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From Aminu Kano to Kano First: Reviving a Tradition of People-Driven Politics

Published

8 months ago

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Kano Map

 

There are political From Aminu Kano to Kano First: Reviving a Tradition of People-Driven Politics that arrive in their time and there are political ideas that arrive before their time, ideas whose significance is not fully understood until the moment has passed and history, with its characteristic unhurried clarity, has arranged the evidence into a pattern that the present could not see. The philosophy of Malam Aminu Kano was, for much of its duration, one of the latter. In the political environment of mid-twentieth century Northern Nigeria, dominated by the patrician certainties of the NPC and the conservative social order that sustained them, Aminu Kano’s insistence that politics must belong to the talakawa, to the ordinary men and women who had for so long been governed without being consulted, was radical enough to be dismissed, marginalised, and persistently defeated at the ballot box. Yet the idea refused to die. It lodged itself in the political consciousness of Kano’s people with a tenacity that no electoral defeat could dislodge, and it shaped, over the decades that followed, the civic culture of a state that has consistently demanded more of its leaders than most Nigerian states have ever thought to ask.
It is against the backdrop of that long, unfinished democratic inheritance that the Kano First philosophy of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf must be understood and assessed. The connection between Aminu Kano’s people-driven politics and the Kano First Initiative is not merely rhetorical or historical. It is structural. Both rest on the same foundational conviction: that the legitimacy of governance derives not from the power of those who govern but from the quality of service rendered to those who are governed, that politics is not a competition for personal advancement but a vocation of collective service, and that the measure of a leader is not the durability of his hold on power but the tangible improvement he delivers to the lives of the ordinary citizens who trusted him with it. Aminu Kano articulated this conviction in the language of his era. Governor Yusuf is attempting to institutionalize it in the language and the instruments of his.
The historical significance of this attempt should not be underestimated. Kano’s political culture, for all its celebrated civic consciousness, has not been immune to the distortions that have afflicted Nigerian democracy more broadly. The decades that separated Aminu Kano’s era from the present have not been, in the main, decades of deepening democratic practice. They have been decades of military interruptions, institutional decay, the rise of godfatherism as a governing logic, the progressive colonization of public resources by private interests, and the gradual but devastating erosion of the civic values that once made Kano’s political culture a genuine source of national inspiration. The generation of young Kano citizens that Governor Yusuf now governs is a generation that has inherited the memory of Aminu Kano’s idealism without, in most cases, having experienced the kind of governance that idealism was supposed to produce. Their political consciousness is real and it is sharp, but it has been sharpened more by disappointment than by affirmation, more by the evidence of what governance has failed to deliver than by the experience of what it can achieve when it is genuinely committed to the people’s welfare.
The Kano First Initiative is, in its deepest ambition, an attempt to change that experience. Not through grand proclamations or the manufactured optimism of political communication, but through the patient, evidence-based, institutionally serious work of rebuilding the relationship between Kano’s government and Kano’s citizens on foundations of genuine trust, demonstrated accountability, and the visible alignment between what government says and what government does. The comprehensive policy framework produced under the intellectual stewardship of the Honourable Commissioner for Information and Internal Affairs, Comrade Ibrahim Abdullahi Waiya, the man widely and deservedly known as the Limamin Kano First, is the most concrete expression of this ambition. It draws on Islamic ethical governance, on Kano’s own sociocultural heritage, and on the modern science of behavioral change to construct a framework for societal renewal that is simultaneously rooted in Kano’s deepest traditions and responsive to the challenges of its contemporary reality. Aminu Kano would have recognized its spirit immediately.
The administration’s approach to youth inclusion deserves particular emphasis, because it addresses what is perhaps the most politically consequential dimension of Kano’s current social reality. Kano is an overwhelmingly young society, a society in which the aspirations, energies, and frustrations of a vast and rapidly growing youth population represent both the greatest potential resource and the most serious governance challenge that any administration must navigate. The deliberate opening of leadership opportunities to young professionals, the integration of youth into governance structures rather than merely into election campaigns, and the linking of youth-focused communication with concrete economic empowerment programmes, including skills development, entrepreneurship support, and market-based outreach, all reflect an understanding that political engagement divorced from economic opportunity is ultimately unsustainable. Young people who are given a genuine stake in their society’s progress do not become agents of its destabilization. They become its most committed defenders.
The policy record across education, healthcare, and economic empowerment provides the material evidence on which the Kano First narrative ultimately depends for its credibility. Teacher recruitment, school renovation, the expansion of access to learning resources, the strengthening of free and compulsory education, the upgrading of primary healthcare facilities in rural communities, the introduction of economic empowerment programmes targeting small businesses, farmers, and artisans, these are not merely programmatic achievements to be listed in a governance report. They are, taken together, the concrete expression of a governing philosophy that insists on the connection between political commitment and lived improvement, between the language of people-first governance and the reality of people-felt results. In the tradition of Aminu Kano, who always insisted that politics must be judged by what it delivers to the poorest and most vulnerable members of society, it is precisely this connection that gives the Kano First Initiative its moral weight.
The role of strategic communication in sustaining this connection between policy and public understanding cannot be overstated, and it is here that Comrade Waiya’s contribution to the Kano First project becomes most visibly consequential. In the information environment of contemporary Kano, where social media platforms amplify misinformation with a speed and reach that no previous generation of communicators has had to contend with, the quality of government communication is not merely a matter of public relations. It is a governance necessity. Citizens who do not understand the policies that are being implemented in their name cannot meaningfully participate in the civic life that those policies are designed to strengthen. The ministry’s investment in grassroots communication networks, in the training of information officers across all forty-four local government areas, in partnerships with media organizations and civil society bodies, and in the development of Hausa-language content that reaches the communities that matter most, is the infrastructure of democratic participation, built deliberately and maintained consistently in the service of the people-driven politics that both Aminu Kano and the Kano First Initiative champion.
The broader implications of the Kano First philosophy for Nigeria’s democratic evolution are worth stating explicitly, because they extend well beyond the boundaries of a single state. Nigeria is a country whose democratic experience has been persistently disfigured by the subordination of governance to politics, by the tendency of those who gain power to use it primarily in the service of their own continuation rather than in the service of the citizens who granted it. The Kano experience, if it succeeds in demonstrating that people-centered governance is not merely an aspirational slogan but a practical, institutionally realizable commitment, has the potential to contribute something genuinely valuable to the national conversation about what democratic leadership in Nigeria can and should look like. Kano has done this before. The political education that Aminu Kano provided to an entire generation of Nigerian democrats did not stay within Kano’s boundaries. It traveled, through the networks of civic consciousness that genuine political ideas always generate, into the broader national conversation. The Kano First Initiative has the same potential, if it is sustained with the seriousness and consistency that its intellectual foundations deserve.
Like any political philosophy, the long-term success of Kano First will ultimately be measured not by the quality of its documentation or the sophistication of its communication, but by the depth of its penetration into the daily experience of Kano’s citizens, by whether the young woman in Sabon Gari market feels that her government has genuinely prioritized her welfare, by whether the farmer in Rano Local Government Area has seen tangible improvement in the services available to him, by whether the student in a Kano public school has reason to believe that the system she is part of is genuinely committed to her future. These are demanding tests, and they will not be passed overnight. But they are the right tests, and the fact that the Kano First Initiative has chosen to submit itself to them, rather than retreating to the easier metrics of political performance, is itself a demonstration of the seriousness that the legacy of Aminu Kano demands.
Aminu Kano spent a lifetime insisting that the people of Kano deserved better. Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, through the Kano First Initiative and the governing philosophy it represents, is making the same insistence in the language and the instruments of a new era. Whether that insistence is vindicated by history will depend on many things, on the quality of implementation, the resilience of commitment, the engagement of citizens, and the willingness of every institution in Kano’s civic life to claim this agenda as its own. But the insistence itself, grounded in the same democratic conviction that animated one of Nigeria’s greatest political figures, is already something worth honoring. Kano has always known, at its best, what politics is for. The Kano First Initiative is an invitation to remember.

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Munir I. Publisher is a political historian and governance analyst based in Kano State.

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Opinion

Begging in Northern Nigeria: What Future Are We Preparing for Our Society?

Published

2 hours ago

on

November 9, 2026

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By: Anas Idris Hassan

Street begging has become an increasingly familiar sight across Northern Nigeria. From busy markets and major roads to public spaces and mosque entrances, children, young people, elderly persons and even able-bodied adults can be seen asking passers-by for money and food. What was once largely associated with extreme hardship and temporary distress is gradually becoming a way of life for some families and communities.

This development raises an important question: What kind of society are we preparing for the next generation if begging becomes a normal means of survival?

This is not an argument against helping the poor or showing compassion to people facing difficult circumstances. Poverty, disability, illness, unemployment and displacement are genuine problems. People experiencing these challenges deserve support, dignity and understanding. However, we must also recognize the danger of allowing street begging to become a permanent occupation, particularly for children and young people who should be in school, learning a trade or developing skills that will help them become independent.

One of the greatest concerns is the effect of prolonged dependence on people’s attitudes towards work, responsibility and self-reliance. A child who grows up watching adults earn money through begging may eventually accept it as a normal way of life. Similarly, a young person who becomes accustomed to receiving daily handouts without access to education, vocational training or employment opportunities may find it increasingly difficult to pursue other means of earning a living.

Over time, this situation can weaken the desire to acquire skills, establish a business, seek employment or take responsibility for one’s future. Not everyone who begs is unwilling to work. Many people are victims of circumstances beyond their control. But when begging becomes normalized among those who could otherwise be supported into productive activities, society must ask whether it is providing solutions or simply allowing dependency to continue.

The situation is particularly troubling when children are involved. Childhood should be a period of learning, protection and development. Yet many children spend their days moving between streets, markets and public places in search of money. This exposes them to abuse, exploitation, physical danger, harmful influences and health risks. It also deprives them of valuable time that should be spent receiving formal education, learning practical skills and developing under proper parental supervision.

No child should be expected to provide for their own upkeep through street begging when parents, guardians and relevant institutions have a responsibility to protect their welfare.

Another concern is the increasing number of young people who appear physically capable of working but depend on begging as their primary means of survival. Northern Nigeria has a large population of energetic and talented young people. Many could develop useful skills in carpentry, welding, tailoring, electrical installation, motorcycle repairs, modern agriculture, construction and digital technology.

Not everyone will secure a government appointment or find employment in a corporate organization. However, the absence of formal employment does not mean there are no other opportunities to earn an honest living. What is needed is greater investment in vocational education, mentorship, access to tools, small-business support and practical training that prepares young people for economic participation.

Governments, private businesses, traditional institutions and community leaders must work together to create these opportunities. Rather than allowing young people to depend indefinitely on charity, we should help them acquire the skills and resources needed to support themselves and their families.

The consequences of ignoring this problem could be serious. Children who grow up without adequate education or vocational skills may struggle to escape poverty and eventually pass the same conditions on to their own children. The economy also loses when large numbers of young people remain outside productive activities. More importantly, a society that fails to prepare its young people for meaningful work risks losing future entrepreneurs, professionals, innovators and community leaders.

Islam offers important guidance on this issue. It encourages honest labour, self-respect, generosity and responsibility towards people in genuine need. The Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) taught that the giving hand is better than the receiving hand and discouraged asking others for assistance without genuine necessity.

In a narration recorded in Sahih Muslim, Hadith 1044, the Prophet (peace be upon him) explained to his Companion Qabisa ibn Mukhariq that seeking assistance is permissible in three particular circumstances: when someone takes on a financial obligation to reconcile a dispute, when a person’s wealth is destroyed by a calamity, and when someone experiences extreme poverty that credible members of the community can confirm.

The lesson is not that society should abandon people who need help. Rather, Islam recognizes genuine hardship while discouraging the exploitation of public generosity. Charity remains an important act of worship, but it should be guided by wisdom and directed towards people who genuinely need it.

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There is also a need to clarify a common misunderstanding surrounding Almajirci in Northern Nigeria. Almajirci and begging are not the same thing. Almajirci is traditionally associated with the pursuit of Qur’anic education under the guidance of an Islamic scholar, while begging involves soliciting money or food from others.

Seeking Qur’anic knowledge is a noble undertaking and should not be treated as a social problem in itself. Many Almajiri students receive proper support from their parents and guardians and do not depend on street begging. Likewise, not every child found begging on the streets is an Almajiri.

The problem arises when children are sent away for religious education without adequate arrangements for their food, clothing, accommodation, healthcare and general welfare. When such children are left to fend for themselves through street begging, the issue becomes one of neglect and child protection.

We must therefore stop blaming the entire Almajiri system for every instance of street begging. At the same time, religious education must never become an excuse for neglecting children’s basic needs.

Parental responsibility is another important part of this discussion, particularly the responsibility of fathers. Fatherhood involves much more than bringing children into the world. It includes providing food, clothing, shelter, healthcare, education and moral guidance.

Allah says in the Qur’an, Surah At-Tahrim, verse 6:

“O you who have believed, protect yourselves and your families from a Fire…”

In Surah Al-Baqarah, verse 233, Allah also emphasizes the father’s responsibility for provision and clothing according to what is reasonable.

These teachings remind us that raising children is a serious responsibility. It is difficult to justify a situation in which an able-bodied father remains idle while his young children spend their days begging on the streets. Similarly, sending a child to a Qur’anic teacher without making arrangements for the child’s basic needs raises serious concerns.

Children should not be made responsible for financing their own upkeep through begging, and money collected by children on the streets should never become a regular source of household income.

Of course, not every struggling parent is irresponsible. Many families face unemployment, rising living costs, illness and other difficult circumstances. Such families deserve understanding and support. However, parents who are capable of providing for their children must not transfer that responsibility to the public.

Addressing street begging requires more than criticism. It requires practical action from governments, parents, religious leaders, traditional rulers, civil society organizations and ordinary citizens.

First, governments in Northern Nigeria should invest more in vocational training centres where young people can learn practical trades and receive the tools and support needed to establish themselves. Training should not end with the acquisition of certificates. Graduates need access to equipment, mentorship, funding and opportunities to earn an income.

Second, authorities and community leaders should establish proper welfare arrangements for Qur’anic students. Such arrangements should guarantee access to food, clothing, safe accommodation, healthcare and protection from exploitation.

Third, local governments, religious institutions and charitable organizations should develop reliable systems for identifying people facing genuine hardship. Orphans, people living with disabilities, elderly persons without support, widows and families experiencing extreme poverty should receive targeted assistance.

Fourth, charitable giving should be better organized. Rather than limiting assistance to handing money to children on the streets, individuals and organizations can sponsor education, support vulnerable families, provide vocational equipment and contribute to properly managed welfare programmes.

Fifth, government agencies must strengthen child protection measures, investigate cases of child exploitation and develop rehabilitation programmes for vulnerable children. Simply removing beggars from major streets without addressing the reasons they are there will not solve the problem.

Religious scholars also have an important role to play. Their influence in Northern Nigerian communities gives them an opportunity to educate people about the dignity of work, parental responsibilities, the proper treatment of children and the Islamic distinction between seeking assistance in genuine hardship and making begging a permanent occupation.

The wider community must also rethink how it supports people in need. Helping the poor is a responsibility we should never abandon. However, our assistance should go beyond temporary relief wherever possible. We should help people acquire education, skills and opportunities that enable them to live with dignity and independence.

Young people must also be encouraged not to surrender their future to dependency. Those who have the ability to learn, work and develop useful skills should be supported to do so. Their circumstances today should not determine the rest of their lives.

Ultimately, the kind of Northern Nigeria we should aspire to is one where children are in classrooms rather than spending their days begging on the streets; where young people acquire skills, establish businesses and create employment; where Qur’anic students receive proper care and education; and where parents take pride in their children’s learning, character and achievements.

We need a society that supports people facing genuine hardship while creating opportunities for those capable of working. These two responsibilities should never be treated as competing priorities.

Begging itself is not the only problem. Our greater challenge is the failure to address the conditions that allow it to become a permanent way of life. We must fight poverty without humiliating the poor, protect children without undermining religious education, and encourage self-reliance while ensuring that genuine opportunities exist.

Northern Nigeria does not need a society that turns its back on the poor. It needs one that protects the vulnerable, educates its children, equips its young people and gives everyone a fair opportunity to earn a living with dignity.

The future of our society will depend on the choices we make today.

Anas Idris Hassan
Kano, Nigeria
Email: binmalikh@gmail.com
Phone: +234 803 414 0637

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Opinion

Kano’s War On Drugs: How Barr. Muhyi’s Taskforce Is Changing The Game

Published

1 week ago

on

November 2, 2026

By

Muhuyi Magaji

 

By Muhammad Abubakar Suleiman

When Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf declared a public health emergency on drug abuse on July 22, 2026, and inaugurated the Multi-Agency Task Force on Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking, many in Kano saw it as another committee. Three months later, the committee led by Barrister Muhyi Magaji Rimin Gado is dominating security headlines in the state.

The Taskforce was constituted as a multi-agency platform bringing together NDLEA, Police, DSS, Consumer Protection Council, Pharmaceutical Society, Ministry of Health, Anti-Daba Unit and other stakeholders. Dr. Ibrahim Garba Muhammad serves as Secretary.

From Raids to Results: Over 400 Arrests

According to briefings by the Chairman, within the first two months the Taskforce arrested more than 380 suspects and secured over 230 convictions. By September 29, when Barr. Muhyi spoke at the Kano Network of NGOs (KANET) Monthly Lecture at Nasarawa GRA, the figure had risen to over 400 arrests.

Presenting its scorecard to the State Executive Council in late September, the Taskforce reported a 35% reduction in drug-related crimes in the last three months, attributing it to intensified enforcement, seizures and over 500 convictions as of October 22.

Operations have focused on identified hotspots: Race Course, Filin Idi, Filin Mahaha, Tashar Rami, Kawo, Tashar Rimi, Jakara, Madigawa, Yalwa, Sanka, Kul Kul, Dogon Nama and Kukar Bulukiya.

Recoveries include Cannabis Sativa, Tramadol, Diazepam, Pentazocine, Pregabalin, Exol-5 and a Methamphetamine-based designer drug. In one case, 870,000 capsules of Pregabalin were seized from a pharmaceutical company over suspected diversion. Local weapons – knives, daggers, cutlasses and clubs – used by gangs were also recovered.

The Taskforce also recorded high-profile arrests. On August 18, it announced the arrest of a former Chairman of Rogo Local Government for allegedly selling and administering fentanyl injections to youths, after a victim who spent over N2 million on injections identified him.

Latest: Gang Sponsor Tracked to Port Harcourt

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In its most recent operation, the Taskforce announced on October 30 the arrest of a 27-year-old suspected gang violence sponsor, Ishaq Lawan Ibrahim, popularly known as Malam Keya, from Yalwa in Dala LGA.

According to the committee, Malam Keya was allegedly financing violent clashes by rival Daba gangs in Dala that claimed lives. He fled to Port Harcourt, Rivers State, after crackdown intensified, but was tracked and arrested in an operation led by Head of Operations, CSP Bashir Gwadabe, and brought back to Kano. He is now in police custody pending prosecution.

Chairman Muhyi said the arrest outside Kano shows the Taskforce will pursue suspects beyond state boundaries.

Beyond Enforcement: Children, Rehabilitation and Technology

The committee says its mandate is not just enforcement. It reported rescuing 43 underage children allegedly exposed to intoxicants and convicting two dealers – Kabiru Isa and Usman Hamisu – for the offence. About 125 persons were referred to the Kano Reformatory Institute in Kiru for rehabilitation. With Kiru overstretched, government has provided an additional facility in Tofa.

The Taskforce has set an ambitious target of taking 10,000 youths off the streets for rehabilitation, skills acquisition and reintegration.

On August 21, Barr. Muhyi inaugurated nine sub-committees to professionalize the fight: Finance; Media and Publicity; Advocacy and Sensitisation; Licences, Inventory and Verification; Compliance, Inspection and Electronic Tracking; Monitoring and Implementation; Intelligence; Reformative and Traditional Council; and Anti-Drug Coordination.

Tech Turn: AI, 24-Hour Line and NDLEA Support

In the last two weeks, the Taskforce unveiled a new approach. On October 22, Barr. Muhyi, on behalf of Governor Yusuf, donated operational equipment to the NDLEA Kano Strategic Command led by Commander Dahiru Yahaya Lawan, to boost operations.

He also disclosed that Kano is deploying Artificial Intelligence for surveillance and tracking of suspected dealers, and equipping a rapid-response centre with ICT and a 24-hour toll-free line where residents can report and get response within 30 minutes.

At KANET lecture themed “Kano Drugs Crisis: Challenges, the Way Forward and the Role of the Community,” Muhyi stressed community intelligence and called for more rehabilitation to decongest remand homes.

No Sacred Cows

From day one, Barr. Muhyi has maintained a hard line on political interference. “No politician can pressure me to free drug suspects. The only person who can stop me is the Governor, and I know he will never interfere,” he told journalists on July 28.

That stance, coupled with intelligence-led raids, has earned the Taskforce both praise and scrutiny.

The Bigger Picture

Kano Police data cited by the Taskforce indicates about 70% of major crimes in 2025 were linked to drug abuse. The Executive Order outlawing Daba gangs provides a minimum of five years imprisonment under Section 97A of the Kano Penal Code.

Whether the Taskforce can sustain momentum will depend on three tests: securing the drug supply chain from pharmaceutical diversion, expanding rehabilitation beyond Kiru, and maintaining inter-agency cooperation without becoming a parallel enforcement body.

For now, in the markets of Filin Idi and the streets of Dala, residents say the presence of the committee is being felt.

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Opinion

The Reward For Hardwork Is More Work: A Rejoinder To Dr Garba Ubale Danbatta

Published

1 week ago

on

November 2, 2026

By

 

 

 

By Nworisa Michael

The redeployment of Hon. Comr. Ibrahim Abdullahi Waiya PhD from the Ministry of Information and Internal Affairs to the Ministry of Youth and Sports Development has attracted several reactions. While professional and civic organisations have congratulated him and acknowledged his contributions, Dr Garba Ubale Danbatta, a supposedly veteran journalist, has chosen to use the development to question his performance and professional conduct in his former ministry.

Dr Danbatta is entitled to his opinion. Nobody should be above criticism, especially in public office. However, when criticism is presented as a professional assessment, it should be supported by facts, not merely personal convictions or years of experience.

Before concluding that journalism suffered under Waiya, perhaps we should examine some of the developments recorded during his tenure.

Eight contributions worth considering:

• Grassroots information: Strengthened engagement with Information Officers across Kano’s 44 local government areas and eight zonal offices.

• Capacity building: Supported training programmes for local government Information Officers, alongside interactive engagements with editors and news managers.

• Media policy: Facilitated the inauguration of an 18-member committee to develop a media and information policy framework for Kano State.

• Digital transformation: Established a Digital Multimedia Department to modernise government communication, improve digital engagement and address misinformation.

• Peacebuilding: Advanced the Safe Corridor Project, an initiative focused on rehabilitation, skills development and reintegration of reformed youths.

• Media engagement: Engaged media practitioners, online publishers and political programme presenters on responsible public communication and professional conduct.

• Institutional development: Pursued interventions aimed at strengthening state-owned media institutions and improving the capacity of personnel within the information machinery.

• National recognition: Received the Crisis Communicator of the Year award at the 2026 National Spokespersons Awards in Abuja.

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These developments do not mean that Waiya’s tenure was without shortcomings. They simply demonstrate that there is more to his record than the sweeping conclusion offered by his critic.

There is also something interesting about the public reactions to his redeployment. The Kano State Forum of Information Officers, Northern Youths Assembly and International Peace and Secure Society are among the organisations that have publicly acknowledged his contributions and congratulated him on his new assignment. Their statements may not settle every debate about his tenure, but they show that his work was not viewed negatively by everyone who interacted with his ministry.

Now, to Dr Danbatta’s presentation of his professional experience.

I found it rather curious that a commentary intended to assess another public officer’s performance devoted three of its concluding paragraphs to the author’s own professional journey, positions held and years of experience. One could almost finish reading the piece knowing more about the author’s resume than the evidence behind his criticism of Waiya.

Same individual who has been unable to ensure good working relationship with his staffs at Pyramid Radio Kano where is currently serves as its manager, a station that constantly runs out of diesel and goes off the air, perhaps even he isn’t proud of this hence he left it out from the list of his workplaces listed.

With due respect, professional experience is valuable, but it should strengthen an argument, not become the argument itself. A good product sells itself. A journalist’s professional standing should be reflected in the quality, fairness and depth of their analysis. Thirty years in the profession deserves recognition, but it does not automatically make every opinion conclusive.

If the intention was to assess Waiya’s stewardship, then the more important questions should have been: What did he inherit? What did he change? Which initiatives did he introduce? What measurable outcomes were achieved? And where did he fall short? Those are the questions that give criticism substance.

We can be safe to say that Waiya’s redeployment was a direct reward for his performance in the former ministry. The Governor has publicly explained the cabinet adjustments as part of efforts to strengthen institutions and improve service delivery. What is evident, however, is that Waiya has been entrusted with another important responsibility, and his record in the former ministry remains open to public examination.

The Ministry of Information and Internal Affairs is not beyond criticism, and neither is Dr. Waiya. But fairness requires that we acknowledge the work done alongside the shortcomings alleged.

Frankly the most fitting way to understand this new assignment is captured in the title of this piece: the reward for hard work is more work. His previous assignment is now part of his public record; his new ministry presents another opportunity to serve.

Congratulations, Hon. Comr. Ibrahim Abdullahi Waiya. The expectations continue.

Nworisa Michael is a
Writer, Public Affairs Commentator and writes from nworisamichael1917@gmail.com
1st Nov. 2026

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