistently demonstrate a deeper humanitarian philosophy. His interventions in healthcare, youth empowerment, women development and humanitarian support reveal a leadership model centered on societal transformation.

Through the Adamu Abubakar Gwarzo Foundation, countless lives have reportedly benefited from educational support, healthcare interventions, water and sanitation initiatives, climate-related advocacy and empowerment programs.

His development model aligns strongly with several global development priorities, including, quality education, gender Equality, poverty reduction, youth empowerment
* Innovation and Infrastructure, good Health and Well-being and Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs)

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At a time when many African youths face unemployment, migration pressures and limited educational opportunities, Professor Gwarzo’s institutions and initiatives are creating pathways of hope and opportunity.

Why Professor Gwarzo Deserves Global Recognition

The growing calls for Professor Gwarzo to receive international recognition, including potential consideration in global record and achievement platforms such as Guinness World Records, are not without merit.

Several factors strengthen such arguments. Among them listed below;

1. Extraordinary Educational Expansion at a Young Age

Professor Gwarzo represents one of the youngest African educational entrepreneurs to establish and support multiple internationally recognized academic institutions with rapidly expanding continental influence.

The scale, speed and societal impact of these accomplishments are rare within Africa’s educational sector.

2. Cross-Continental Academic Influence

His educational and institutional collaborations continue to connect Africa with global academic communities through research partnerships, exchange programs and international learning opportunities.

This has significantly contributed to improving Africa’s visibility within global education networks.

3. Massive Human Capital Development

Thousands of students, researchers, professionals and young innovators have benefited directly and indirectly from his investments in education and development.

The long-term impact of such human capital development may continue shaping societies for generations.

4. Combining Education With Humanitarian Impact

Very few academic entrepreneurs successfully integrate education, philanthropy, healthcare advocacy, youth empowerment and innovation ecosystems simultaneously at such scale.

Professor Gwarzo’s multidimensional approach distinguishes him from conventional educational investors.

5. Promoting Africa’s Positive Global Image

At a time when global narratives about Africa often focus on conflict, poverty and instability, Professor Gwarzo’s achievements project a different story — one of innovation, excellence, resilience and transformational leadership.

His institutions are helping position Africa as a center for intellectual growth and global competitiveness.

Inspiring a New Generation of African Youths

Perhaps the most powerful aspect of Professor Gwarzo’s story is the inspiration it provides to millions of young Africans.

His journey demonstrates that young Africans can build world-class institutions, v can overcome limitations, education remains the greatest investment, philanthropy and entrepreneurship can coexist and Africa can produce globally respected innovators and reformers.

In many developing societies, youths are often discouraged by economic hardship, political instability and limited opportunities. Yet Professor Gwarzo’s achievements offer a compelling counter-narrative: that transformational leadership is possible even within challenging environments.

His rise also challenges African elites, policymakers and private sector leaders to invest more aggressively in education, research, innovation and youth development.

The Future of African Transformation

Africa’s future will depend heavily on visionary individuals capable of transforming ideas into institutions and institutions into societal impact.

Professor Adamu Abubakar Gwarzo’s expanding legacy suggests that he belongs to a new generation of African builders whose influence may extend far beyond national borders.

As global conversations increasingly focus on sustainable development, knowledge economies and youth empowerment, leaders like Professor Gwarzo may become central figures in redefining Africa’s future trajectory.

His work represents more than personal accomplishment; it reflects a broader movement toward African self-reliance, intellectual advancement and transformational development.

If sustained and expanded, his vision may continue producing ripple effects across education, innovation, healthcare and human development for decades to come.

And in the history of modern African transformation, his name may well stand among those who chose not merely to succeed personally — but to build systems capable of uplifting humanity itself.

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Opinion

Amnesty International Report and My Questions to Them

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– Sufyan Lawal Kabo

sefjamil3@gmail.com

 

The recent condemnation issued by Amnesty International against the Kano State Government over the alleged killing of five persons during activities surrounding the swearing in of the new Deputy Governor has continued to raise serious concerns among many observers in Kano.

 

While every responsible citizen condemns violence and the loss of innocent lives, many are asking whether Amnesty International acted professionally and fairly before rushing to issue a strong public accusation against the government of Kano State.

 

Amnesty International, can a government that has invested heavily in ending political thuggery and street violence genuinely be accused of sponsoring the same violence it is fighting to eliminate?

 

Would a government that established the Safe Corridor Kano Model, profiled thousands of repentant youths, and committed over six hundred million naira for rehabilitation, empowerment and reintegration of former thugs suddenly turn around to encourage killings and chaos?

 

Can Amnesty International deny the fact that Kano has battled political thuggery and Yan Daba violence for decades, long before the present administration came into office? And among previous administrations, which government confronted the problem more directly than the administration of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf?

 

What political benefit would any serious government gain from encouraging violence against citizens at a time it is working to secure public trust ahead of future elections?

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Before issuing its condemnation, did Amnesty International contact the Kano State Government, the Police, DSS, Civil Defence, or any recognised security agency in Kano to verify the allegation properly? Or has social media content now become sufficient evidence for an international organisation claiming credibility and neutrality?

 

How did Amnesty International arrive at such a sensitive conclusion without presenting verifiable evidence to the public? And how sure are the people of Kano that those supplying information to the organisation are not politically biased individuals determined to damage the image of the present administration?

 

Is it professional for a respected international body to release emotionally charged reports involving deaths and violence without balanced investigation, fair hearing, or proper engagement with relevant authorities?

 

Can Amnesty International also deny the visible security efforts of the Kano State Government under Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, including stronger collaboration with security agencies, community security initiatives, deployment of operational support, and consistent public warnings against political violence and hooliganism?

 

If the government’s objective was violence, why would it continue investing public resources into youth rehabilitation, anti thuggery programmes and community peace initiatives?

 

The truth remains that Kano State Government has already condemned every act of violence connected to the incident and security agencies are reportedly investigating the matter. The government has also maintained its commitment to bringing perpetrators to justice according to law.

 

Amnesty International must therefore understand that careless or poorly verified reports on sensitive matters can create unnecessary tension, damage public confidence and unfairly malign governments making visible efforts to solve difficult social problems.

Kano deserves fairness. The people deserve peace. And organisations claiming international credibility must uphold professionalism, objectivity and thorough investigation before issuing reports capable of inflaming public emotions and damaging institutional reputations.

 

Sefjamil writes from Abuja

 

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Evidence First: Why Amnesty International’s Kano Claims Cannot Stand-Mamman Iro

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By Mamman Iro Kano

May 7, 2026

On May 5, 2026, Kano State witnessed a moment of constitutional significance. Alhaji Murtala Sule Garo was formally sworn in as Deputy Governor, completing the executive structure of an administration that has navigated months of political turbulence with a clarity and a purposefulness that its governance record continues to validate. Within hours of that ceremony, Amnesty International released a report alleging that five people had been killed in connection with the event. The Kano State Government, in a formal press statement signed by the Commissioner for Information and Internal Affairs, Ibrahim Abdullahi Waiya, described the claim as misleading, unfounded, and mischievous, stating that active inquiries conducted with relevant security agencies produced no official report or credible evidence to support it, and that no violent incident occurred at the Kano State Government House or its surroundings during the official function. That irreconcilable gap between what Amnesty International alleged and what verified institutional assessments confirm is where this analysis begins, and where the evidence, examined honestly and without partisan filter, must ultimately speak for itself.

Let us be precise about what Amnesty International has alleged, because precision about the nature of an allegation determines the standard of evidence required to sustain it. This is not a vague claim about generalised insecurity in a northern Nigerian state. It is a specific allegation that five human beings were killed in direct connection with a formal state government ceremony, at or near the seat of the Kano State executive. That is among the most serious categories of claim available in the vocabulary of human rights reporting, and it carries a correspondingly heavy evidentiary burden. It attributes to a sitting administration not merely a failure to prevent violence but a direct and operational causal relationship between its own institutional activities and the deaths of five people. The fundamental question this analysis asks is straightforward: does the available evidence meet that burden? On the basis of the documented record, the answer is no.

The government’s rebuttal, issued through Commissioner Waiya on the same day as the Amnesty International report, establishes several institutionally grounded counter-claims that any responsible assessment must engage with seriously rather than dismiss as reflexive political defensiveness. The government states that it conducted active inquiries with relevant security agencies specifically to investigate the alleged incident and found no official report or credible evidence to support it. It states that no violent incident occurred at Government House or its surroundings during the swearing-in ceremony. It further notes that the Nigerian leadership of Amnesty International has, in its assessment, repeatedly demonstrated bias and unprofessional conduct in reports relating to Kano State while overlooking comparable developments elsewhere in the country, and it has called upon the organisation’s international leadership to monitor its Nigerian chapter’s activities in order to protect the organisation’s global integrity. These are specific, falsifiable, and institutionally grounded positions. They deserve the same investigative engagement that Amnesty International’s original allegations received, and the absence of independent forensic confirmation of the alleged deaths from any local security structure, community stakeholder, or civil society organisation with verifiable on-the-ground presence represents a critical and unresolved gap in the evidentiary foundation upon which the international narrative rests.

The methodological questions raised by this incident go beyond the specific facts of May 5, 2026, and engage with a broader and more consequential concern about how international human rights monitoring is conducted in environments as politically complex as Kano State. In today’s digital information environment, allegations circulate at velocities that far outpace the deliberate, forensically grounded verification processes that responsible documentation requires. Video content spreads without verified timestamps, geographic authentication, or editorial context. Short clips are selectively edited and repurposed, constructing plausible-seeming narratives from fragmentary and decontextualised evidence. Responsible human rights reporting, particularly in a state with Kano’s political and security complexity, must demonstrably rise above these limitations. Any attempt to directly implicate a state government in acts of organised violence must be supported by credible forensic evidence establishing verifiable operational linkages between institutional authority and the specific conduct alleged, verified intelligence assessments from recognised security structures, a documented understanding of the longstanding criminal rivalries and territorial disputes operating among youth groups in the affected communities, and independent on-the-ground verification involving community leaders, traditional authorities, and civil society organisations before conclusions are publicly disseminated. The Unifier Project’s considered assessment is that the claims advanced against Kano State on May 7, 2026, do not demonstrably meet these standards.

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Beyond the specific facts of May 5, the broader institutional record of the Kano State Government presents a body of documented evidence that fundamentally complicates the narrative of state-sponsored violence. The administration’s Safe Corridor Kano Model, its flagship rehabilitative intervention targeting youth restiveness and street violence, has already profiled over 2,030 repentant youths for enrollment into its structured rehabilitation and reintegration programme. More than six hundred million naira has been approved for the first phase alone, targeting one thousand beneficiaries through vocational training, psychosocial support, and community reintegration pathways. These are not aspirational policy commitments. They are quantified, budgeted, and operationally active institutional investments in dismantling the conditions that produce youth violence. The logical incompatibility between an administration that has committed over N600 million to youth rehabilitation and an administration simultaneously accused of orchestrating the killing of citizens at its own official functions is not a rhetorical flourish. It is a substantive evidentiary consideration that any responsible investigation is obligated to address directly and honestly before reaching the conclusions that Amnesty International has chosen to advance.

The full governance record of this administration further deepens that incompatibility. Kano State is implementing a N1.477 trillion budget for 2026, the largest in its history, with 68 percent directed at capital projects. It has invested over N800 million in youth empowerment programmes benefiting more than 5,300 young people, disbursed over N334 million directly to 6,680 women entrepreneurs across all 44 local government areas, and deployed 2,000 trained Neighbourhood Watch operatives as a community-centred security intervention designed to reduce violent confrontations at the grassroots level. Kano ranked first in Nigeria’s 2025 NECO results. Its hospitals are being upgraded. Its roads are being rebuilt. Its farmers are receiving fertiliser, its dams are being constructed, and its young people are being empowered with tools, capital, and opportunity. This is the operational context within which any characterisation of this administration’s relationship to the welfare and safety of its citizens must be situated. It is a context that demands engagement rather than dismissal from any monitoring body that claims to be conducting evidence-based human rights assessment.

There is a further dimension to this controversy that must be named clearly and without diplomatic evasion. The perception, held by a growing number of informed observers within Kano’s civic and political communities, that Amnesty International applies differential levels of scrutiny to Kano State relative to comparable or more severe situations elsewhere in Nigeria, is not a fringe complaint or a partisan deflection. It is a concern about the institutional evenhandedness that determines whether human rights advocacy functions as a genuine instrument of accountability or as a mechanism of selective narrative construction. When a state government with a documented N600 million rehabilitation investment, a quantified youth empowerment record, and a formal security agency finding of no evidence for the alleged incident is subjected to internationally amplified allegations of organised violence without the forensic verification that such allegations require, the credibility deficit that results belongs not only to the monitoring organisation but to the broader enterprise of international human rights advocacy whose authority depends on its perceived consistency and impartiality. This is a concern that the international leadership of Amnesty International, if it takes its institutional mission seriously, cannot afford to disregard.

The position advanced in this commentary is neither anti-accountability nor pro-impunity. It is, precisely and unambiguously, pro-evidence. Accountability without evidence is not accountability. It is accusation. And accusation, however institutionally prestigious its source, does not become fact through repetition, amplification, or the authority of the body advancing it. It becomes fact through verification, corroboration, and the honest and transparent application of the evidentiary standards that distinguish responsible human rights documentation from the uncritical transmission of unverified claims. Kano State, its government, its institutions, and its 20 million people deserve to be assessed on the basis of verified evidence rather than viral narratives. The international community deserves human rights reporting that it can trust because it has earned that trust through methodological rigour rather than claimed through institutional reputation. And the communities of Kano State, who live with the real and daily consequences of how their home is characterised to the world, deserve nothing less than the truth, told with the honesty, the precision, and the evidentiary integrity that their situation demands. Evidence must come first. It must always come first. And until it does, claims of the gravity advanced against Kano on May 7, 2026, cannot, in good conscience, be allowed to stand unchallenged.

 

 

 

Mamman Iro Kano wrote in from Gwarzo Road, Kano, Kano State.

May 7, 2026

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