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OPPOSITION OR INDIRECT ENABLEMENT: THE STRATEGIC QUESTION KWANKWASO’S POLITICAL ARITHMETIC FORCES KANO TO CONFRONT

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Head Of Kwankwasiyya Movement and former Governor of Kano,Engineer Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso

 

 

By Nworisa Michael
Coordinator, Inter-tribe Community Support Forum
nworisamichael1917@gmail.com

It is a common knowledge that Kano politics has never been ordinary. It shapes national outcomes, influences the political direction of the North, and has historically play a significant role in who sits at the centre of power in Abuja. Therefore, to engage seriously with Kano’s political dynamics is, therefore, not merely a regional exercise. It is an engagement with the strategic heartbeat of Nigerian democracy itself.

Today, two figures dominate that conversation: Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, the veteran political architect whose Kwankwasiyya movement commands one of the most disciplined and loyal political bases in the country, and His Excellency, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, the sitting governor navigating the complex terrain of governance within a rapidly shifting national power equation. Both men matter. But beyond the chants of loyalty and the colours of party affiliation, Kano’s politically conscious citizens must now confront a harder, more strategic question: are the political decisions being made in their interest actually weakening the dominant structure, or quietly reinforcing it?
The 2023 presidential election offers a case study that demands honest reflection. Nigeria entered that election cycle with a genuine opposition opportunity. Polling data, civil society analysis, and the visible energy of public discontent with the ruling All Progressives Congress all suggested that a consolidated opposition could have fundamentally altered the outcome. That consolidation never materialised. The Labour Party’s Peter Obi drew significant support from the South and among urban youth. The NNPP’s Kwankwaso commanded loyalty in Kano and parts of the North. The PDP’s Atiku Abubakar held his traditional base. The result was a three-way fragmentation that divided the anti-APC vote with mathematical precision, producing exactly the outcome that benefited the ruling party.

Whether this fragmentation was the product of political pride, strategic miscalculation, or something more deliberately calibrated remains a question that Nigerian political analysts continue to debate. What is not debatable is the arithmetic: a divided opposition is a gift to the incumbent. History, from Nigeria’s own political transitions to comparative democratic experiences across Africa, consistently demonstrates that opposition forces which cannot unite around a minimum common platform do not defeat entrenched ruling parties. They extend their tenure.

Returning to the present, there is a visible contrast between the political postures of the two principal figures in this analysis. Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s recent political alignment choices are, whatever one’s assessment of their strategic wisdom, characterised by directness and visibility. He has staked a position openly within the national power configuration. Citizens, analysts, and political opponents can measure him against that position. His direction, whether one agrees with it or not, is clear.

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Senator Kwankwaso, by contrast, maintains a posture of vigorous anti-APC rhetoric while his concrete political decisions at critical moments of opposition consolidation have consistently produced alternative lanes rather than unified fronts. The Kwankwasiyya movement remains formidable in its base loyalty and its organisational discipline. But loyalty and organisation are means, not ends. The strategic question is what those assets are being deployed to achieve, and whether the outcomes they produce serve the stated goal of providing a credible alternative to the current political order.

Politics, at its most rigorous, is not judged by the passion of speeches or the size of rallies. It is judged by outcomes. And the outcomes that matter most in opposition politics are coalition-building, electoral consolidation, and the actual transfer of power from one political force to another. Measured against these outcomes, a critical pattern emerges in Kwankwaso’s recent political engagements: when moments arise that could produce a meaningful consolidation of opposition forces, the decisions taken tend to fracture rather than unify the alternative.
This raises a question that is uncomfortable precisely because it must be asked without malice and answered without evasion: if a political actor consistently opposes the dominant structure in language while consistently producing outcomes that strengthen it in practice, at what point does the distinction between opposition and indirect enablement become meaningful? This is not an accusation of deliberate collaboration. It is a structural observation about the consequences of political choices, and consequences, not intentions, are what history records.

The citizens of Kano, and particularly the Kwankwasiyya faithful, are among the most politically engaged communities in Nigeria. Their loyalty is not blind. It is built on decades of political participation, on genuine belief in a leader who gave them a sense of dignity, visibility, and political identity. That loyalty deserves respect. But loyalty, precisely because it is valuable, must be protected from exploitation by strategic clarity rather than surrendered to emotional attachment.
The questions that Kano’s political followers owe themselves are simple and direct. Who benefits consistently when opposition alliances fail to materialise? Who grows stronger each time the alternative cannot consolidate? What is the long-term strategic destination of a political movement that is powerful enough to prevent the opposition from unifying but has not yet demonstrated the capacity to win power independently? These are not attacks on Kwankwaso’s legacy or his genuine contributions to Kano’s political development. They are the questions that any politically serious follower must be willing to ask of any leader, including one they admire.

Kano deserves political transparency, not only in words but in strategic direction. The gap between what a political actor says and what the outcomes of their decisions consistently produce is not a private matter. It is a public accountability question of the highest order. Senator Kwankwaso may well be engaged in long-term strategic chess, using apparent fragmentation as negotiation leverage toward a larger consolidation that is not yet visible. That possibility deserves acknowledgement. But if that is the strategy, its logic and its destination must at some point be made legible to the millions of citizens whose political futures are shaped by its execution.

The difference between genuine opposition and indirect enablement does not lie in rhetoric. It lies in results. And the time has come for Kano’s political community, in all its sophistication and historical awareness, to evaluate its leadership not by the loudness of the opposition voice, but by the clarity and effectiveness of the path it is building toward the change it claims to seek.

Opinion

The Final Betrayal Of A Red Neck?-Martin Yakwo

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By Martin Yakwo

The humid air of Benisheikh felt heavy yesterday, not with rain, but with the silence of a trap. Brigadier General Oseni Braimah stood in the center of the 29 Task Force Brigade’s perimeter, his thumb tracing the jagged edge of a radio that hadn’t caught a clear signal in three days.

He had surely sent five memos to Abuja in a month. He’d asked for the T-72 tanks promised in the quarterly budget and the thermal optics needed to see through the encroaching Sahel dust. After all the general in his youth was trained in the annals of red house aka octopus house..where being on point was a religion? Sharp thinking was necessary to survive and being resourceful was mandatory.

But alas, The replies from the High Command via the buffoons in the villa were always the same: “Resources are being deployed. Maintain your position.” But Braimah knew where the resources were. He had seen the photos of the new mansions in Lakeview, Abuja, owned by men who had never heard a shot fired in anger. He knew the “superior firepower” touted in the morning press releases was sitting in a shipping container in Lagos, held up by a kickback dispute between greedy politically inclined morons and the compromised analogue generals who have become their partners in crime and corruption.

“General,” his adjutant whispered, pointing toward the tree line. “The scouts didn’t return.” how could they have returned? They had already been betrayed by some rehabilitated sons and daughters of Satan with the blessing of the NSA and his clowns in control of the nations security apparatus a long time ago.

Braimah reached for his rifle. It was a decades-old weapon, the ubiquitous AK 47? its barrel worn smooth. He knew the political will to end this war didn’t exist; a forever war was too profitable for the men/agbayas in flowing agbadas, multi million naira watches and their paramilitary gang members in well starched khakis who the general answered to. If the insurgency died, the “security votes”—those unvetted billions—would vanish. After all, the dirty, stinky, drug addled vermin known as Boko Haram are the prodigal sons of some of the hierarchy as well as the politicians. These boys are cash in the bank as it is and so must be protected and supplied more than the military itself.

Then, the darkness erupted.
The terrorists didn’t come with swords; they came with brand-new technicals and night-vision goggles—gear better than anything Braimah’s men possessed. The General sprinted toward the front trench, shouting orders that were drowned out by the screams of boys holding jammed rifles.
He picked up a Light Machine Gun from a fallen soldier, but after three bursts, it seized.

The procurement officers had bought “refurbished” ammunition that was actually decades-old surplus. “Request air support!” Braimah roared over the thunder of RPGs.
“The jets are grounded in Maiduguri, sir!” the comms officer yelled back, tears streaking his dusty face. “They say there’s no fuel budget cleared for night Sorties!”

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Braimah looked at the sky, vast and empty. No air support? No night time drones? It wasn’t the enemy that had defeated him. It was the ink on the diverted contracts and the shrugs in the air-conditioned boardrooms of the capital. He stood tall, a silhouette of defiance against the muzzle flashes. He was a lion led by sheep, a guardian sold for a percentage. As the perimeter collapsed, he didn’t retreat. He fired his sidearm until the slide locked back. By then the scene must have looked like a scorched earth with bodies strewn across each other, blood and dust mixing with bullets and shrapnel as the constant staccato of gunfire mixed with Islamic chants by the evil killers of his colleagues rent the air, getting closer, and closer by the mili second?

The last thing Oseni Braimah felt wasn’t the sting of the bullet, but the “cold weight of a betrayal that started a thousand miles away from the battlefield in an air conditioned suite in the villa and freezing office in the MOD.” The desire to gaze upon the faces of his beautiful wife and kids once more must have driven him to jump into the last remaining MRAP vehicle in order to save himself and the wounded left alive to try to salvage their dire situation and protect us the citizens who slept underneath the covers while simultaneously living in order to fight another day?

But alas….it wasn’t meant to be…”oga the MRAP has no fuel and the engine is faulty?” What manner of government allows a red neck to be in charge of a command with such a logistical nightmare? The Nigerian government of course. Better to turn our brightest and bravest into sitting ducks in borno for the bandits as long as the allowances can be exchanged in zone 4 for dollars but not sense!

The next morning, the DHQ would release a statement praising his “heroism” and “the military’s successful repelling of the attack.” The mansions in Abuja would remain quiet, their walls thick enough to drown out the sound of the desert wind while also buck passing in order to avoid any form of official scrutiny. Maybe tomorrow morning the mong from bourdillion would hurriedly fly into an airfield in Maiduguri for 10 minutes to extol the virtues of my red house brother and his fallen comrades in arms as he did in jos? He would make his usual regurgitated speech about “never again or we will crush these bandits?” He may also demand that they bring omos twin brother and his grieving wife and kids for a photo op? To show that he cares? Typical.

Mr President , your high command and your useless Boko Haram trainee ministers and the safari suit wearing boy scout from kaduna . You have all sacrificed an innocent man’s life and that of his brave platoon with your incompetence, blinding stupidity and lack of political will to face this menace head on. Nigerians are now on par with somalians as regards to insecurity and it is all happening under your bleary-eyed watch.

The betrayal of all the remaining red necks and their subordinates rests on your shoulders. May all of you responsible for the current state of this nations capitulation choke on your wealth and die off in penury after being haunted by the visions of all those who have been sent to the upper room by your inaction greed and lack of foresight.

As for “Le deux, tallest, Omo bee and the general?”…..I wish you a peaceful journey
I will see you when it’s my turn . Rest in peace……Salute.

[“The final betrayal of a red neck” is a SEMI BIOGRAPHICAL EPITAPH written by me based on the events of the last 24 hours of oseni braimahs life, as a dedication to his bravery and that of his men, the current inefficiency affecting our nations military offensive against terrorists in nigeria, the debilitating federal corruption as well as our 32 year association via our journey through the hallowed halls of CSSKD”]

© God of words productions. 2026

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Opinion

Shekarau In APC, Morale Booster For Governor Abba

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By Abba Anwar

It is no longer a news or something strange for Kano people, for one to comfortably advance a stance that, among all the former Governors of Kano, who are still alive, including Military Administrators during Military regime, Malam Ibrahim Shekarau, Sardaunan Kano and a one time Distinguished Senator of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, is the most focused, most honest, most humane, most humble and most lenient, with high sense of spiritual touch.

Just like the former Governor Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso, whose political structure cuts across all the 44 local government areas in the state, Malam Shekarau has that political spread for sure. Shekarau’s structure, under what is called Shurah Council /Committee, is more genuine and democratic, than that of Kwankwaso.

For the simple reason that, nowhere in his political life, before, during and after his days in office, it was reported that he takes decisions without consultation. The cardinal essence of the true meaning of Shurah. Consultation before action. The concept of Shurah became more prominent in his post administration era.

Even the Shurah Council /Committee, is under the leadership of another respected and down – to-earth personality, Dr Umar Mustapha, popularly known and called Mai Mansaleta (Mentholatum). An ocean difference between Kwankwaso’s Kwankwasiyya and Shekarau’s Shurah. Under Shurah, immediately after Shekarau, there is the Chairman of the body of decision makers, Shurah. Unlike in Kwankwasiyya where you have Kwankwaso and only him, as the alpha and omega. Below him in the chain of decision making and command? Nobody! Absolute totalitarianism!

With the cross over of Shekarau to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), the chances and influence of Kano state, Abba Kabir Yusuf, against 2027 election, are becoming more visible, predictable and waxing stronger. Even the consolidation of the party and governance are becoming increasingly focused. Shekarau is respected by almost all Kano elders and responsible individuals.

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One good thing about Shekarau’s political empire, is, almost all those who are following his political direction, have it at the back of their mind that, they are duty bound, to be loyal, as a symbol of duty of followership. No blind loyalty, no deceit and no double-speak. He, as an overall leader of the dynasty, if I can use the term, consults, before any decision is reached.

Shekarau in APC, means governor Yusuf’s decisive political spread across all the 44 local governments. I also hope that, Shekarau’s people will not be sidelined in the party activities and governance. As it was the case during the immediate past governor Dr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, CON.

If and only if governor Yusuf wants to display practical relationship with Shekarau, I suggest, he should incorporate Shekarau’s loyalists in governance, more than any other section or camp of the traditional APC. Why? Because, Shekarau, as it appears now, has no single individual in the party leadership. Right form the ward to local government up to state. Congresses across wards, local governments and state took place few weeks back. Before Shekarau joins the party. So he should be compensated, anyway.

It is governor Yusuf, Malam Shekarau, Baba Ganduje and His Excellency, Deputy Senate President, Distinguished Senator Barau I Jibrin, CFR, who are now on the table. A round table, if you wish. Is not for roundtable discussion. But for redesign, refocus, rejig, realignment and rehearsal of current political reality in Kano, against 2027.

Without fear of contradiction and exaggeration, Shekarau is still one of the very few politicians in the country, whom, when you look at their faces, you see faith, seriousness, straightforwardness, focus, commitment and humility. So as a matter of fact, APC under the governor, in Kano, is lucky to woo Sardaunan Kano, ahead of such stiffer elections, come 2027. Which is just some miles away.

I suggest that, Shekarau people, as he joins APC, should be involved in governance from local governments to state level. Failure to do that, may as well mean, APC looks at him (Shekarau), alone, not alongside his people. And this could mean a bad political approach. Let Shekarau and his people know that, their relevance and influence are spotted and appreciated, by the present state government. Unlike what was obtained in the past. When their hardwork, commitment and loyalty were thrown to the dogs.

As important as Shekarau is, in normalizing and consolidating the strength of APC, not only in Kano, it is expected that, his people would not be neglected after joining the party. Yes, Shekarau still enjoys grassroot supporters, real and genuine, for that matter. The ball, I believe, is in the court of both President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR, and governor Yusuf.

So governor Yusuf should facilitate the fixing of Shekarau people in some chosen federal government spaces. Consolidation of power, is rewarding, when realities on ground are not deliberately neglected.

Shekarau’s influence cuts across many states, especially, in the North. More importantly, people that are religious, in the true sense of the word religion, gentlemen and other community leaders across our traditional settings. Humility and approachable posture, are two major attitudes that endear him to many.

Without being economical with the truth, I can say, governor Yusuf finds a new political father in Shekarau. Take it or leave it.

Anwar writes from Kano
Wednesday, 8th April, 2026

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Opinion

AN OPEN LETTER TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF NIGERIA

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​Date: April 7, 2026

​His Excellency, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR
President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria
State House, Abuja.

​Your Excellency,

​We write to you as a collective patriotic stakeholders and concerned citizens of Kano State, motivated by a profound sense of civic duty and an unwavering commitment to the integrity of our democracy.

We are observing with keen interest the ongoing deliberations regarding the appointment of a new Deputy Governor for Kano State, and we are compelled to bring to your attention the grave implications of certain reports currently circulating within the political sphere.

​There are persistent and troubling rumors suggesting that the Presidency may be exerting significant pressure on Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf to nominate an individual for the Deputy Governorship who is currently facing multiple and serious corruption charges.

It is imperative to bring to your attention a detail of which you may not be fully aware: the candidate being promoted by the former National Chairman of the APC, Dr. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, is a co-defendant alongside Dr. Ganduje himself in these very cases.

There are active criminal proceedings instituted by the Kano State Government in competent courts of law, backed by overwhelming documentary evidence.

​The precedent for accountability in this administration has already been set. Before the sudden resignation of the former Deputy Governor, Comrade Abdulsalam Gwarzo—which was necessitated by a petition submitted to the State House of Assembly regarding corruption charges to the tune of approximately ₦2 billion—the Assembly had formally demanded that he defend himself.

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Rather than engage the members, he chose to resign. To now recommend another individual, whom the state is actively prosecuting across multiple courts, would be, to say the least, a glaring act of double standards.

​The pressure being mounted for this specific nomination appears to be nothing more than a calculated attempt to secure a form of “backdoor immunity” for the accused.

By elevating a co-defendant to the office of Deputy Governor, the ongoing trial would be effectively paralyzed, as the individual would then be shielded by the constitutional immunity afforded to that office.

Such a move would be a direct assault on the rule of law and an affront to the judicial process. It would not only ridicule the personality of the Governor but also compromise the integrity of the legislators and the APC as a party.

​Your Excellency, we cannot ignore the striking parallel between these local developments and the commendable steps your own administration is taking at the federal level to ensure accountability.

We note the vigor with which your government is investigating high-ranking former officials—including the likes of Abubakar Malami, SAN, and His Excellency, Nasir El-Rufai.

To then turn around and compel a state governor to elevate an individual facing similar scrutiny to the second-highest office in the state would create an irreconcilable double standard.

​It is our sincere opinion that Your Excellency should allow the Governor to nominate whoever he feels comfortable working with as his Deputy Governor.

Beyond the moral and legal implications, there is a significant political risk. In a state like Kano, where the ADC is preparing a formidable opposition, mounting pressure to nominate Dr. Ganduje’s candidate will invite immense internal friction and provide the opposition with potent ammunition to challenge the administration’s credibility.

​The good people of Kano State, and indeed all Nigerians who believe in the rule of law, would be forced to rethink their perception of your administration’s stance against corruption. We urge you to allow the internal processes of Kano State to unfold without external interference that favors political expediency over judicial integrity.

The soul of our governance and the sanctity of our institutions must remain paramount.
​We trust in your wisdom.

E-signed
Habib musa Dawanan is a Kano citizen, frontline member of APC, live at 801 Yakasai Quarters, Kano City.
7th April, 2026

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