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Nigeria And The Callous Call For Coup:Thanks But No Thanks

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Chief of Army Staff Lieutenant General Taoreed

 

By Bala Ibrahim.

“As the Chief of Army Staff, my simple response to the call is, ‘Thanks, but no thanks!’ The Nigerian Army will not allow itself to be used to undemocratically sail some interests to power”-Lagbaja.

“Undemocratically sail some interests to power.” That’s the catch phrase to capture, from the powerful pronouncement of General Lagbaja, Nigeria’s Chief of Army Staff.

Anyone living in Nigeria today, is undoubtedly aware of the terrible situation of the country. Some are even calling it calamitous.Those who say so cannot be fully faulted, because, things are tough, very tough. All the ingredients of a tough life, as described by the dictionary, are visibly resident in Nigeria today, viz: economic hardship, trials, tribulations, and struggle. Some signs that may indicate that someone has had a difficult time or a hard life would be things such as physical signs of abuse or neglect, signs of poverty, depression, anxiety, or other mental health issues, or a lack of support from family or friends. These are descriptions from the dictionary about tough life and they seem to be simmering in Nigeria today.

What the dictionary did not say in answer to the meaning of tough life is the role of the government in a democratic arrangement. But indeed the Government has a share in the comfort or discomfort of the citizens of a country, Nigeria inclusive. It is not the ambition of this article to totally exonerate the government from blame, with regards to the misery of Nigerians, but it is the determination of the article to tell those who think that, through the call for coup, the solution to the problem would come, sorry, wrong number. It is simply akin to swallowing a nonsensical story hook, line, and sinker, without knowing what the real implication is all about.

A 2020 study found that, coups tended to lead to increases in state repression, not reductions. For Nigeria, repressive regime cannot salvage the situation. It would only worsen it. So, thanks for the call, but no thanks, according to the Army.

The Chief of Army Staff, who spoke recently in Uyo, the capital of Akwa Ibom state, at the closing ceremony of the Chief of Army Staff combined Second and Third Quarters Conference 2024, pinpointed the origin of the call, thus:

“the pertinent issue that came up during the recent protest is the call for undemocratic intervention in governance by the Armed Forces of Nigeria. Although one can say this was coming from young Nigerians who never experienced the era of Nigeria’s extensive military rule and the concerted struggle by heroes and heroines of our current democratic dispensation to get the Nation on its current path”.

Methinks those calling for coup don’t even understand the real meaning of the consequences of coup or what repression is all about. With repression, even the freedom to think freely is suppressed. The freedom to desire something is suppressed. People pay heavy price under repression, because of the lack of freedom, topmost of which is the denial of the freedom of expression. Countries that go the way of coup often fall under sanctions, which ultimately worsen the living conditions of the people. So, thanks for the call, but no thanks, according to the Army.

Yes, when Nigeria’s situation is perused properly, especially against the backdrop of the incessant insecurity in the country, it would be easy to accuse the government of insensitivity, because there are those alleging that the Government is benefitting from the insecurity. But that can also be wrong. No government, no matter how careless, would want its citizens to remain unsecured.

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The principal reason for the institution of Government as explained by the Social Contract theorists is the provision of security of lives and properties for the citizens. This is the ambition of every government every where in the world and Nigeria cannot be an exception. Even those who accuse the government of engaging in corruption, must know that without security, the so called corruption cannot thrive. So, every government, regardless of its mission, needs the security of its country. But, and I repeat but, that security can best be provided, when the role of the military is limited to the barracks.

By training and orientation, the military is a friend of the bullet and not the ballot. So, contrary to democracy, which is a combination of two Greek words, “demos”, meaning people, and “kratos” meaning power, or “power of the people through the ballot, the military comes under “militocracy”, which is an authoritarian government operating with the use of force, where the predominant power rests with the bullet.The opinion of the public is unimportant and can be silenced or side-lined with ease.

Since 2011, coups have become rampant in Africa, making the African Union to loose its grip on peace. It is alleged that, the actors, both local and international, are exerting their influence over these coups. And mostly, the end always fail to justify the means. Examples given are the events in Libya, Egypt and Tunisia in 2011, Burkina Faso in 2014 and 2022, Zimbabwe in 2017, Algeria and Sudan in 2019, Mali in 2020 and 2021, Guinea in 2021, Niger in 2023 and Gabon in 2023.

“Mostly, the governments that follow these coups have failed to address the circumstances that caused them. This, of course, leads to further coups. Succeeding regimes entrench themselves in power by corruption and by marginalising their political adversaries. Eventually, rising mass poverty provokes deep political disgruntlement. Political instability triggers a coup — and so the cycle continues”- Reuben Twinomujuni, Uganda.

In simple language, those calling for a coup are simply calling for a vicious cycle, which is a sequence of reciprocal cause and effect in which two or more elements intensify and aggregate each other, leading inevitably, to the worsening of the situation. Nigeria is not destined for such scenario and God would not allow it. So, thanks for the call, but no thanks, according to the Army.

In addressing the issue of insecurity, Lt. Gen. Lagbaja gave the assurance that the military would soon surmount the prevailing security challenges facing the country, because, the conference had provided them the opportunity to make strategic projections for the fourth quarter and comprehensively review the counter-insurgency operations, anti-banditry efforts, and other critical operations across the country.

The task before every Nigerian I think, is to pray for the success of the military in this endeavor, and not for them to venture into the political arena of the country.

In most cases, apologists of coup are largely politicians that have lost elections, who always take advantage of the gullible and the easily deceivable, by merchandising falsehood, with the intention of injecting political tension in the country. Once there is such political tension, there would be strained relations or conflicts, depending on the magnitude of the lies peddled. These would pave way for power struggles, regional disputes, or other political factors between individuals or groups.

Those conversant with coups say, such tensions can lead to heightened hostility and potential overthrow of the government- an undemocratic regime change in short. Such change is not permitted by the constitution and President Bola Ahmed Tinubu had told those with such thinking, to have a rethink. The President said he is not opposed to any regime change, but those angling for that, must wait till 2027. Even at that, they have to go through the ballot and not the bullet.

Only last month, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu had his inaugural Council of State meeting, wherein many issues were discussed, including the hunger protest and the security situation of the country. The briefing by the National Security Adviser at the meeting, Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, was particularly commendable, because he allayed everybody’s fears, they said. The NSA spoke on the tightness of the security around the country and also reassured all that, nobody will be allowed to truncate our hard earned democracy.

“Any change of government has to be through the ballot and not through the barrel of the gun, or through insurrection or through any other unconstitutional means. Only through the ballot box can any government be changed and reassured of the security readiness of all security agencies in the country to secure our territorial integrity and to protect Nigeria’s democracy.”- NSA Mallam Nuhu Ribadu.

Indeed those calling for the coup are not only callous, but seriously unserious and insensible. And the Chief of Army staff, Lt.Gen. Lagbaja had answered them, by saying: Thanks for the call, but no thanks.

Opinion

Beyond the Numbers: What the Ekiti 2026 Governorship Results Reveal About Coalition Politics and Path to 2027

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By Abass Sherifat Taiwo

Returning Officer Adenike Oladiji, a professor and Vice-Chancellor of the Federal University of Technology, announced the results in the early hours of Sunday, at roughly 3:13 a.m. Incumbent Governor Biodun Oyebanji of the APC won comfortably, polling 319,224 votes across the state’s 16 local government areas. His closest challenger, the PDP’s Oluwole Oluyede, trailed far behind with 40,543 votes, while the ADC’s Dare Bejide came in third with 12,872 votes.

Of the 384,940 voters accredited for the election, 375,777 cast valid votes, a validity rate of about 97.6%, suggesting relatively few spoiled or rejected ballots.

Oyebanji’s win carries added weight as the first consecutive re-election in Ekiti’s history, a state known for unseating incumbents since 1999. His dominance was also total: he won all sixteen LGAs, and even his closest contest, in Ikere, was still a comfortable margin. His five strongest councils alone delivered nearly half his statewide votes, showing concentrated rather than thin support.

Elite alignment mattered too. For the first time, every living former Ekiti governor backed his re-election, leaving the opposition without any prominent defectors to rally behind. This unified backing functioned as a coordinated endorsement strategy, a visible signal of consensus that opposition parties had no comparable message to counter.

Between the opposition parties, PDP’s showing is more telling than ADC’s. ADC placing third as a newer platform isn’t surprising, but PDP, a long-established national party, barely crossed 3,000 votes in most councils, pointing to weak grassroots structure rather than just a bad cycle. The deeper question is whether this reflects a structural failure or a failure to sustain visibility and message presence at the ward level between election cycles.

Party | Votes | % of Valid Votes
APC | 319,224 | 84.95%
PDP | 40,543 | 10.79%
ADC | 12,872 | 3.43%
ADP | ~1,289 | 0.34%
Accord | 564 | 0.15%
LP | ~263 | 0.07%
AAC | ~188 | 0.05%

When the vote totals of every opposition party are combined, they amount to roughly 55,719 votes, or about 14.83% of all valid votes cast, a stark contrast to the APC’s dominant 84.95% share on its own. Even in a hypothetical scenario where every opposition party ran on a single, fully united ticket, their combined total would still fall short of the APC’s by approximately 263,505 votes. This gap illustrates just how commanding Oyebanji’s victory was: it was not simply a matter of a divided opposition splitting votes among several parties, but a result that would have withstood even total opposition unity.

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Following the Ekiti result, APC framed it as proof of growing national support ahead of 2027, pointing to the rise in its vote totals in the state from about 187,000 in 2022 to roughly 318,000 in 2026, and projecting even higher numbers for Tinubu in 2027. Opposition parties, including the ADC and SDP, pushed back, arguing that Ekiti’s off-cycle, low-turnout nature makes it a poor predictor of a national contest.

Both claims need scrutiny. APC’s growth trend is real, but it happened in a state the party already governs, where incumbency and federal attention worked in its favour, so it says more about consolidating an existing stronghold than expanding into contested territory. The opposition’s caution is fair, but understates that APC’s structural advantages, incumbency and federal resources, aren’t unique to Ekiti and could repeat elsewhere. The more accurate takeaway is that Ekiti confirms APC’s strength where it already holds power, without proving it can replicate that in genuinely competitive states by 2027.

ADC’s third-place finish in Ekiti, just 3.43% of the vote, looks unremarkable on its own, but it only makes sense next to the party’s national story. A year earlier, ADC had positioned itself as the face of a new opposition coalition, pulling in heavyweight names like Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi with the promise of a unified front against the APC. That promise hasn’t held: Obi and Kwankwaso have since defected to a rival platform, the NDC, while ADC battles leadership disputes and court cases that put its own 2027 participation in doubt.

That is the real lesson here for coalition politics as a communication problem, not just a structural one. ADC did not fail for lack of big names, it had plenty. What it could not do was hold one coherent message together once multiple egos and regional bases began pulling in different directions. Whether it can still become the platform it promised by 2027 is uncertain, but Ekiti is an early sign of a bigger unraveling.

Beyond Ekiti, the result speaks to a deeper pattern in Nigerian opposition politics: alliances are far easier to announce than to sustain. This suggests APC’s greatest advantage going into the next general election may not be its own performance, but the opposition’s continued inability to stay united. The near-total validity rate and one-sided outcome in Ekiti also raise questions about how genuinely competitive Nigeria’s state elections currently are, and whether low-turnout, off-cycle polls like this one can reliably signal national voter sentiment.

The Ekiti result is less a story about Oyebanji’s popularity alone than about the opposition’s structural fragility. Even a fully united opposition ticket would not have closed the gap, which means the problem isn’t vote-splitting, it’s organisational weakness, unstable coalitions, and the absence of a party capable of matching APC’s machinery and incumbency advantages. What Nigeria’s opposition needs before 2027 isn’t just structural unity, but a coherent, disciplined communication strategy capable of sustaining one message across factions, something no coalition has yet demonstrated. Until Nigeria’s opposition can build a coalition that survives contact with real electoral pressure, results like Ekiti’s are likely to repeat themselves in APC strongholds heading into 2027.

By Abass Sherifat Taiwo
Department of Development and Strategic communication University of Abuja
200level

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Opinion

Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf Has Earned a Vote of Confidence on Education

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By Hon. Muhammad Sanusi S. Kiru, FCIA
(Former Commissioner of Education, Kano State)

There comes a time in public discourse when fairness must prevail over partisanship and facts must take precedence over preconceived opinions. That moment has come in my assessment of the educational reforms being implemented by the administration of His Excellency, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf.

As a former Commissioner of Education and someone who has consistently evaluated government performance with candour, I owe the people of Kano State an honest appraisal of the Governor’s performance in the education sector. After objectively reviewing the administration’s interventions from 2024 to 2026, particularly its determined efforts to address the acute shortage of teachers, I have reached an inescapable conclusion: Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf deserves a vote of confidence for his outstanding commitment to the development of education in Kano State.

One of the greatest challenges confronting our educational system has been the persistent shortage of teachers, resulting in unfavourable teacher-pupil and teacher-student ratios across many public schools. This problem has adversely affected the quality of teaching and learning for many years.

The present administration has confronted this challenge with courage and determination. Between 2024 and 2026, the government recruited or absorbed 8,715 permanent teachers and engaged 3,688 temporary BESDA Cohort V teachers, bringing the documented total to 12,403 education personnel. With recruitments by other education agencies, the overall figure is widely estimated at approximately 13,000 teachers.

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This represents one of the largest teacher recruitment exercises in the history of Kano State. More importantly, it is a strategic investment in the future of our children and in the long-term development of the state. By substantially reducing the teacher deficit, the administration has strengthened both the basic and post-basic education subsectors and created a stronger foundation for improved educational outcomes. The new recruitment not only means making our classrooms more vibrant and ensuring that teaching is consistently taking place, but it also signifies a positive shift in the narrative reflected in monitoring reports, the annual school census, and national personnel data.

Looking at the tangible achievements now before us, particularly in education, it is clear that the administration has made significant and commendable progress. Leadership should always be judged by measurable accomplishments, and in this regard, the Governor has acquitted himself admirably.

One area where the administration must, however, improve is public communication. Many of its remarkable achievements have not received the publicity they deserve. A well-coordinated and effective publicity strategy would ensure that citizens fully appreciate the scope and impact of these landmark interventions.

As His Excellency prepares to personally attend the special ceremony for the presentation of appointment letters to the newly employed teachers on Tuesday, 21st July 2026, I consider it appropriate to congratulate him on this historic milestone. The ceremony is more than a presentation of appointment letters; it is a celebration of renewed hope for thousands of families, a reaffirmation of government’s commitment to quality education, and a significant step towards building a stronger educational system for future generations.

I wish His Excellency a successful and hitch-free ceremony and pray that Almighty Allah grants him wisdom, good health, and continued strength to sustain the ongoing transformation of the education sector. May this programme mark the beginning of even greater achievements in the quest to provide every child in Kano State with access to quality education delivered by competent and dedicated teachers.

Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf deserves sincere commendation for these giant strides. If this policy of continuous recruitment and investment in teachers is sustained, it will undoubtedly be remembered as one of the defining legacies of his administration. Future generations will look back on this period as a turning point in the educational history of Kano State.

I therefore extend my heartfelt congratulations to His Excellency and offer him a well-deserved vote of confidence. I also wish him every success as he formally presents appointment letters to these newly recruited teachers on Tuesday. May the occasion be memorable, successful, and another milestone in the march towards educational excellence in Kano State.

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Opinion

Kashim Shettima and the Question of Continuity in 2027

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Kashim S

By Baba Dantiye, MON, mni, FNGE

As Nigeria gradually approaches another election cycle, political discussions are naturally beginning to focus on the choices that will shape the 2027 general elections. Among the issues attracting attention is the question of presidential tickets and, particularly, the role of Vice President Kashim Shettima within the current administration.

The choice of a running mate is one of the most significant decisions in any presidential contest. It involves considerations that go beyond electoral calculations. Factors such as competence, experience, political balance, governance record, public perception and the ability to complement the President’s vision all play important roles.

Against this background, the performance, public service record and leadership contributions of Vice President Kashim Shettima have become central to discussions about continuity and the future direction of the Tinubu administration.

Since assuming office in May 2023, Shettima has occupied an important position within the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. As Vice President, his responsibilities have included representing the President at official engagements, chairing strategic meetings, coordinating government initiatives and engaging with national and international stakeholders.

One of the notable features of the Tinubu-Shettima partnership has been the public display of cooperation between the President and his deputy. Nigeria’s political history has witnessed instances where relationships between presidents and vice presidents became strained, creating distractions that affected governance. The relatively smooth working relationship between the two leaders has been viewed by observers as an important factor in maintaining stability within the administration.

Shettima has consistently presented himself as a supportive deputy, focusing on responsibilities assigned to him and contributing to the implementation and communication of government policies.

In political leadership, loyalty is often considered alongside competence and capacity. A Vice President is expected not only to support the President but also to bring experience, judgment and independent value to governance. Supporters of Shettima point to his ability to maintain this balance by remaining committed to the administration while drawing from his extensive background in public service.

His leadership of the National Economic Council (NEC) is one of the key areas in which his role has attracted attention. The Council provides a platform for collaboration between the Federal Government and state governments on issues affecting economic development, infrastructure, agriculture, energy and other national priorities.

Chairing such a body requires political maturity, patience and the ability to manage diverse interests. Nigeria’s governors represent different political parties, regions and perspectives. Effective coordination therefore depends on consultation, dialogue and consensus-building.

As a former Governor of Borno State, Shettima brings practical experience of state administration and an understanding of the challenges faced by sub-national governments. This background has been useful in facilitating discussions between the Federal Government and State leaders on issues requiring collective action.

The Vice President has also been involved in government efforts relating to economic coordination, food security and other national development priorities. While the long-term impact of many policies will continue to be assessed, his role demonstrates the importance of coordination and collaboration in a complex federal system.

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Another area frequently discussed is his role in communicating government policies. The current administration has introduced significant economic reforms that have generated extensive public debate. In such circumstances, communication and public engagement become important elements of governance.

Shettima has consistently used public platforms to explain government positions, engage stakeholders and present the administration’s perspective on national issues. His approach has generally emphasised patience, understanding and the long-term objectives of government programmes.

Beyond his current office, Shettima’s experience as Governor of Borno State remains an important part of his public record. He governed during one of the most challenging periods in Nigeria’s recent history, when the Boko Haram insurgency created serious security and humanitarian difficulties.

Leading Borno State during that period required resilience, crisis management skills and the ability to work with security agencies, traditional institutions, humanitarian organisations and development partners. His administration operated under extraordinary circumstances while attempting to sustain government services and support affected communities.

That experience contributed to his understanding of security management, humanitarian challenges and the relationship between peace, stability and development.

His political journey also reflects experience across different levels of governance. Before becoming Vice President, he served in the Senate, where he participated in national legislative processes and gained further exposure to federal governance. His experience as a former governor, legislator and Vice President has shaped his understanding of Nigeria’s political and administrative environment.

Observers have also highlighted his relationship with his successor in Borno State as an example of political transition without public disagreement. In Nigeria’s political environment, where transitions between elected officials can sometimes lead to conflicts, peaceful succession and institutional continuity are often regarded as positive developments.

The Vice President’s relationship with Northern stakeholders has also formed part of discussions around his political relevance. Through engagements with traditional institutions, business communities, professional groups and other stakeholders, he has remained one of the administration’s prominent voices in explaining government policies and national priorities.

The North remains an important component of Nigeria’s political landscape, and leaders from the region have historically played significant roles in national affairs. Shettima’s experience and political network have contributed to his visibility in national conversations.

However, the question of a presidential ticket involves broader considerations beyond the performance of an individual office holder. Political parties must consider issues such as national spread, electoral strategy, changing alliances, public sentiment and the overall objectives of the party.

Different perspectives will naturally emerge as Nigeria moves closer to 2027. Some may emphasise continuity and the value of retaining an established partnership, while others may advocate different approaches based on evolving political circumstances. Such debates are part of the democratic process.

Ultimately, the decision on the composition of the presidential ticket will rest with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and the leadership of the All Progressives Congress. Their decision will reflect political consultations, strategic considerations and their assessment of what best serves their objectives and the country.

Nevertheless, public discussion remains important because democracy is strengthened when citizens assess leaders based on performance, responsibility and contributions to national development.

A successful administration depends not only on policies but also on teamwork among those entrusted with implementing them. Stability, trust and institutional experience are valuable assets in governance, particularly in a country as complex and diverse as Nigeria.

Whether continuity is ultimately preferred or a different path is chosen, the debate underscores an enduring principle: democratic leadership is strengthened when decisions are informed by performance, experience, constitutional responsibility and the public interest. As Nigeria looks ahead to 2027, the experience, service and contributions of Kashim Shettima will remain central to any serious assessment of the choices before the nation.

About the Writer

Baba Dantiye, MON, mni, FNGE, is a former Commissioner for Information and Internal Affairs, Kano State and former President of the Nigerian Guild of Editors (2003–2008)

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