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Opinion

The Nigeria US Story on Genocide- Ismail Auwal

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By Ismail Auwal

When a country is placed on Americas Countries of Particular Concern (CPC) list, it never remains a technical diplomatic category. It becomes a permanent shadow that trails the nation into investment discussions, military cooperation and the private rooms where powerful actors decide who to trust. Nigeria now carries that shadow, and for a country already overwhelmed by multiple security emergencies, the weight of this designation is neither abstract nor symbolic. It is political, economic and potentially destabilising.
The most worrying aspect is that the designation rests on a narrative that fractures upon contact with reality: the claim that Nigeria is enabling a Christian genocide. It is a narrative that sounds coherent in Washingtons hearing rooms, where testimonies are polished and emotions are guided. Yet once you step away from those rooms and into the communities where violence shapes the rhythm of daily life, the story changes completely.

A Narrative Travelling Faster Than Truth
The genocide narrative spreads quickly because it offers a clean explanation for a crisis that is anything but clean. It moves through congressional hearings, diaspora networks, lobbying circles and social-media echo chambers that seldom include those who bury their loved ones at dawn. In those distant spaces, the narrative feels straightforward and morally comfortable, but on Nigerian soil, it dissolves into a far more complex and painful reality.
In Zamfara, over four hundred villages, mostly Muslim, have been emptied by bandits who kill for profit and control, not in the name of faith. In Katsina and Sokoto, entire communities have disappeared from maps, destroyed by criminal groups with no ideological agenda.
In Plateau, twenty-five Muslim travellers were dragged from their vehicles and murdered in broad daylight by mobs from nearby Christian communities. In Anambra, Harira Jibril, pregnant and exhausted, was killed alongside her four children simply because gunmen identified them as Muslims.
These stories do not erase the suffering of Christian families who face similar horrors. Instead, they reveal what the genocide narrative refuses to confront: the violence in Nigeria does not travel in one direction. It shifts according to geography, vulnerability, and an almost two-decade-long crack in the state’s security architecture. Just as Muslims do not assign collective guilt to Christians, Christians cannot assign collective blame to all Muslims for the crimes of extremists who misuse faith.

Where the Evidence Falls Apart
Genocide is not a rhetorical weapon; it is a legal term defined by intent. It requires a deliberate plan to exterminate a group of people because of who they are. Nigerias conflict landscape does not support that claim. In the North East, Boko Haram targets Christians and Muslims alike, killing clerics who oppose extremism, villagers who refuse allegiance and children caught in crossfire. More than two million peopleof mixed faithslive in displacement camps, united not by creed but by vulnerability.
In the North West, the violence is driven by banditry, ransom economies and territorial capture. Armed groups raid for money, power and fear, not ideology, and their victims are overwhelmingly Muslim. In the Middle Belt, a different logic governs the conflict: old land disputes, generational grievances and cycles of retaliation. More than ten thousand people have been killed across Plateau, Benue, Katsina and Kebbi in just two years, yet none of these killings reflect a coordinated national extermination plan.
Across the country, the devastation is staggering: thousands of villages razed, millions displaced and livelihoods erased. Still, no pattern points to state-sponsored religious cleansing. Nigerias crisis is a knot of collapsing borders, unregulated weapons, drug-fuelled gangs, under-resourced security forces and abandoned communities struggling to survive without the protection of their own government.

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When Foreign Narratives Replace Local Truth
The danger begins when a single narrative becomes the only lens through which a country is understood. Sympathy for Christian victims is legitimate, but when that sympathy becomes exclusive, Muslim victims vanish entirely from the story. Their widows do not appear in Washington. Their mass graves do not trend. Their displacement does not register in global reports. A national tragedy becomes a one-directional script, and in that script, the failures of governance disappear behind the simplified idea of religious persecution.
Once this misdiagnosed story takes root in Washington, policies begin to bend around it. Sanctions are proposed as moral pressure. Restrictions on arms sales are framed as accountability. Intervention is whispered as a last resort. These policies do not ask whether the next life at risk belongs to a Christian grandmother in Zangon Kataf or a Muslim farmer in Zurmi. They strike everyone equally, often worsening insecurity for those already living at the edge of danger.
The Grief That Defines the Crisis
In Kaduna, three years ago, I sat with a widow who lost her husband in a night attack. She did not know the attackers or their motives. All she knew was that when gunshots shattered the silence, no one came to helpnot the nearby police post, not the patrol team she had been assured would protect them, not the state she believed would stand between her family and danger. Her grief was neither Christian nor Muslim. It was the grief of a Nigerian who discovered, in one devastating moment, that she was on her own.
Her story echoes across northern Nigeria. In Katsina, a man from Dansadau recounted how bandits demanded a “tax” of ₦200,000 in exchange for peace. When villagers failed to pay, the killings began, farms were abandoned, and hunger forced families across the border. Over eighty thousand Nigerians now live as refugees in Niger’s Maradi region, while nearly four hundred thousand are displaced across Kaduna, Kano, Katsina, Sokoto and Zamfara. Many do not appear in the data of Washington because they are Muslims?
They sleep in classrooms, abandoned buildings, unfinished shops and borrowed compounds. Their lives are held together by resilience and charity, not by state protection. From Plateau to Benue to Zamfara, the scenes repeat themselves: midnight escapes, separated families, villages negotiating with bandits and people surviving despite the government, not because of it.

A Crisis Rooted in State Fragility
Nigerias emergency is not a religious war; it is a terrifying manifestation of state fragility. Borders allow weapons to flow freely. Security forces operate with broken vehicles and empty fuel tanks. Criminal groups evolve faster than government responses. In many villages, the most powerful authority is the local bandit leader, not the state. Communities negotiate peace at gunpoint, surrender parts of their harvest as taxes and accept rules imposed by criminals because the state is too weak to govern.
This is not the blueprint of genocide. It is the anatomy of state failure. And it is state failurenot a government-backed religious missionthat is killing Nigerians of all identities.
Reclaiming Nigerias Story
Nigeria cannot allow outsiders to dictate the meaning of its suffering. Foreign partners may care, but they must care responsibly. A misdiagnosed story in Washington becomes a policy, a policy becomes a precedent, and a precedent becomes a long-term obstacle to Nigerias security and development. Sanctions, arms restrictions and diplomatic isolation hit the vulnerable hardest, not the architects of state weakness.
This is why Nigeria must insist on telling its whole truth. A truth that honours Christian and Muslim victims equally. A truth that identifies governance collapsenot religious persecutionas the central driver of violence. A truth that demands stronger institutions, better security responses and international partnerships rooted in accuracy, not ideology. If Nigeria does not reclaim its story, others will continue telling it badly, and when the wrong story becomes the worlds truth, the decisions that follow may be ones Nigeria, in its fragile state, cannot survive.

Opinion

Senator Barau: 3 Years of Meritorious Service to Humanity as DSP

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By Abba Anwar

As a build up to 2023 general election, Senator Barau I Jibrin, was campaigning to become a Senator for another round, in the 10th Assembly. From Kano North Senatorial District. All his campaign promises then were centered around his primary constituency.

Unknown to him, his victory would open door for him and create an opportunity, for him to become, Deputy Senate President. Alas, after the election of His Excellency Senator Godswill Akpabio, as Senate President. Jibrin was elected his Deputy.

His election as DSP, stemmed from so many considerations, of the gentleman. His credentials and his past contributions and engagements in the National Assembly, starting from being a Member of House of Representatives, when he represented Tarauni federal constituency, from Kano Central, were considered. As such his pedigree gave him, not automatic chance, but edge over others to become the DSP.

During his days as a Member of House of Representatives, when late Right Honourable Speaker Ghali Umar Na’Abba was the Speaker of the House, Jibrin was the Chairman House Committee on Appropriation. The same position he held when he became Senator. Apart from being Chairman Senate Committee on Tertiary Education Trust Fund (TETFund).

His choice or rather election as the Chairman House Committee on Appropriation, was hitherto considered and approved by the entire Honourable members, because of his credentials in the field. Not only that, he was one of the best students during his undergraduate days and postgraduate days, in his chosen area of studies. Which gave him so many inches ahead of others, then.

As Chairman Senate Committee on TETFund, the choice was made on the basis of his love for education, education and education. His genuine support for equipping people with education, at all levels, was considered at the same time. No wonder, his constituency, witnessed and are still witnessing his unmatched and unparalleled contributions to the education of his people, under Barau Jibrin Scholarship Scheme. Apart from other areas of intervention in the sector.

His service to humanity cuts across constituencies, party lines, geographical boundaries and ages, in the last three years of his leadership as Deputy Senate President. Even some parts of Nigeria, benefited from his legislative efforts. In his primary constituency, he sponsored hundreds of students for undergraduate studies in some carefully selected Nigerian universities. While dozens were selected, also after diligent screening, for their postgraduate studies outside the country.

Modern fields of study such as Software Engineering, Robotics Engineering, Artificial Intelligence, and Chemical Engineering, in which he sponsored many students, are testament to his legacy and reflect his focus on human development. He believes that education builds capacity, capability, and compatibility in life.

In the education sector he initiated and presented a Bill for the establishment of Federal Polytechnic, Kabo, that was established with 17 approved programmes in Science, Engineering and Health Sciences. He further lobbied and followed-up legislative process; which also provided infrastructure for the Polytechnic to be transformed to University of Science and Technology, Kabo.

He initiated, lobbied and followed-up for the Federal College of Education (Technical) Bichi, to Federal University of Education Bichi. The same effort was applied to the transformation of the Federal College of Education, (FCE) Kano, to Yusuf Maitama Sule Federal University of Education, Kano. He initiated and lobbied for the renaming of the University, after the name of the former Permanent Representative of Nigeria, to the United Nations, Dan Masanin Kano Yusuf Maitama Sule.

He was able to facilitate the establishment of 13 National Open University of Nigeria (NOUN) Study Centres, across all 13 Local Government Areas, of his constituency, Kano North. Also facilitated for the establishment of Federal University Dutsin-Ma 6 Satellite Campuses and four (4) more Study Centres facilitated in Gwarzo, Danbatta, Dawakin Tofa, Gabasawa local governments.

His Excellency, Deputy Senate President, constructed blocks and made renovation of many primary and secondary school in Kano North. Apart from helping teachers and students with the means of transportation to schools for teaching and learning.

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Under other, varying empowerment programmes, Senator Jibrin distributed 130 vehicles to transport associations, across 13 local governments under his constituency. A total number of 1,000 motorcycles were distributed to headmasters, teachers and other residents in the rural communities.

When students benefited from 1,300 tricycles, 1,300 sewing machines, 1,300 noodle-making machines and flour to women, 1,300 deep freezers and 1,300 bicycles

Under security sector, more specifically his direct support to Nigeria Police Force, the Distinguished Senator donated One thousand (1,000) operational motorcycles. The handing over of the motorcycles took place at Bompai Police Headquarters, Kano. Of which the distribution was at 700 for Kano North Senatorial Zone and the remaining 300 for State Command Headquarters. The donation was purposely made to enhance mobility, rapid response, and reach hard-to-access areas by our Police officers.

He donated other operational vehicles to the Police Command, Bompai, among other donations of vehicles to other police formations, particularly, in Kano North. As he renovated parts of Kano State Police Headquarters. As he further constructed many police stations in different parts of the state.

Our able DSP constructed a modern Police Secondary School in Kabo, his hometown. He is not only concerned with operational vehicles and infrastructure, he is mindful of aiding his people to get recruited into the available spaces under our security system.

Hence he facilitated the recruitment of 120 security personnel as Police Cadets, Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) officials, and Federal Fire Service officers from Kano North. After the completion of their training, he hosted them at a dinner in their honor, at Bristol Palace Hotel, Kano. As he charged them on integrity, patriotism, service to the nation and loyalty to their respective formations.

To further enhance security in the streets across his constituency, he helped in the installation of one thousand (1,000) solar-powered streetlights across Kano North, to improve nighttime patrols. As he rushed to Kano Central donating for market security, where he donated Hilux, 5 motorcycles for patrol at Farm Centre phone market.

As our Distinguished Senator believes in re-positioning of our security system and architecture, he sees reason in security infrastructure development. This informs his patriotic decision in facilitating for the establishment of
NSCDC Training College, in Gwarzo, Nigeria Police Service Commission Training Institute, in Kabo and Nigeria Immigration Service Training School, in Bichi.

Under agriculture the biggest project is the long awaited programme on maize and rice cultivation to boost food security, under Barau Initiative for Agricultural Revolution in the Northwest (BIARN), that was launched in April 2025. With the intention of the distribution of about Three Billion Naira (N3b) interest-free loan scheme for 558 young farmers across the 7 states of the North West.

As beneficiaries would get access to, ranging from One Million Naira (N1m) to Two Million Naira (N2m) up to Five Million Naira (N5m) per individual beneficiary. What is delaying the implementation of the programme is the paucity of Funds from the partner organization, Bank of Agriculture (BOA).

Under nfrastructural development, road construction and rehabilitation
specifically, he lobbied for Kano-Gwarzo-Dayi federal road among others. Other infrastructure in Gwarzo, where roads, bridge, water projects and installation of solar lights, became the order of the day, under his interventions. So also hospital construction and upgrades, in the same Gwarzo local government.

Community projects like construction and rehabilitation of Mosques, Palaces and training institutes are all over.

Under Youth and Women Empowerment for economic development, he initiated the distribution of Twenty Thousand Naira (₦20,000) only. For 10,000 less-privileged across all the 44 LGAs in the state. With Kano North taking the largest share of 6,500 beneficiaries, at 500 per LGA.

Just recently DSP launched monthly One Hundred Thousand Naira (₦100,000) only, capital support, for 1,300 beneficiaries, from the Month of February 2026 to December 2026. A year round project. A total of 18,200 beneficiaries, will benefit from the sum of Two Hundred and Eighteen Million, Two Hundred Thousand (₦218.2m) only.

Under other, varying empowerment programmes, Senator Jibrin distributed 130 vehicles to transport associations, across 13 local governments under his constituency. A total number of 1,000 motorcycles were distributed to headmasters, teachers and other residents in the rural communities.

When students benefited from 1,300 tricycles, 1,300 sewing machines, 1,300 noodle-making machines and flour to women, 1,300 deep freezers and 1,300 bicycles

Sports & Community Development are not left behind. As 150 football teams per local government benefited with Jerseys and balls. Totaling 1,950 teams across Kano North.

It is on record, as many people, especially those from Kano North, know, DSP did more than what I listed here. One piece of material cannot encapsulate all this contributions and speak out at a time. But this gentleman did a lot and is committed to step further.

Anwar writes from Kano
Sunday, 7th June, 2026

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Opinion

Silence Is Complicity: How Peter Obi and Kwankwaso’s Failure to Repudiate Their Supporters’ Insults Against the Sardauna Exposes the True Character of the NDC Ticket

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In the political culture of Northern Nigeria, there is a particular category of test that every leader seeking the region’s trust must pass, not in a debate hall, not in a policy document, and not in the carefully managed environment of a presidential campaign rally, but in the unscripted, uncontrolled, and therefore most revealing moments when something is said or done that directly offends the values, the history, and the sacred memory of the people whose confidence that leader is seeking. It is in those moments, and only in those moments, that the depth of a leader’s respect for the north is truly measurable. Not by what they say about the north in their own speeches but by what they are prepared to say in defence of the north when it is being attacked by their own supporters. By that measure, the one that counts most in the court of northern political opinion, Peter Obi and Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso have failed a test of the most fundamental and the most consequential kind. And their failure is documented, verifiable, and sitting in the public record for every northern voter to read before casting their ballot in 2027.

The facts are these. In a publicly published article on Opinion Nigeria, a verified Obi supporter responding directly to a pro-northern commentary written by Sufyan Lawal Kabo, whose article on the NDC ticket’s northern viability has been widely circulated within political commentary circles, described Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto and Premier of Northern Nigeria, in the following terms. The Sardauna was characterised as a Fulani aristocrat who inherited power from the jihad.

His documented concerns about Igbo political dominance were dismissed as the testament of a conqueror who feared losing his conquered territory. And the legacy of one of the most consequential, most institution-building, most educationally transformative, and most internationally respected political figures in the entire history of northern Nigeria was reduced, in a single contemptuous paragraph, to the frightened posturing of an entitled hereditary ruler defending unearned privilege.
Let those words sit for a moment before we proceed. A Fulani aristocrat who inherited power from the jihad. The testament of a conqueror who feared losing his conquered territory. These are not the words of a political opponent engaging in legitimate historical debate.

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They are the words of someone who holds the Sardauna of Sokoto in contempt. Someone who regards his life’s work, the building of Ahmadu Bello University, the establishment of the Bank of the North, the creation of the Northern Regional Development Corporation, the construction of the 16,000-seat Ahmadu Bello Stadium in Kaduna, the cultivation of northern political consciousness that gave the region its voice in the first republic, as nothing more than the self-interested manoeuvring of an aristocratic class protecting inherited power. They are words that every northerner who has ever spoken the Sardauna’s name with pride, every student who has sat in the institution that bears his name, every community that has drawn on the legacy he built, and every family that traces its civic identity to the northern political tradition he helped define, has the right to hear, to evaluate, and to hold accountable.
And accountability, in a democracy, begins with leadership. When a political leader is seeking the votes of millions of people, they acquire, as an inseparable part of that solicitation, the responsibility to defend those people’s values, history, and sacred memory from disrespect, even when, and especially when, that disrespect comes from within their own political family. This is not an abstract principle invented for the purpose of this argument. It is the standard that has been applied consistently and correctly across Nigerian political history whenever leaders failed to speak up in the face of insults directed at communities they claimed to represent or to court.

It is the standard that northern voters have applied to every candidate who has ever sought their support. And it is the standard that Peter Obi and Kwankwaso have demonstrably and completely failed to meet in relation to the documented insult directed at the Sardauna of Sokoto by a verified member of their political community in a publicly accessible national publication.

Mohamed Hussaini writes from Bauchi.

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Opinion

A Library in One Man: The Legacy of Dr. Ibraheem Ladi Amosa

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The Pen that Teaches, the Mind that Illuminates, and the Legacy that Endures

There are men who merely pass through time, and there are men who leave footprints upon the sands of history. Ibraheem Ladi Amosa Abubakr Al Mu’allim, widely known as Albani belongs to the latter category—a rare intellectual craftsman, an educational reformer, a prolific author, and a visionary whose works continue to illuminate minds across continents.

A son of Ilorin, Nigeria, he emerged not merely as a teacher but as a bridge between tradition and modernity, dedicating his life to making Islamic knowledge, Arabic language, and contemporary education accessible to all. His journey is a testimony that greatness is not measured by titles alone but by the number of minds enlightened and hearts guided.

A Scholar of Many Horizons

Ibraheem Ladi Amosa is a distinguished educator, researcher, writer, and author whose intellectual contributions span across: Islamic Studies, Tawheed and Aqeedah, Fiqh and Hadith, Arabic Language Education, Children’s Islamic Literature, Social Reform, Ethics and Morality, Comparative Thought, Science and Technology Education, Community Development etc. His scholarship is characterized by a rare ability to simplify complex subjects without compromising their depth, making knowledge accessible to beginners while remaining beneficial to advanced learners.

A Pen That Refused to Sleep: Ibraheem Albani Al-Mu’allim Surpasses 100 Publications

Few scholars of his generation can boast of such a vast and diverse intellectual portfolio. Through dozens of publications and educational works, he has demonstrated extraordinary versatility and academic excellence. He is a prolific author, researcher, and educator with over one hundred and ten (110) publications in Arabic and English, covering diverse fields including ʿAqeedah (Islamic Creed), Fiqh, Hadith, Qur’anic Studies, Arabic Language, Education, History, Social Issues, Public Policy, Contemporary Islamic Thought, Community Development, and Youth Empowerment.

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His books such as “Simplified Islamic Quiz 300 Islamic Questions and answers for seekers of knowledge,” “100 Questions and Answers on Tawheed,” “600 Authentic Hadiths,” “Al-Eemaan,” “Fiqh Zakah with Evidence,” “Fiqhus Salaat with Evidence,” “The Sacred Legacy of Al-Aqsa,” “Daily Prophetic Adhkar,” and numerous Arabic educational manuals have become valuable resources for students, teachers, and seekers of knowledge worldwide.

An Architect of Accessible Knowledge

What distinguishes Ibraheem Ladi Amosa is not merely the quantity of his works but their transformative vision. He possesses the rare gift of turning difficult concepts into understandable lessons and transforming academic knowledge into practical guidance. His mission has never been to fill bookshelves; it has been to fill minds. His writings embody the timeless wisdom that: “Knowledge is not what is stored in books; knowledge is what transforms lives.”

A Legacy beyond the Classroom

While many teach within four walls, Ibraheem Ladi Amosa has chosen a larger classroom—the world itself. Through books, research, educational initiatives, and digital platforms, he has extended the reach of beneficial knowledge far beyond geographical boundaries.

His contributions continue to: strengthen Islamic literacy, promote authentic tawheed, encourage critical thinking, preserve Arabic language heritage, inspire future generations of learners, and build bridges between faith and contemporary realities.

The Rare Genius of Purpose

True genius is not the accumulation of information but the ability to transform information into guidance, wisdom, and societal benefit. Ibraheem Ladi Amosa exemplifies this principle. He writes not for applause but for impact. He teaches not for recognition but for transformation. He researches not for prestige but for posterity. His life reflects the profound truth that: “A candle loses nothing by lighting a thousand others.”

A Legacy in Motion

The story of Ibraheem Ladi Amosa is not merely the story of an author. It is the story of a builder of minds. A cultivator of intellects. A reviver of beneficial knowledge. A guardian of authentic Islamic teachings. A mentor whose pen continues to speak long after the ink has dried. As generations continue to benefit from his writings and educational contributions, his legacy stands as a reminder that the greatest wealth a person can leave behind is knowledge that benefits humanity.

“When history remembers the builders of minds, the name Ibraheem Ladi Amosa (Albani) will stand among those whose pens became lanterns and whose knowledge became a lasting charity for generations yet unborn. – Markaz

Markaz Ihyahis Sunnah Waikhmadil Bid’ah

markazihyaahisunnah@gmail.com, 48, Line Chairman, Maikalwa, Naibawa Yanlemu, Kano

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