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How not to be a Professor

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Sheikh Isa Ali Pantami

 

Abdulgaffar Amoka

The press release from ASUU after the Unilag NEC meeting that directed all ASUU branches not to recognize Dr. Pantami as a Professor opened up another discussion on his appointment by FUTO as a Professor of Cyber Security in 2021. Some people that are lazy to even read the press release are questioning the right ASUU has got to withdraw the appointment.

Dear lazy and misinformed fellows, ASUU did not withdraw any appointment and this was the statement. “NEC hereby rejects in its entity the purported appointment of Dr. Isah Ali Ibrahim Pantami as a professor of cybersecurity. From the evidence available to us, Dr. Pantami was not qualified, and the said appointment violated the established procedure for the appointment of professors in the university”.

You and the VC of FUTO can address him as a Professor, but the ASUU NEC directed all members and branches of our union across the nation not to recognize, accord, or treat Dr. Isah Ali Ibrahim Pantami as a professor of cybersecurity under any guise. That statement should not be too difficult to comprehend.

As the argument on the ASUU position was ongoing, a hilarious trending piece titled “Where was ASUU?” was on social media. Of course, ASUU was there and still there. Dr. Jerry Gana was a Reader in ABU before he got into politics in1983 on leave of absence from the University. From the university rules and regulations, staff on leave of absence is entitled to his next promotion. That qualified Dr. Jerry Gana to become Prof. Jerry Gana in 1985 while holding a political appointment. The same happened to Ngozi Osarenren, Abdul-Rasheed Kunle Lawal, Misbau Babatunde, etc, mentioned on the list that held political appointments. They were promoted by the same university they left on leave of absence for a political appointment. Pantami’s case was not the same and not even close.

Pantami; Now that you are a Professor!

The name that got me to laugh loud was that of Wole Soyinka. How can you mention the name of a Nobel laureate in this kind of situation? A Nobel laureate fa? Unbelievable? They should have put every other name but not Wole Soyinka. Haba! Ignorance is not an excuse to be stupid. It made the compiler look stupid. Meanwhile, as of the time Wole Soyinka was appointed as a Professor, PhD was not a criterion to becoming a Professor, his scholarly contribution was just enough. Until recently, you don’t even need a PhD to become a Senior Lecturer. But now you can’t be a Senior Lecturer without a PhD. So, the rules keep changing.

Pantami is a great Islamic scholar, was great as the DG of NITDA, and doing well as a minister. If I were him, I would have focused more on my responsibilities to complement my existing achievements and carve a niche for myself. But he wants the title of a Professor. This looks like a case of a man desperate to kill two birds with one stone. I still ask myself what is the big deal on that title that some people want at all costs.

Meanwhile, his PhD and the nearly 3 years post qualification experience in Saudi Arabia was in Information science. Not sure if cyber security is embedded in his information science. So, if it is, what are his scholarly contributions to cyber security? One of the FUTO’s criteria was web presence but we could not find that record of his presence on the web. The hailers should be telling us where to find the record and not emotional blackmail.

Some people brought religious colouration to create sympathy. His hailers were on it, passing fatwa, and MURIC Director nailed it. Note that the criticism of the appointment has no religious dimension else the first critics of the appointment would not have been Muslims. Farooq Kperogi and some Professors from the North were among the first people to write about it. MURIC felt that some branches of ASUU in the North may not heed to ASUU NEC directive. MURIC Director doesn’t seem to know ASUU well. Dear sir, every single branch is in agreement with the directive from NEC and will heed to it.

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Another person that claimed to be a Professor from IBBU brought in the triple helix model. The triple helix model of innovation refers to a set of interactions between academia, industry, and government, to foster economic and social development. It is a brilliant idea and we need it in our society for national development. I had a triple helix experience. The project that I did a postdoc on at NTNU Trondheim was funded by the industry and the Norwegian government. During the project work, we had meetings that consists of us (the project team) in the academia, the industrial partners, and the government representative. We are also currently working on a project that involved TETFund, ABU, and TCN/Kaduna Electric. That is a triple helix. How Pantami’s controversial professorial appointment fits into the triple helix model is what I am trying to understand. Was his appointment a purposeful hiring to execute a triple helix project? Which cyber security project was he employed to handle at FUTO? Who is he representing? It can’t be the industry because he is not in the industry and has never worked in one.

He had all the opportunities to develop a career in academics to the highest rank but left as Assistant Professor to pick up a political appointment. If he was so passionate to teach and FUTO is so in need of his expertise and experiences, the VC should have appointed him as a visiting professor. That is a lesser evil and there won’t be much noise. But a fresh tenured professor for a serving minister whose last academic position was an Assistant Professor? Haba VC! Let’s even forget about the fact that his last position in academia was Assistant Professor. Visit the FUTO’s website for the advert for the vacancy. His about 3 years post qualification experience in academia has knocked him out since 12 years post qualification experience was a criterion on the FUTO vacancy advert and not 3 years.

He has been addressed as Professor even before he started lecturing there. Most people are beginning to think that the appointment may possibly not be about his experience or service to the university but the title for him and the opening of opportunities to explore for the university or the VC. He possibly wants the title “Prof” on his name like most of us also want. The race for the acquisition of titles in Nigeria has shifted base to academia.

Let’s be honest with ourselves, what experience has he got in cyber security as the DG of NITDA and now a minister that qualified him to be a Professor? Such appointments are more of an administrative job to coordinate the activities (technical and non-technical) and the people doing the job. A DG or a Minister won’t be in the lab to develop codes for cyber security. He does not have time for that even if he wants to. He is not involved in any technical department doing the real lab work or fieldwork.

For example, a Chemist is appointed as the Director of the Equipment maintenance and development centre of a university for a period of 4 years. He will coordinate the activities of the Engineers at the centre to get the job done toward achieving their mandate. Does that suddenly qualify him to be a professor of equipment maintenance?

I have no problem with people that insist that he is qualified for the fresh academic position even as a serving minister. But what I want to read is not emotions and blackmails but information on what qualified him for an elevation from the last position of an Assistant professor in information science to a Professor in a field he never did his PhD or have hands-on experience while In academia. What cyber security problem has he solved? What are his breakthroughs in cyber security? What cyber security system has he developed? Has he got any patent? Where are his scholarly contributions to cyber security? How many MSc or PhD theses has he supervised in cyber security? In which university? Who are the students? Why does FUTO want him?

We have discussed the reckless promotion to the rank of Professor in Nigerian universities that is making some people become uncomfortable having “Prof” with their name. A respected senior colleague once said that we have two classes of professors in the university. I look at the profiles of the likes of Prof. Ibrahim Gambari, Prof. Deborah Ajakaiye, Prof. S.B. Ojo, etc, and I still wonder if as an academic I will ever be truly qualified to be called a Professor.

We’ve got several issues to deal with in the university. Adding a ridiculous appointment of politicians to the rank of Professor to our numerous problems in the Universities is like adding salt to injury. You definitely don’t want to open that door in public universities. The Nigerian university system is already messed up and some of us still wonder how we can regain the lost glory. We need to ensure that it is not further messed up by politicians or some self-serving university management.

To Dr. Pantami, you are still relatively young and will be done as a minister in about a year from now. If the appointment is not about the “title” to add to your name but “service” to FUTO and Nigeria, If I were you, I will honorably let go of the controversial appointment and pick up the academic job after my tenure as a minister.

To the hailing hailers that have got no idea how the university works and the difference between Assistant, Associate Professor, and Professor but arguing left-center-right, ignorance is not an excuse to be stupid.

©Amoka

Opinion

Beyond Politics: How the Kano State Government Is Turning Federal Partnership Into Tangible Economic Gains for Ordinary Citizens

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Ibrahim Abdullahi Waiya

When Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf made the bold and courageous decision to align Kano State with the Federal Government under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the critics were loud, the cynics were louder, and the doubters were everywhere. They called it political betrayal. They called it opportunism. Some called it the ultimate act of ingratitude toward a man who had invested years, resources, and political capital in building the career of the Kano governor. What they failed to see, or perhaps refused to acknowledge, was the singular and unwavering motivation behind that decision: the welfare of the ordinary men and women of Kano State, the market trader in Kurmi, the widowed mother in Dawakin Tofa, the unemployed graduate in Gwale, and the small business owner struggling to keep his shop open in Farm Centre.
In less than a year of active federal alignment, Kano State has gone from being a politically isolated outlier to becoming one of the most strategically positioned states in the entire federation. Federal presence, federal investment, and federal goodwill are flowing into Kano with a consistency and velocity that was simply impossible under the previous arrangement, where governance was dictated not by the needs of the people, but by the personal wishes of a political godfather seated comfortably in Abuja. For too long, Kano, a state that by every measure of population, commerce, history, and strategic importance deserves to sit at the very centre of Nigeria’s development conversation, was standing at the margins, watching other states benefit from federal partnerships while its own people paid the price of political stubbornness.
The clearest and most visible evidence of this transformation is the forthcoming flag off of the Energise Commercialisation Now initiative, a landmark federal programme spearheaded by the Federal Ministry of Innovation, Science and Technology under the Honourable Minister, Dr. Kingsley Tochukwu Udeh, SAN, scheduled to hold in Kano from April 23 to 25, 2026. The programme, designed to mobilise innovation, attract investment, and accelerate industrial production across Nigeria’s six geopolitical zones, has chosen Kano as the venue for its national launch and North West zonal deployment. That choice is not accidental. It is not logistical. It is a deliberate federal acknowledgement of Kano’s strategic importance as the commercial and industrial heartbeat of Northern Nigeria, and a direct reward for Governor Yusuf’s visionary and courageous leadership.
The Energise Commercialisation Now initiative represents a structured national platform to identify commercially viable innovations, connect them with investors and manufacturers, and scale them into enterprises that create jobs and generate wealth. For a state like Kano, with its rich history of commerce, its dense network of small and medium enterprises, its vibrant informal economy, and its large population of young, talented, and ambitious people, this programme is not merely a federal event passing through. It is a genuine economic opportunity of generational significance.
More significantly, the programme will be flagged off by no less a personality than Her Excellency Senator Oluremi Tinubu, CON, the First Lady of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, and the personal champion of the ECoN initiative. Her presence in Kano is a statement of the highest order. In Nigerian political culture, when the First Lady travels to a state to commission a programme, it is not a routine governmental act. It is a personal signal from the Presidency itself. It is Aso Rock saying, in the clearest possible terms, that Kano is seen, Kano is valued, Kano is a priority, and Kano will not be left behind in Nigeria’s march toward industrial and economic transformation.
For Governor Yusuf, whose critics questioned whether his alignment with the APC and the Tinubu administration would translate into anything concrete for his people, Senator Oluremi Tinubu’s visit to Kano on April 23 is the most powerful possible answer. It says that the partnership is real, the commitment is genuine, and the dividends are already arriving.
But beyond the symbolism and the political significance, what does all of this mean for the ordinary Kano citizen?
It means that the innovator in Fagge, the young entrepreneur in Tarauni, the female small business owner in Nasarawa, and the graduate sitting at home in Ungogo and all other localities in Kano now have a real, structured, and government-backed platform to showcase their ideas, access funding, connect with investors, and build enterprises that can employ others. It means that Kano’s universities, polytechnics, and research institutions, which for years have produced brilliant graduates and groundbreaking research that never left the laboratory, will now have a direct pipeline to the market. It means that the textile artisan in Kofar Mata, the leather craftsman in Yan Kaba, and the food processing entrepreneur in Dorayi can look at this programme and see themselves as legitimate participants in Nigeria’s industrial future.
This is precisely the promise of Governor Yusuf’s Kano First Agenda, an agenda that places the prosperity of Kano people above every political consideration, above every personal loyalty, and above every partisan calculation. When the governor stood before his people and declared that Kano would come first in every decision his administration makes, he was not making a campaign promise. He was entering into a sacred covenant with millions of people who had entrusted him with the highest office in the state.
Every decision his administration has taken since then, including the historic and difficult decision to align with the centre, has been guided by that covenant. The governor has consistently and publicly maintained that he answers to the people of Kano, not to any individual, not to any movement, and not to any political structure whose primary interest is the perpetuation of personal power rather than the advancement of public good. Kano State, he insists, is no longer remotely controlled. The elected chief executive is fully in charge, and fully accountable to the people alone.
The results of this philosophy are not abstract. They are measurable, verifiable, and visible to anyone willing to look beyond the noise of political controversy.
A N1.477 trillion budget for 2026, the largest in Kano’s history, with 68 percent allocated to capital projects. Over N334 million disbursed to 6,680 women across all 44 local government areas of the state, each receiving a monthly stipend of N50,000 to grow their businesses and support their families. More than N800 million invested in youth empowerment programmes benefiting over 5,300 young people. Kano ranking first in Nigeria’s 2025 NECO results, a historic educational achievement that signals a transformation in the state’s human capital investment. A health sector receiving N212.2 billion, with hospitals upgraded, the Abba Care Scheme launched, and healthcare access expanded across the state. An infrastructure allocation of N346.2 billion, covering urban roads, solar streetlights, housing development, and market renovation across all 44 local government areas.
These are not political talking points. These are not figures conjured for a press conference. These are the measurable, auditable, and undeniable fruits of purposeful, people-centred governance under a leader who understands that the ultimate test of political courage is not the decision itself, but what that decision delivers to the people it was made for.
As Kano prepares to host the First Lady of Nigeria and welcome the nation’s attention on April 23, one truth stands clear, unambiguous, and beyond reasonable dispute: Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf did not align with the centre for himself. He did not do it for political survival. He did not do it for personal gain. He did it for Kano. He did it for the market trader, the young graduate, the nursing mother, the struggling entrepreneur, and every ordinary citizen who deserves a government that fights for them at every level of power.

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The Abuja-Kano Synergy: A New Dawn of Innovation

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By Mohammed Babagana Abubakar Kano State Coordinator, The Unifier Project April 19, 2026

In the long and complicated history of Nigerian federalism, the relationship between the federal centre and the states has rarely been described as synergistic. It has been described as extractive, as patronising, as politically transactional, and as structurally unequal. States have too often found themselves on the receiving end of a development architecture that took their resources, ignored their priorities, and returned a fraction of their value in the form of federal allocations that barely covered recurrent expenditure. The idea that a state and the federal government could operate as genuine partners, each bringing its own strengths to a shared developmental vision, each amplifying the capacity of the other, has remained, for most of Nigeria’s post-independence history, more aspiration than reality.
What is happening in Kano in April 2026 is different. And it deserves to be understood as such.
Nigeria’s innovation crisis is not a crisis of ideas. It is a crisis of translation. Walk through the corridors of Bayero University Kano, Kano University of Science and Technology Wudil, or Northwest University Kano, and you will find researchers who have spent years, sometimes decades, developing technologies, agricultural innovations, and industrial processes with genuine commercial potential. Ask them how many of those innovations have reached the market, created jobs, or generated revenue for their inventors, and the answer, almost universally, is the same: very few.
The Federal Ministry of Innovation, Science and Technology estimates that a substantial proportion of Nigeria’s research and development outputs remain permanently within academic environments, never translated into commercially viable products, industries, or exportable enterprises. This is not a uniquely Nigerian problem. But in a country of 220 million people, with the largest economy in Africa, the largest population of young people on the continent, and a natural resource base of extraordinary diversity and depth, the cost of that translation failure is measured not just in lost economic opportunity but in lost human potential, in the graduate who cannot find work, in the innovator who cannot find capital, and in the entrepreneur who cannot find markets.
The Energise Commercialisation Now initiative, designed and led by the Federal Ministry of Innovation, Science and Technology under the Honourable Minister Dr. Kingsley Tochukwu Udeh, SAN, and championed personally by Her Excellency Senator Oluremi Tinubu, CON, First Lady of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, is the Federal Government’s most direct and structured answer to that translation failure. And on April 23, 2026, Kano becomes the national stage on which that answer is first delivered.
What distinguishes ECoN from the long line of federal innovation initiatives that have preceded it is the specificity and coherence of its implementation architecture. This is not a programme that announces ambitious goals and leaves the machinery of delivery undefined. It is a programme with a structured Innovation Commercialisation Pipeline, a National Innovation Asset Register, a sub-national resource mapping framework, dedicated IP advisory sessions, standards and quality clinics, deal rooms, industry matchmaking sessions, and a direct pipeline to international trade platforms including the Intra-African Trade Fair scheduled for 2027.
Each of these components addresses a specific and well-documented failure point in Nigeria’s innovation ecosystem. The sub-national resource mapping framework addresses the chronic disconnect between local assets and national industrial strategy, a disconnect that has allowed Nigeria’s 774 local government areas to sit on enormous concentrations of agricultural wealth, mineral endowments, skilled human capital, and indigenous technology without any systematic mechanism for connecting those assets to the investors, manufacturers, and market intermediaries that could convert them into productive enterprise.
The National Innovation Asset Register addresses the invisibility problem, the fact that Nigeria’s innovators have historically operated without the legal, institutional, and commercial visibility required to attract serious investment. An innovation that has not been documented, evaluated, and registered within a credible national framework is an innovation that exists, for all practical purposes, outside the economy. The register changes that.
The IP advisory sessions address the protection problem. For Kano’s craftsmen, whose leather goods, textile patterns, and agricultural processing techniques represent intellectual property of genuine commercial value, the absence of structured IP protection has meant that their innovations have been replicated and commercialised by others, often in other countries, without any benefit flowing back to the original creators. The ECoN framework, by integrating IP advisory directly into its programme structure, treats intellectual property not as a legal technicality but as an economic asset that the state has a responsibility to protect.
The choice of Kano as the national launch venue for ECoN is not an act of federal charity. It is an act of strategic intelligence. Kano brings to this partnership an economic inheritance and a current governance momentum that few Nigerian states can match.
Historically, Kano’s Kurmi Market, one of the oldest trading centres in West Africa, served as the terminal point of trans-Saharan trade routes connecting sub-Saharan Africa to North Africa, the Middle East, and Europe. Its leather industry, anchored on the Kofar Mata dye pits that have operated continuously for over 500 years, represents a living tradition of artisanal innovation that predates the Nigerian state by centuries. Its textile sector, its groundnut processing industry, and its dense network of small and medium enterprises across 44 local government areas represent a commercial culture of extraordinary depth and resilience.
In the present, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s administration has invested with remarkable consistency in building the enabling environment that innovation-driven industrialisation requires. The state’s 2026 budget of N1.477 trillion, the largest in Kano’s history, allocates N405.3 billion to education, N346.2 billion to infrastructure, and N212.2 billion to health. Kano ranked first in Nigeria’s 2025 NECO results, a historic educational achievement underpinned by the recruitment of 400 Mathematics teachers, mass classroom renovations, free basic education, and the establishment of Kano State Polytechnic in Gaya. Over N334 million has been disbursed to 6,680 women entrepreneurs across all 44 local government areas, and more than N800 million has been invested in youth empowerment programmes benefiting over 5,300 young people. These are not background statistics. They are the active ingredients of a state that is ready to receive, deploy, and maximise a federal innovation programme of ECoN’s ambition and scope.
It would be intellectually incomplete to discuss the Abuja-Kano synergy without examining the political decision that created it. Governor Yusuf’s alignment with the Federal Government under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu was not universally welcomed. In a political environment as emotionally charged as Kano’s, where loyalty to the Kwankwasiyya movement had defined political identity for over a decade, the decision to break ranks and chart an independent developmental course attracted fierce criticism and deeply personal accusations of betrayal.
The governor has been consistent and unapologetic in his response. His decision, he has maintained, was not driven by personal ambition or political survival. It was driven by a simple and non-negotiable conviction: that Kano’s 20 million people cannot afford the luxury of principled opposition when principled partnership offers them hospitals, schools, jobs, and industrial investment that opposition cannot deliver.
The ECoN national launch in Kano, coming within months of that alignment, validates that conviction in the most visible and public way possible. A state that was, until recently, watching federal programmes pass it by is now hosting the national inauguration of the Federal Government’s most ambitious innovation initiative, with the First Lady of Nigeria personally in attendance. That is not a coincidence. That is the developmental logic of political alignment producing exactly the outcomes that Governor Yusuf promised his people it would produce.
The ultimate measure of the Abuja-Kano synergy is not the quality of the speeches delivered on April 23, or the size of the crowd at the event, or the number of dignitaries on the high table. It is what happens in Kano’s markets, workshops, factories, and farms in the months and years that follow.
It is whether the leather craftsman in Yan Kaba, whose family has practiced its trade for four generations, can access the IP protection, the quality certification, and the international market connections that will allow him to sell directly to buyers in Milan and Dubai rather than through intermediaries who capture the majority of the value. It is whether the agricultural processor in Gezawa, who has developed an innovative technique for extending the shelf life of groundnut products, can access the standards clinic, the financing, and the industry matchmaking that will allow her to scale from a local operation into an export-ready enterprise. It is whether the engineering graduate from Bayero University, who has spent three years developing a solar-powered water purification system in his family’s backyard, can stand in a deal room on April 24 and walk out with an investment commitment that turns his prototype into a product.
These are the outcomes that the Abuja-Kano synergy must ultimately deliver. They are the outcomes that Governor Yusuf’s Kano First Agenda is designed to support. And they are the outcomes that the Energise Commercialisation Now initiative, if implemented with the discipline, transparency, and follow-through that the moment demands, is structurally equipped to produce.
Kano has been many things in its long and storied history. A commercial crossroads. A centre of Islamic scholarship. A manufacturing hub. A political battleground. A city that has known greatness and felt its erosion with a particular kind of pain that only great cities can feel.
On April 23, 2026, Kano begins a new chapter. Not with the fanfare of a political rally, not with the hollow promises of a campaign season, but with the structured, federal-backed, internationally engaged, and data-driven architecture of an innovation commercialisation programme that treats Kano’s people not as voters to be courted but as producers, inventors, entrepreneurs, and economic actors to be empowered.

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The Abuja-Kano synergy is real. Its foundations are solid. Its timing is right. And its potential, for the people of Kano and for the broader project of Nigerian economic transformation, is nothing short of historic.

Kano is ready. The partnership is in place. And the work, the real, lasting, generational work of converting innovation into industry and potential into prosperity, begins now.

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Opinion

Kano at the Heart of Nigeria’s Innovation Revolution: Why Sub-National Resource Mapping Matters Now

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Kano state Map of Nigeria

 

By Najeeb Nasir Ibrahim DG, Unifier Project 19 April 2026

There is a moment in the life of every great city when history and opportunity arrive at the same address, at the same time, and demand an answer. For Kano, that moment is April 23, 2026. On that day, Her Excellency Senator Oluremi Tinubu, CON, First Lady of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, will stand in the commercial heartbeat of Northern Nigeria to flag off the Energise Commercialisation Now initiative, a federal programme that carries within it the most ambitious and consequential blueprint for decentralised industrial transformation that this country has attempted in a generation.
For decades, Nigeria’s development architecture has been built on a fundamentally flawed assumption: that economic transformation can be designed, directed, and delivered exclusively from the federal centre. The result of that assumption is visible in every part of the country. Universities full of brilliant graduates producing research that never leaves the laboratory. Agricultural communities harvesting commodities that travel hundreds of kilometres to be processed elsewhere, returning as finished goods at prices that bear no relationship to the value that local hands created. Industrial estates, once productive and purposeful, standing as monuments to the gap between policy intention and economic reality.
Nigeria is not a poor country. It is a country that has consistently failed to convert its wealth into wellbeing, its potential into production, and its knowledge into commercial power. The distance between what Nigeria has and what Nigeria does with what it has is the central economic problem of our time. And the answer to that problem, as the Energise Commercialisation Now initiative correctly identifies, does not lie in Abuja alone. It lies in Kano, in Kaduna, in Sokoto, in Kebbi, in Jigawa, in Katsina, and in Zamfara. It lies in the 774 local government areas of this federation, where the real economic activity of 220 million people actually happens.
The concept of sub-national economic and resource mapping sits at the intellectual core of the ECoN initiative, and it deserves a more precise explanation than it typically receives in policy documents and press releases.
Resource mapping, in this context, is not simply a geological survey or an agricultural inventory. It is a comprehensive strategic framework designed to identify, organise, and connect every category of productive asset within a state or local government area, including indigenous technologies developed in informal workshops, academic research sitting unpublished in university repositories, skilled human capital that has never been matched to an appropriate industry, natural endowments that have never been processed beyond their raw state, and entrepreneurial energy that has never been channelled into structured enterprise.
The goal is to create what the Federal Ministry of Innovation, Science and Technology describes as a National Innovation Asset Register, an integrated, living database that maps local strengths against national industrial priorities and identifies the specific interventions, whether financing, technology transfer, standards certification, or market access, required to convert each asset from potential into production.
For a state like Kano, whose economic assets span ancient leather craft traditions, a dense network of small and medium enterprises across 44 local government areas, three major universities conducting active research, a N1.477 trillion state budget with 68 percent allocated to capital projects, and an agricultural hinterland producing groundnuts, sorghum, millet, and cowpea across millions of hectares, the creation of such a register is not an administrative exercise. It is an economic revolution in its earliest and most critical stage.
Kano does not come to this conversation as a passive participant or a grateful recipient of federal attention. It comes as a city with a 500-year commercial pedigree, a proven capacity for enterprise, and a state government that has already been doing the foundational work that makes innovation-driven industrialisation possible.
Consider the evidence. Under Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s administration, Kano ranked first in Nigeria’s 2025 NECO results, a milestone that signals a transformation in the quality of human capital the state is producing for its economy. The administration has recruited 400 Mathematics teachers, established Kano State Polytechnic in Gaya to expand technical and vocational education in the state’s southern corridor, and invested N405.3 billion in education within its 2026 budget alone. It has planted over 5.5 million trees under its Climate Change Policy, approved 11 mini-dams to support year-round agricultural production, and procured 199,000 bags of fertiliser for distribution to farmers. It has cleared N32 billion in pension backlogs, trained 2,000 Neighbourhood Watch operatives for community security, and disbursed over N334 million directly to 6,680 women entrepreneurs across all 44 local government areas.
These are not disconnected welfare gestures. They are the deliberate construction of an enabling environment for exactly the kind of innovation-driven industrialisation that ECoN is designed to accelerate. A sub-national resource mapping exercise arriving in a state with functional schools, improved security, empowered women entrepreneurs, and a government committed to agricultural productivity is a mapping exercise that will find real assets, not empty promises.
One of the most economically consequential arguments embedded in the ECoN framework is its emphasis on regional value addition, and it is an argument that Kano’s history makes more powerfully than any policy document can.
For generations, the economic tragedy of Northern Nigeria has been the export of raw materials and the import of finished goods. Kano’s groundnut farmers have watched their harvest leave the state as unprocessed commodity and return as refined oil at prices that enrich processors elsewhere. Its leather craftsmen have seen raw hides travel to tanneries in other cities and come back as finished goods that command international prices the original producers never see. Its cotton farmers have supplied raw fibre to textile mills that, when they were still operating, captured the majority of the value chain’s economic benefit.
The ECoN framework’s insistence on processing and manufacturing at the source represents a direct challenge to that extractive economic model. By connecting Kano’s raw material producers with the technologies, the financing, and the market linkages required to process their outputs locally, the programme creates the conditions for a fundamental redistribution of economic value within the North West. More jobs created locally. More revenue retained within the state. More enterprises built around Kano’s natural and agricultural endowments. More young people employed in productive industries rather than idle in urban centres.
The ripple effects of that redistribution, sustained over a period of years, are the difference between a city that hosts commerce and a city that drives it.
The ECoN initiative’s ambition does not stop at the borders of the North West. One of its explicitly stated objectives is to prepare Nigerian innovators, startups, and SMEs for international trade platforms, including the Intra-African Trade Fair scheduled for 2027. That objective places Kano’s entrepreneurs, quite literally, on a pathway to continental and global markets.
The African Continental Free Trade Area, which came into force in 2021 and represents a combined market of 1.3 billion people and a GDP of approximately three trillion dollars, remains, for most Nigerian SMEs, an abstract aspiration rather than a practical opportunity. The gap between aspiration and opportunity is filled by exactly the kind of structured support that ECoN provides: standards certification, intellectual property protection, export readiness training, investment facilitation, and access to the institutional networks that make international trade possible for enterprises that would otherwise navigate it alone.
For Kano, whose merchants have been trading across international boundaries for five centuries, the prospect of reconnecting that commercial tradition to a structured, government-backed, and internationally recognised framework for African trade is not merely exciting. It is historically resonant.
It would be intellectually dishonest to discuss Kano’s hosting of the ECoN national launch without acknowledging the political context that made it possible. Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s decision to align Kano State with the Federal Government under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu was, and remains, a subject of vigorous political debate. But beneath the political noise lies a developmental logic that this moment validates with striking clarity.
A state in productive alignment with the federal centre is a state that can nominate its priority innovations for national programmes, mobilise its stakeholders for federal platforms, host engagements that connect its entrepreneurs to national and international investors, and position its industrial clusters for the federal attention and investment that can reverse decades of decline. That is precisely what Kano is doing on April 23. And the people who will benefit most from it are not politicians. They are the innovator in Fagge, the female entrepreneur in Nasarawa, the agricultural processor in Gezawa, and the young graduate in Ungogo who has spent years waiting for a structured opportunity to match his talent.
What Kano is demonstrating, through the hosting of this initiative, is something that every state government in Nigeria needs to study and internalise: that the future of Nigeria’s prosperity is not a centralised project. It is a distributed one. It is built state by state, local government by local government, enterprise by enterprise, and innovation by innovation. The federal government can provide the framework, the financing, and the convening power. But the actual work of converting Nigeria’s extraordinary natural and human endowments into commercial and industrial wealth must happen at the sub-national level, driven by state governments with the vision, the capacity, and the political will to lead.
Kano has that vision. It has demonstrated that capacity. And under Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, it is exercising that political will with a consistency and a purposefulness that is already producing measurable results.
Nigeria’s innovation revolution will not be won in a single federal ministry or announced in a single presidential executive order. It will be won in the markets of Kano, the workshops of Aba, the farms of Benue, the fishing communities of Bayelsa, and the technology hubs of Lagos. It will be won by the collective energy of a nation that has finally, through initiatives like ECoN, begun to recognise and systematically harness the extraordinary economic intelligence embedded within its states and local communities.
Kano’s moment is here. And if properly harnessed, with the state government’s commitment to enabling infrastructure, human capital investment, and federal partnership providing the foundation, this moment will not be remembered merely as a successful event. It will be remembered as the day Kano reclaimed its place at the centre of Nigeria’s economic story, and began writing the next chapter with the confidence, the competence, and the conviction that the chapter deserves.

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