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How not to be a Professor

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Sheikh Isa Ali Pantami

 

Abdulgaffar Amoka

The press release from ASUU after the Unilag NEC meeting that directed all ASUU branches not to recognize Dr. Pantami as a Professor opened up another discussion on his appointment by FUTO as a Professor of Cyber Security in 2021. Some people that are lazy to even read the press release are questioning the right ASUU has got to withdraw the appointment.

Dear lazy and misinformed fellows, ASUU did not withdraw any appointment and this was the statement. “NEC hereby rejects in its entity the purported appointment of Dr. Isah Ali Ibrahim Pantami as a professor of cybersecurity. From the evidence available to us, Dr. Pantami was not qualified, and the said appointment violated the established procedure for the appointment of professors in the university”.

You and the VC of FUTO can address him as a Professor, but the ASUU NEC directed all members and branches of our union across the nation not to recognize, accord, or treat Dr. Isah Ali Ibrahim Pantami as a professor of cybersecurity under any guise. That statement should not be too difficult to comprehend.

As the argument on the ASUU position was ongoing, a hilarious trending piece titled “Where was ASUU?” was on social media. Of course, ASUU was there and still there. Dr. Jerry Gana was a Reader in ABU before he got into politics in1983 on leave of absence from the University. From the university rules and regulations, staff on leave of absence is entitled to his next promotion. That qualified Dr. Jerry Gana to become Prof. Jerry Gana in 1985 while holding a political appointment. The same happened to Ngozi Osarenren, Abdul-Rasheed Kunle Lawal, Misbau Babatunde, etc, mentioned on the list that held political appointments. They were promoted by the same university they left on leave of absence for a political appointment. Pantami’s case was not the same and not even close.

Pantami; Now that you are a Professor!

The name that got me to laugh loud was that of Wole Soyinka. How can you mention the name of a Nobel laureate in this kind of situation? A Nobel laureate fa? Unbelievable? They should have put every other name but not Wole Soyinka. Haba! Ignorance is not an excuse to be stupid. It made the compiler look stupid. Meanwhile, as of the time Wole Soyinka was appointed as a Professor, PhD was not a criterion to becoming a Professor, his scholarly contribution was just enough. Until recently, you don’t even need a PhD to become a Senior Lecturer. But now you can’t be a Senior Lecturer without a PhD. So, the rules keep changing.

Pantami is a great Islamic scholar, was great as the DG of NITDA, and doing well as a minister. If I were him, I would have focused more on my responsibilities to complement my existing achievements and carve a niche for myself. But he wants the title of a Professor. This looks like a case of a man desperate to kill two birds with one stone. I still ask myself what is the big deal on that title that some people want at all costs.

Meanwhile, his PhD and the nearly 3 years post qualification experience in Saudi Arabia was in Information science. Not sure if cyber security is embedded in his information science. So, if it is, what are his scholarly contributions to cyber security? One of the FUTO’s criteria was web presence but we could not find that record of his presence on the web. The hailers should be telling us where to find the record and not emotional blackmail.

Some people brought religious colouration to create sympathy. His hailers were on it, passing fatwa, and MURIC Director nailed it. Note that the criticism of the appointment has no religious dimension else the first critics of the appointment would not have been Muslims. Farooq Kperogi and some Professors from the North were among the first people to write about it. MURIC felt that some branches of ASUU in the North may not heed to ASUU NEC directive. MURIC Director doesn’t seem to know ASUU well. Dear sir, every single branch is in agreement with the directive from NEC and will heed to it.

Another person that claimed to be a Professor from IBBU brought in the triple helix model. The triple helix model of innovation refers to a set of interactions between academia, industry, and government, to foster economic and social development. It is a brilliant idea and we need it in our society for national development. I had a triple helix experience. The project that I did a postdoc on at NTNU Trondheim was funded by the industry and the Norwegian government. During the project work, we had meetings that consists of us (the project team) in the academia, the industrial partners, and the government representative. We are also currently working on a project that involved TETFund, ABU, and TCN/Kaduna Electric. That is a triple helix. How Pantami’s controversial professorial appointment fits into the triple helix model is what I am trying to understand. Was his appointment a purposeful hiring to execute a triple helix project? Which cyber security project was he employed to handle at FUTO? Who is he representing? It can’t be the industry because he is not in the industry and has never worked in one.

He had all the opportunities to develop a career in academics to the highest rank but left as Assistant Professor to pick up a political appointment. If he was so passionate to teach and FUTO is so in need of his expertise and experiences, the VC should have appointed him as a visiting professor. That is a lesser evil and there won’t be much noise. But a fresh tenured professor for a serving minister whose last academic position was an Assistant Professor? Haba VC! Let’s even forget about the fact that his last position in academia was Assistant Professor. Visit the FUTO’s website for the advert for the vacancy. His about 3 years post qualification experience in academia has knocked him out since 12 years post qualification experience was a criterion on the FUTO vacancy advert and not 3 years.

He has been addressed as Professor even before he started lecturing there. Most people are beginning to think that the appointment may possibly not be about his experience or service to the university but the title for him and the opening of opportunities to explore for the university or the VC. He possibly wants the title “Prof” on his name like most of us also want. The race for the acquisition of titles in Nigeria has shifted base to academia.

Let’s be honest with ourselves, what experience has he got in cyber security as the DG of NITDA and now a minister that qualified him to be a Professor? Such appointments are more of an administrative job to coordinate the activities (technical and non-technical) and the people doing the job. A DG or a Minister won’t be in the lab to develop codes for cyber security. He does not have time for that even if he wants to. He is not involved in any technical department doing the real lab work or fieldwork.

For example, a Chemist is appointed as the Director of the Equipment maintenance and development centre of a university for a period of 4 years. He will coordinate the activities of the Engineers at the centre to get the job done toward achieving their mandate. Does that suddenly qualify him to be a professor of equipment maintenance?

I have no problem with people that insist that he is qualified for the fresh academic position even as a serving minister. But what I want to read is not emotions and blackmails but information on what qualified him for an elevation from the last position of an Assistant professor in information science to a Professor in a field he never did his PhD or have hands-on experience while In academia. What cyber security problem has he solved? What are his breakthroughs in cyber security? What cyber security system has he developed? Has he got any patent? Where are his scholarly contributions to cyber security? How many MSc or PhD theses has he supervised in cyber security? In which university? Who are the students? Why does FUTO want him?

We have discussed the reckless promotion to the rank of Professor in Nigerian universities that is making some people become uncomfortable having “Prof” with their name. A respected senior colleague once said that we have two classes of professors in the university. I look at the profiles of the likes of Prof. Ibrahim Gambari, Prof. Deborah Ajakaiye, Prof. S.B. Ojo, etc, and I still wonder if as an academic I will ever be truly qualified to be called a Professor.

We’ve got several issues to deal with in the university. Adding a ridiculous appointment of politicians to the rank of Professor to our numerous problems in the Universities is like adding salt to injury. You definitely don’t want to open that door in public universities. The Nigerian university system is already messed up and some of us still wonder how we can regain the lost glory. We need to ensure that it is not further messed up by politicians or some self-serving university management.

To Dr. Pantami, you are still relatively young and will be done as a minister in about a year from now. If the appointment is not about the “title” to add to your name but “service” to FUTO and Nigeria, If I were you, I will honorably let go of the controversial appointment and pick up the academic job after my tenure as a minister.

To the hailing hailers that have got no idea how the university works and the difference between Assistant, Associate Professor, and Professor but arguing left-center-right, ignorance is not an excuse to be stupid.

©Amoka

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Opinion

Ganduje, CPC’s Defection Threat and APC’s Hegemony

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By Abba Anwar

In the last two days ears of Nigerians were filled with stories, rumors and baseless threat about a surreptitious move by the so-called juggernauts of the Congress of Progressive Change (CPC), to defect from the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). Their major reason for the planless plan, is, CPC people are more or less excluded in President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration.

Some reports presented in the media, suggest that, “… emerging reports suggest that President Bola Tinubu’s camp is making desperate moves to prevent the defection of key members of the All Progressives Congress (APC) to the Social Democratic Party (SDP), particularly those from the Congress for Progressives Change (CPC).”

When one looks into all such reports very well, he/she will understand that, the entire complain stem from the shoulders of so-called CPC members.

To refer my reader back to memory lane, CPC was one of the political parties that were fused together to have, what we now know as APC. Other parties were, fraction of People’s Democratic Party (PDP), All Nigeria People’s Party (ANPP), All Congress of Nigeria (ACN). And probably other smaller parties, ‘yan kanzagi.

Among all the parties that merged and birthed APC, it was only CPC that had bad leadership style. Where preventable crisis, inept leadership and directionless political strategy were the order within the rank and file of the party, then. The party (CPC) was only together because of the then goodwill and hope (dashed later) of Muhammadu Buhari’s political inclusion.

Such reports making round posit that, “… Al-Makura (former Governor of Nassarawa state and the only Governor CPC produced in Nigeria), is reportedly being offered a possible APC National Chairmanship in exchange for convincing Buhari to intervene and rally his loyalists (to remain in APC).” Such reports describe Al-Makura as a close political ally of the former President, Buhari.

Let me begin with asking the following questions for the so-called CPC advocates, what strength CPC still has within APC when die-hard Buhari loyalists were deliberately and comfortably rejected by Buhari administration when he ruled for eight years? What CPC did to people like the party’s gubernatorial flagbearer in 2011 in Kano, retired Brigadier General Lawan Jafaru Isah and his likes?

Please let us know what CPC did to all other gubernatorial and Deputy Governorship candidates during 2011, when Buhari assumed the mantle of leadership in eight years of his rule? What CPC did to the grassroot and absolutely die-hard Buhari loyalists, to a fault, like one Malam Usman Muhammad Gama from Kano?

When merging parties were collapsed into merger, CPC collapsed and melted down completely into the merger. All hitherto CPC structures were made left unnoticed even by Buhari administration. Where were the leading party (CPC) leaders in states when Buhari was President? They were all pushed back, by the administration of the then “Messiah.”

The pioneer National Chairman of CPC and the then Kano state Chairman of the party, Senator Rufa’i Sani Hanga and late Amadu Haruna Zago, defected to New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP), Kwankwasiyya political group, to be precise. Big shots like Hajiya Naja’atu Mohammed, who coined and popularized ANPP SAK (ANPP AT ALL STAGES), a slogan that gave ANPP many governors in Nigeria, when Buhari was the presidential candidate of the party, was nowhere close to Buhari. That was in 2003 general elections, when ANPP wrestled powers of some states from the “Almighty” PDP then.

What of people like Sule Yahaya Hamma, the then Director General of The Buhari Organization (TBO), the first and the foremost platform that oiled Buhari’s presence in Nigeria’s party politics? Where was he when Buhari was President for eight years? Nowhere!

At the level of CPC youth involvement, I still remember very energetic and vibrant youth, like Abubakar General in Kano. Buhari called him Civilian General. He was in the forefront in taking Buhari to places, for example, he singlehandedly, many years back when he took Buhari to the Old Campus of Bayero University, Kano, for students to hear from the horse’s mouth. But what was his involvement in Buhari’s government? After many years in government, Buhari appointed him to be a member of the Governing Board of National Human Rights Commission (NHRC).

Where were people like Sharif Nasdura Ashir when Buhari was in power for eight years? I knew him garnering support from students across all 19 Northern states, since 2003, Buhari’s first debut into politics. Where were people like Buhari, former Chairman of the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ) in Katsina state when Buhari was President for eight years? This guy took the risk of going round to all the 36 states of the federation, in Buhari’s entourage, with his camera, covering all campaign tours, in 2003 elections, while at the same time, he was a civil servant under PDP government.

Where was the now Managing Director of News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) Ali M. Ali, when Buhari was President for eight years? This guy was deeply involved in media strategies for Buhari since from day one. It was only during Tinubu administration, that he got his current appointment, MD NAN. So what are talking about saboda Allah?

So when the so-called CPC members are crying for non-inclusion into Tinubu’s government, they are indeed crying foul. And he learned from Buhari himself. If they think Tinubu betrayed them, who betrayed them first and best? So what are they taking about?

When did people like Al-Makura become Buhari’s close ally in politics? What is the political weight of those being pictured within CPC circle as those planning to exit from APC? What political strategy do people think CPC has as a party? A party that wasted time and hid behind Buhari’s popularity then. A popularity that is trimmed down to more than 50 percent now.

It is even a political disaster for any administration or serious party of good management style, to align with CPC now, particularly in Northern Nigeria.

Northerners are still not happy that, in his eight years of rule, Buhari, couldn’t finish the express way from Kano to Kaduna to Abuja, from Kano to Maiduguri and he could not start and complete the dredging of River Niger. Not to talk of other critical areas like Ajaokuta Steel project and Mambila Power Plant. Apart from his economic policies that suffocated the downtrodden masses.

The greatest political problem President Tinubu is faced with, in my understanding of political development, is his inability to critically understand the equation of politics in Northern Nigeria. Agreed Tinubu is a great politician of substance, but part of his major weaknesses, is his hazy understanding of political intrigues up North.

I can pinpoint few individuals within APC that are heavier, more relevant and important than all CPC structures within the larger body of the APC merger. In Kano alone, not to talk of other strategic states and locations.

The Deputy Senate President, Barau I. Jibrin, Hon Alhassan Ado Doguwa, former House Majority Leader, House of Representatives, Hon Abubakar Bichi, Chairman House Committee on Appropriation, representating Bichi federal constituency, Hon Baffa Babba Dan Agundi, Director General, National Productivity Centre, among many others, that are within government circle.

Outside government circle when you talk of people like former Deputy Gubernatorial candidate for 2023 election, in Kano, His Excellency, Murtala Sule Garo, is enough, people much closer to grassroot /real voters. In his calculation he doesn’t even see the existence of CPC within APC.

What of people like Distinguished Senator who represented Kano Central, Muhammad Bello, who was one time Kano State Chairman of the then ruling ANPP. He was instrumental in many good things Shekarau administration did to Buhari during the first tenure of Malam Shekarau. Where was he during Buhari administration?

As the National Chairman of APC and Distinguished Barau are running helter skelter to woo other well rooted politicians in Kano, to APC, people like Distinguished Senator Abdurrahman Kawu Sumaila, Senator representating Kano South, Hon Kabiru Alasan Rurum, representing Rano/Bunkure/Kibiya federal constituency, Hon Ali Madakin Gini, representing Dala federal constituency and Hon Abdullahi Sani Rogo, representing Rogo/Karaye federal constituency, CPC’s presence and capacity in the merger, if any, are too weak to be visible.

Let me ask again, who are the real and committed CPC people across the country that were very visible in Buhari administration? I mean real Buhari people, who were with him even before the formation of that weakest political party, the CPC.

To me, Distinguished Senator Malam Ibrahim Shekarau’s political base, you either call it Shoorah or Shekariyya or Sardauniyya, or any other name, is much more organized, more focused, more serious, more disciplined, more engaging than CPC. No doubt about this.

Outside Kano, let me touch Tinubu’s National Security Adviser, Malam Nuhu Ribadu. This is a single person whose presence in Tinubu administration is much more important and relevant than all CPC structures put together, within APC, if there are.

Go to his constituency and see how he is impacting into the lives of his people. His political associates and boys, if you like, are having clear sight and focus under Tinubu administration. Unlike many CPC members, who were abandoned and frustrated when Buhari became President, 2015 to 2023.

To cap it all, Ganduje and Al-Makura are not mates in politics. Not at all! Those thinking Al-Makura can become National Chairman, they are doing that to purposely sink the party under a ditchy ocean filled with hungry sharks. At this point, APC needs people with deep sense of people’s political understanding, strategists, high level lobbyists, experienced politicians, enduring and detribalised leaders of substance. Ganduje encapsulates them all.

So all cards and the table are before President Tinubu. But I still maintain my observation, that, President Tinubu does not clearly understand how politics is played in Northern Nigeria. The survival of APC, is in his hand, to make or mar.

Anwar was Chief Press Secretary to the former Governor of Kano State, Dr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje CON and can be reached at fatimanbaba1@gmail.com
April 15, 2025.

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Opinion

Ganduje’s Visit of Shame, By Adnan Mukhtar

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The visit of Alhaji Atiku Abubakar to former President Muhammadu Buhari has given the All Progressives Congress a sleepless night.

At a time when the party should focus on how to better the life of Nigerians as a result of the hardship since the inauguration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu; the party has resorted to acting like an opposition.

It’s obviously clear that Atiku is setting a precedent for the party to follow. Even though he has told the world that his visit to the former President is a personal one, a post sallah visit as he told Nigerians on his Facebook Page; the former Vice President has reiterated his commitment to forming a formidable coalition that will defeat President Tinubu in 2027.

Shortly after Atiku’s visit, Ganduje rushed to the Kaduna residence of Muhammadu Buhari to visit him alongside some members of his National Working Committee.

When asked by journalists about his take on the Coalition; he replied, “We are not concerned about any coalition.”

If they are not concerned, then why the rush to visit Buhari after Atiku’s visit. It was the APC governors in the first place, as reported by some national dailies. The visit was to persuade Buhari to stop his people from joining the coalition.

Whatever, the upcoming coalition is for the good of this country, it is an effort to rescue the country in the hands of President Tinubu, who has inflicted hardship in all ramifications to Nigerians

There is kidnapping in the land, of recent bandits kidnapped a retired major General and former head of one of our critical national institutions NYSC, what confidence would it give our corps members.

The government is taking credit of his release, to this moment, the truth of the matter hasn’t prevailed. Was General Tsiga released after payment of ransome or rescued by security agencies?

Every well-meaning Nigerian should support the coalition, it’s is not about Atiku or El-rufai; it is about the future of Nigeria as a nation.

The APC as a party should call it’s son President Tinubu, to order so that he can do the needful to fix this country from the current mess, not following every footstep of Atiku.

Atiku is indeed a powerful opposition figure.

Atiku’s Visit to Binta Yar’adua

Shortly after his visit to former President Muhammadu Buhari, Atiku visited the wife of his lifetime mentor, General Shehu Musa Yaradua.

The visit symbolises Atiku’s loyalty to his mentor Shehu Yaradua even in death. I read in his autobiography how Shehu not only helped him but has later become his business partner. Shehu Yaradua was part of Intels, an investment where Atiku is a major shareholder.

It’s good to be loyal, Atiku is a loyalist of Shehu; a loyalty that should inspire the younger generation.

May our loyalty never be tasted!

Adnan is a university lecturer and a communication strategist

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Opinion

2027:Why Fa’izu Alfindiki Is Municipal’s Best Choice For Reps

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From Danlami Gandun Albasa

There is no doubt that the former Chairman of Kano Municipal Hon Fa’izu Alfindiki (Jundullahi) can make a better candidate for the position of House of Representatives, in the forthcoming 2027. His name alone rings bell and sends fear to the ears and hearts of his political opponents. Kwankwasiyya especially and their hidden supporters.

It is very clear for all to come to term with me when I argue that Alfindiki is not only composed, but he has clear understanding of voters behavior in his constituency, Municipal local government and other Metropolitan areas.

I have my concrete reasons why Alfindiki stands better chance to be the candidate for House of Representatives seat from Kano Municipal, in 2027.

Let’s have a simple look at those reasons. See below for your perusal :

1. Apart from being the immediate past local government Chairman, whose understanding of grassroot politicians (yan dangwale) their needs and behaviors, become part and parcel of his political experience, his relationship with many categories of people gives him an edge over many others, who recently indicate their interest,

2. Alfindiki’s visibility in the social media, as both active user and active contributor in political discussions in the social media means a lot for his breakthrough,

3. Coming from Bakin Kasuwa side of the Municipal local government, will give headache for Kwankwasiyya or NNPP people. Who are densely populated there. So when Bakin Kasuwa politicians see their son contesting for the position, they will rally behind him for popular support and endorsement at all cost,

4. Fa’izu has no hidden relationship with Baba Ganduje’s enemies and political opponents. You cannot pinpoint any figure within Kwankwasiyya circle and get any link with him or her and Fa’izu Alfindiki. He is always straightforward,

5. Alfindiki has no history of abusing our pillars within APC or their families. He still believes, our pillars, ranging from Baba Ganduje, Abdullahi Abbas and the like, are still reliable and dependable. Nowhere in his political history, where he resorts to abusing the families of our leaders, at whatever rate and range,

6. Alfindiki is always up and doing in coordinating all parts of our great party APC to be strong and reliable political platform, and

7. Without any fear of contradiction, Alfindiki is responsible without pretending. He unifies supporters and does not believe in creating factions within the larger body of our great APC

TO BE CONTINUED

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