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How not to be a Professor

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Sheikh Isa Ali Pantami

 

Abdulgaffar Amoka

The press release from ASUU after the Unilag NEC meeting that directed all ASUU branches not to recognize Dr. Pantami as a Professor opened up another discussion on his appointment by FUTO as a Professor of Cyber Security in 2021. Some people that are lazy to even read the press release are questioning the right ASUU has got to withdraw the appointment.

Dear lazy and misinformed fellows, ASUU did not withdraw any appointment and this was the statement. “NEC hereby rejects in its entity the purported appointment of Dr. Isah Ali Ibrahim Pantami as a professor of cybersecurity. From the evidence available to us, Dr. Pantami was not qualified, and the said appointment violated the established procedure for the appointment of professors in the university”.

You and the VC of FUTO can address him as a Professor, but the ASUU NEC directed all members and branches of our union across the nation not to recognize, accord, or treat Dr. Isah Ali Ibrahim Pantami as a professor of cybersecurity under any guise. That statement should not be too difficult to comprehend.

As the argument on the ASUU position was ongoing, a hilarious trending piece titled “Where was ASUU?” was on social media. Of course, ASUU was there and still there. Dr. Jerry Gana was a Reader in ABU before he got into politics in1983 on leave of absence from the University. From the university rules and regulations, staff on leave of absence is entitled to his next promotion. That qualified Dr. Jerry Gana to become Prof. Jerry Gana in 1985 while holding a political appointment. The same happened to Ngozi Osarenren, Abdul-Rasheed Kunle Lawal, Misbau Babatunde, etc, mentioned on the list that held political appointments. They were promoted by the same university they left on leave of absence for a political appointment. Pantami’s case was not the same and not even close.

Pantami; Now that you are a Professor!

The name that got me to laugh loud was that of Wole Soyinka. How can you mention the name of a Nobel laureate in this kind of situation? A Nobel laureate fa? Unbelievable? They should have put every other name but not Wole Soyinka. Haba! Ignorance is not an excuse to be stupid. It made the compiler look stupid. Meanwhile, as of the time Wole Soyinka was appointed as a Professor, PhD was not a criterion to becoming a Professor, his scholarly contribution was just enough. Until recently, you don’t even need a PhD to become a Senior Lecturer. But now you can’t be a Senior Lecturer without a PhD. So, the rules keep changing.

Pantami is a great Islamic scholar, was great as the DG of NITDA, and doing well as a minister. If I were him, I would have focused more on my responsibilities to complement my existing achievements and carve a niche for myself. But he wants the title of a Professor. This looks like a case of a man desperate to kill two birds with one stone. I still ask myself what is the big deal on that title that some people want at all costs.

Meanwhile, his PhD and the nearly 3 years post qualification experience in Saudi Arabia was in Information science. Not sure if cyber security is embedded in his information science. So, if it is, what are his scholarly contributions to cyber security? One of the FUTO’s criteria was web presence but we could not find that record of his presence on the web. The hailers should be telling us where to find the record and not emotional blackmail.

Some people brought religious colouration to create sympathy. His hailers were on it, passing fatwa, and MURIC Director nailed it. Note that the criticism of the appointment has no religious dimension else the first critics of the appointment would not have been Muslims. Farooq Kperogi and some Professors from the North were among the first people to write about it. MURIC felt that some branches of ASUU in the North may not heed to ASUU NEC directive. MURIC Director doesn’t seem to know ASUU well. Dear sir, every single branch is in agreement with the directive from NEC and will heed to it.

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Another person that claimed to be a Professor from IBBU brought in the triple helix model. The triple helix model of innovation refers to a set of interactions between academia, industry, and government, to foster economic and social development. It is a brilliant idea and we need it in our society for national development. I had a triple helix experience. The project that I did a postdoc on at NTNU Trondheim was funded by the industry and the Norwegian government. During the project work, we had meetings that consists of us (the project team) in the academia, the industrial partners, and the government representative. We are also currently working on a project that involved TETFund, ABU, and TCN/Kaduna Electric. That is a triple helix. How Pantami’s controversial professorial appointment fits into the triple helix model is what I am trying to understand. Was his appointment a purposeful hiring to execute a triple helix project? Which cyber security project was he employed to handle at FUTO? Who is he representing? It can’t be the industry because he is not in the industry and has never worked in one.

He had all the opportunities to develop a career in academics to the highest rank but left as Assistant Professor to pick up a political appointment. If he was so passionate to teach and FUTO is so in need of his expertise and experiences, the VC should have appointed him as a visiting professor. That is a lesser evil and there won’t be much noise. But a fresh tenured professor for a serving minister whose last academic position was an Assistant Professor? Haba VC! Let’s even forget about the fact that his last position in academia was Assistant Professor. Visit the FUTO’s website for the advert for the vacancy. His about 3 years post qualification experience in academia has knocked him out since 12 years post qualification experience was a criterion on the FUTO vacancy advert and not 3 years.

He has been addressed as Professor even before he started lecturing there. Most people are beginning to think that the appointment may possibly not be about his experience or service to the university but the title for him and the opening of opportunities to explore for the university or the VC. He possibly wants the title “Prof” on his name like most of us also want. The race for the acquisition of titles in Nigeria has shifted base to academia.

Let’s be honest with ourselves, what experience has he got in cyber security as the DG of NITDA and now a minister that qualified him to be a Professor? Such appointments are more of an administrative job to coordinate the activities (technical and non-technical) and the people doing the job. A DG or a Minister won’t be in the lab to develop codes for cyber security. He does not have time for that even if he wants to. He is not involved in any technical department doing the real lab work or fieldwork.

For example, a Chemist is appointed as the Director of the Equipment maintenance and development centre of a university for a period of 4 years. He will coordinate the activities of the Engineers at the centre to get the job done toward achieving their mandate. Does that suddenly qualify him to be a professor of equipment maintenance?

I have no problem with people that insist that he is qualified for the fresh academic position even as a serving minister. But what I want to read is not emotions and blackmails but information on what qualified him for an elevation from the last position of an Assistant professor in information science to a Professor in a field he never did his PhD or have hands-on experience while In academia. What cyber security problem has he solved? What are his breakthroughs in cyber security? What cyber security system has he developed? Has he got any patent? Where are his scholarly contributions to cyber security? How many MSc or PhD theses has he supervised in cyber security? In which university? Who are the students? Why does FUTO want him?

We have discussed the reckless promotion to the rank of Professor in Nigerian universities that is making some people become uncomfortable having “Prof” with their name. A respected senior colleague once said that we have two classes of professors in the university. I look at the profiles of the likes of Prof. Ibrahim Gambari, Prof. Deborah Ajakaiye, Prof. S.B. Ojo, etc, and I still wonder if as an academic I will ever be truly qualified to be called a Professor.

We’ve got several issues to deal with in the university. Adding a ridiculous appointment of politicians to the rank of Professor to our numerous problems in the Universities is like adding salt to injury. You definitely don’t want to open that door in public universities. The Nigerian university system is already messed up and some of us still wonder how we can regain the lost glory. We need to ensure that it is not further messed up by politicians or some self-serving university management.

To Dr. Pantami, you are still relatively young and will be done as a minister in about a year from now. If the appointment is not about the “title” to add to your name but “service” to FUTO and Nigeria, If I were you, I will honorably let go of the controversial appointment and pick up the academic job after my tenure as a minister.

To the hailing hailers that have got no idea how the university works and the difference between Assistant, Associate Professor, and Professor but arguing left-center-right, ignorance is not an excuse to be stupid.

©Amoka

Opinion

Beyond the Numbers: What the Ekiti 2026 Governorship Results Reveal About Coalition Politics and Path to 2027

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By Abass Sherifat Taiwo

Returning Officer Adenike Oladiji, a professor and Vice-Chancellor of the Federal University of Technology, announced the results in the early hours of Sunday, at roughly 3:13 a.m. Incumbent Governor Biodun Oyebanji of the APC won comfortably, polling 319,224 votes across the state’s 16 local government areas. His closest challenger, the PDP’s Oluwole Oluyede, trailed far behind with 40,543 votes, while the ADC’s Dare Bejide came in third with 12,872 votes.

Of the 384,940 voters accredited for the election, 375,777 cast valid votes, a validity rate of about 97.6%, suggesting relatively few spoiled or rejected ballots.

Oyebanji’s win carries added weight as the first consecutive re-election in Ekiti’s history, a state known for unseating incumbents since 1999. His dominance was also total: he won all sixteen LGAs, and even his closest contest, in Ikere, was still a comfortable margin. His five strongest councils alone delivered nearly half his statewide votes, showing concentrated rather than thin support.

Elite alignment mattered too. For the first time, every living former Ekiti governor backed his re-election, leaving the opposition without any prominent defectors to rally behind. This unified backing functioned as a coordinated endorsement strategy, a visible signal of consensus that opposition parties had no comparable message to counter.

Between the opposition parties, PDP’s showing is more telling than ADC’s. ADC placing third as a newer platform isn’t surprising, but PDP, a long-established national party, barely crossed 3,000 votes in most councils, pointing to weak grassroots structure rather than just a bad cycle. The deeper question is whether this reflects a structural failure or a failure to sustain visibility and message presence at the ward level between election cycles.

Party | Votes | % of Valid Votes
APC | 319,224 | 84.95%
PDP | 40,543 | 10.79%
ADC | 12,872 | 3.43%
ADP | ~1,289 | 0.34%
Accord | 564 | 0.15%
LP | ~263 | 0.07%
AAC | ~188 | 0.05%

When the vote totals of every opposition party are combined, they amount to roughly 55,719 votes, or about 14.83% of all valid votes cast, a stark contrast to the APC’s dominant 84.95% share on its own. Even in a hypothetical scenario where every opposition party ran on a single, fully united ticket, their combined total would still fall short of the APC’s by approximately 263,505 votes. This gap illustrates just how commanding Oyebanji’s victory was: it was not simply a matter of a divided opposition splitting votes among several parties, but a result that would have withstood even total opposition unity.

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Following the Ekiti result, APC framed it as proof of growing national support ahead of 2027, pointing to the rise in its vote totals in the state from about 187,000 in 2022 to roughly 318,000 in 2026, and projecting even higher numbers for Tinubu in 2027. Opposition parties, including the ADC and SDP, pushed back, arguing that Ekiti’s off-cycle, low-turnout nature makes it a poor predictor of a national contest.

Both claims need scrutiny. APC’s growth trend is real, but it happened in a state the party already governs, where incumbency and federal attention worked in its favour, so it says more about consolidating an existing stronghold than expanding into contested territory. The opposition’s caution is fair, but understates that APC’s structural advantages, incumbency and federal resources, aren’t unique to Ekiti and could repeat elsewhere. The more accurate takeaway is that Ekiti confirms APC’s strength where it already holds power, without proving it can replicate that in genuinely competitive states by 2027.

ADC’s third-place finish in Ekiti, just 3.43% of the vote, looks unremarkable on its own, but it only makes sense next to the party’s national story. A year earlier, ADC had positioned itself as the face of a new opposition coalition, pulling in heavyweight names like Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi with the promise of a unified front against the APC. That promise hasn’t held: Obi and Kwankwaso have since defected to a rival platform, the NDC, while ADC battles leadership disputes and court cases that put its own 2027 participation in doubt.

That is the real lesson here for coalition politics as a communication problem, not just a structural one. ADC did not fail for lack of big names, it had plenty. What it could not do was hold one coherent message together once multiple egos and regional bases began pulling in different directions. Whether it can still become the platform it promised by 2027 is uncertain, but Ekiti is an early sign of a bigger unraveling.

Beyond Ekiti, the result speaks to a deeper pattern in Nigerian opposition politics: alliances are far easier to announce than to sustain. This suggests APC’s greatest advantage going into the next general election may not be its own performance, but the opposition’s continued inability to stay united. The near-total validity rate and one-sided outcome in Ekiti also raise questions about how genuinely competitive Nigeria’s state elections currently are, and whether low-turnout, off-cycle polls like this one can reliably signal national voter sentiment.

The Ekiti result is less a story about Oyebanji’s popularity alone than about the opposition’s structural fragility. Even a fully united opposition ticket would not have closed the gap, which means the problem isn’t vote-splitting, it’s organisational weakness, unstable coalitions, and the absence of a party capable of matching APC’s machinery and incumbency advantages. What Nigeria’s opposition needs before 2027 isn’t just structural unity, but a coherent, disciplined communication strategy capable of sustaining one message across factions, something no coalition has yet demonstrated. Until Nigeria’s opposition can build a coalition that survives contact with real electoral pressure, results like Ekiti’s are likely to repeat themselves in APC strongholds heading into 2027.

By Abass Sherifat Taiwo
Department of Development and Strategic communication University of Abuja
200level

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Opinion

Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf Has Earned a Vote of Confidence on Education

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By Hon. Muhammad Sanusi S. Kiru, FCIA
(Former Commissioner of Education, Kano State)

There comes a time in public discourse when fairness must prevail over partisanship and facts must take precedence over preconceived opinions. That moment has come in my assessment of the educational reforms being implemented by the administration of His Excellency, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf.

As a former Commissioner of Education and someone who has consistently evaluated government performance with candour, I owe the people of Kano State an honest appraisal of the Governor’s performance in the education sector. After objectively reviewing the administration’s interventions from 2024 to 2026, particularly its determined efforts to address the acute shortage of teachers, I have reached an inescapable conclusion: Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf deserves a vote of confidence for his outstanding commitment to the development of education in Kano State.

One of the greatest challenges confronting our educational system has been the persistent shortage of teachers, resulting in unfavourable teacher-pupil and teacher-student ratios across many public schools. This problem has adversely affected the quality of teaching and learning for many years.

The present administration has confronted this challenge with courage and determination. Between 2024 and 2026, the government recruited or absorbed 8,715 permanent teachers and engaged 3,688 temporary BESDA Cohort V teachers, bringing the documented total to 12,403 education personnel. With recruitments by other education agencies, the overall figure is widely estimated at approximately 13,000 teachers.

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This represents one of the largest teacher recruitment exercises in the history of Kano State. More importantly, it is a strategic investment in the future of our children and in the long-term development of the state. By substantially reducing the teacher deficit, the administration has strengthened both the basic and post-basic education subsectors and created a stronger foundation for improved educational outcomes. The new recruitment not only means making our classrooms more vibrant and ensuring that teaching is consistently taking place, but it also signifies a positive shift in the narrative reflected in monitoring reports, the annual school census, and national personnel data.

Looking at the tangible achievements now before us, particularly in education, it is clear that the administration has made significant and commendable progress. Leadership should always be judged by measurable accomplishments, and in this regard, the Governor has acquitted himself admirably.

One area where the administration must, however, improve is public communication. Many of its remarkable achievements have not received the publicity they deserve. A well-coordinated and effective publicity strategy would ensure that citizens fully appreciate the scope and impact of these landmark interventions.

As His Excellency prepares to personally attend the special ceremony for the presentation of appointment letters to the newly employed teachers on Tuesday, 21st July 2026, I consider it appropriate to congratulate him on this historic milestone. The ceremony is more than a presentation of appointment letters; it is a celebration of renewed hope for thousands of families, a reaffirmation of government’s commitment to quality education, and a significant step towards building a stronger educational system for future generations.

I wish His Excellency a successful and hitch-free ceremony and pray that Almighty Allah grants him wisdom, good health, and continued strength to sustain the ongoing transformation of the education sector. May this programme mark the beginning of even greater achievements in the quest to provide every child in Kano State with access to quality education delivered by competent and dedicated teachers.

Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf deserves sincere commendation for these giant strides. If this policy of continuous recruitment and investment in teachers is sustained, it will undoubtedly be remembered as one of the defining legacies of his administration. Future generations will look back on this period as a turning point in the educational history of Kano State.

I therefore extend my heartfelt congratulations to His Excellency and offer him a well-deserved vote of confidence. I also wish him every success as he formally presents appointment letters to these newly recruited teachers on Tuesday. May the occasion be memorable, successful, and another milestone in the march towards educational excellence in Kano State.

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Kashim Shettima and the Question of Continuity in 2027

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Kashim S

By Baba Dantiye, MON, mni, FNGE

As Nigeria gradually approaches another election cycle, political discussions are naturally beginning to focus on the choices that will shape the 2027 general elections. Among the issues attracting attention is the question of presidential tickets and, particularly, the role of Vice President Kashim Shettima within the current administration.

The choice of a running mate is one of the most significant decisions in any presidential contest. It involves considerations that go beyond electoral calculations. Factors such as competence, experience, political balance, governance record, public perception and the ability to complement the President’s vision all play important roles.

Against this background, the performance, public service record and leadership contributions of Vice President Kashim Shettima have become central to discussions about continuity and the future direction of the Tinubu administration.

Since assuming office in May 2023, Shettima has occupied an important position within the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. As Vice President, his responsibilities have included representing the President at official engagements, chairing strategic meetings, coordinating government initiatives and engaging with national and international stakeholders.

One of the notable features of the Tinubu-Shettima partnership has been the public display of cooperation between the President and his deputy. Nigeria’s political history has witnessed instances where relationships between presidents and vice presidents became strained, creating distractions that affected governance. The relatively smooth working relationship between the two leaders has been viewed by observers as an important factor in maintaining stability within the administration.

Shettima has consistently presented himself as a supportive deputy, focusing on responsibilities assigned to him and contributing to the implementation and communication of government policies.

In political leadership, loyalty is often considered alongside competence and capacity. A Vice President is expected not only to support the President but also to bring experience, judgment and independent value to governance. Supporters of Shettima point to his ability to maintain this balance by remaining committed to the administration while drawing from his extensive background in public service.

His leadership of the National Economic Council (NEC) is one of the key areas in which his role has attracted attention. The Council provides a platform for collaboration between the Federal Government and state governments on issues affecting economic development, infrastructure, agriculture, energy and other national priorities.

Chairing such a body requires political maturity, patience and the ability to manage diverse interests. Nigeria’s governors represent different political parties, regions and perspectives. Effective coordination therefore depends on consultation, dialogue and consensus-building.

As a former Governor of Borno State, Shettima brings practical experience of state administration and an understanding of the challenges faced by sub-national governments. This background has been useful in facilitating discussions between the Federal Government and State leaders on issues requiring collective action.

The Vice President has also been involved in government efforts relating to economic coordination, food security and other national development priorities. While the long-term impact of many policies will continue to be assessed, his role demonstrates the importance of coordination and collaboration in a complex federal system.

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Another area frequently discussed is his role in communicating government policies. The current administration has introduced significant economic reforms that have generated extensive public debate. In such circumstances, communication and public engagement become important elements of governance.

Shettima has consistently used public platforms to explain government positions, engage stakeholders and present the administration’s perspective on national issues. His approach has generally emphasised patience, understanding and the long-term objectives of government programmes.

Beyond his current office, Shettima’s experience as Governor of Borno State remains an important part of his public record. He governed during one of the most challenging periods in Nigeria’s recent history, when the Boko Haram insurgency created serious security and humanitarian difficulties.

Leading Borno State during that period required resilience, crisis management skills and the ability to work with security agencies, traditional institutions, humanitarian organisations and development partners. His administration operated under extraordinary circumstances while attempting to sustain government services and support affected communities.

That experience contributed to his understanding of security management, humanitarian challenges and the relationship between peace, stability and development.

His political journey also reflects experience across different levels of governance. Before becoming Vice President, he served in the Senate, where he participated in national legislative processes and gained further exposure to federal governance. His experience as a former governor, legislator and Vice President has shaped his understanding of Nigeria’s political and administrative environment.

Observers have also highlighted his relationship with his successor in Borno State as an example of political transition without public disagreement. In Nigeria’s political environment, where transitions between elected officials can sometimes lead to conflicts, peaceful succession and institutional continuity are often regarded as positive developments.

The Vice President’s relationship with Northern stakeholders has also formed part of discussions around his political relevance. Through engagements with traditional institutions, business communities, professional groups and other stakeholders, he has remained one of the administration’s prominent voices in explaining government policies and national priorities.

The North remains an important component of Nigeria’s political landscape, and leaders from the region have historically played significant roles in national affairs. Shettima’s experience and political network have contributed to his visibility in national conversations.

However, the question of a presidential ticket involves broader considerations beyond the performance of an individual office holder. Political parties must consider issues such as national spread, electoral strategy, changing alliances, public sentiment and the overall objectives of the party.

Different perspectives will naturally emerge as Nigeria moves closer to 2027. Some may emphasise continuity and the value of retaining an established partnership, while others may advocate different approaches based on evolving political circumstances. Such debates are part of the democratic process.

Ultimately, the decision on the composition of the presidential ticket will rest with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and the leadership of the All Progressives Congress. Their decision will reflect political consultations, strategic considerations and their assessment of what best serves their objectives and the country.

Nevertheless, public discussion remains important because democracy is strengthened when citizens assess leaders based on performance, responsibility and contributions to national development.

A successful administration depends not only on policies but also on teamwork among those entrusted with implementing them. Stability, trust and institutional experience are valuable assets in governance, particularly in a country as complex and diverse as Nigeria.

Whether continuity is ultimately preferred or a different path is chosen, the debate underscores an enduring principle: democratic leadership is strengthened when decisions are informed by performance, experience, constitutional responsibility and the public interest. As Nigeria looks ahead to 2027, the experience, service and contributions of Kashim Shettima will remain central to any serious assessment of the choices before the nation.

About the Writer

Baba Dantiye, MON, mni, FNGE, is a former Commissioner for Information and Internal Affairs, Kano State and former President of the Nigerian Guild of Editors (2003–2008)

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