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Opinion

The Nigeria US Story on Genocide- Ismail Auwal

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By Ismail Auwal

When a country is placed on Americas Countries of Particular Concern (CPC) list, it never remains a technical diplomatic category. It becomes a permanent shadow that trails the nation into investment discussions, military cooperation and the private rooms where powerful actors decide who to trust. Nigeria now carries that shadow, and for a country already overwhelmed by multiple security emergencies, the weight of this designation is neither abstract nor symbolic. It is political, economic and potentially destabilising.
The most worrying aspect is that the designation rests on a narrative that fractures upon contact with reality: the claim that Nigeria is enabling a Christian genocide. It is a narrative that sounds coherent in Washingtons hearing rooms, where testimonies are polished and emotions are guided. Yet once you step away from those rooms and into the communities where violence shapes the rhythm of daily life, the story changes completely.

A Narrative Travelling Faster Than Truth
The genocide narrative spreads quickly because it offers a clean explanation for a crisis that is anything but clean. It moves through congressional hearings, diaspora networks, lobbying circles and social-media echo chambers that seldom include those who bury their loved ones at dawn. In those distant spaces, the narrative feels straightforward and morally comfortable, but on Nigerian soil, it dissolves into a far more complex and painful reality.
In Zamfara, over four hundred villages, mostly Muslim, have been emptied by bandits who kill for profit and control, not in the name of faith. In Katsina and Sokoto, entire communities have disappeared from maps, destroyed by criminal groups with no ideological agenda.
In Plateau, twenty-five Muslim travellers were dragged from their vehicles and murdered in broad daylight by mobs from nearby Christian communities. In Anambra, Harira Jibril, pregnant and exhausted, was killed alongside her four children simply because gunmen identified them as Muslims.
These stories do not erase the suffering of Christian families who face similar horrors. Instead, they reveal what the genocide narrative refuses to confront: the violence in Nigeria does not travel in one direction. It shifts according to geography, vulnerability, and an almost two-decade-long crack in the state’s security architecture. Just as Muslims do not assign collective guilt to Christians, Christians cannot assign collective blame to all Muslims for the crimes of extremists who misuse faith.

Where the Evidence Falls Apart
Genocide is not a rhetorical weapon; it is a legal term defined by intent. It requires a deliberate plan to exterminate a group of people because of who they are. Nigerias conflict landscape does not support that claim. In the North East, Boko Haram targets Christians and Muslims alike, killing clerics who oppose extremism, villagers who refuse allegiance and children caught in crossfire. More than two million peopleof mixed faithslive in displacement camps, united not by creed but by vulnerability.
In the North West, the violence is driven by banditry, ransom economies and territorial capture. Armed groups raid for money, power and fear, not ideology, and their victims are overwhelmingly Muslim. In the Middle Belt, a different logic governs the conflict: old land disputes, generational grievances and cycles of retaliation. More than ten thousand people have been killed across Plateau, Benue, Katsina and Kebbi in just two years, yet none of these killings reflect a coordinated national extermination plan.
Across the country, the devastation is staggering: thousands of villages razed, millions displaced and livelihoods erased. Still, no pattern points to state-sponsored religious cleansing. Nigerias crisis is a knot of collapsing borders, unregulated weapons, drug-fuelled gangs, under-resourced security forces and abandoned communities struggling to survive without the protection of their own government.

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When Foreign Narratives Replace Local Truth
The danger begins when a single narrative becomes the only lens through which a country is understood. Sympathy for Christian victims is legitimate, but when that sympathy becomes exclusive, Muslim victims vanish entirely from the story. Their widows do not appear in Washington. Their mass graves do not trend. Their displacement does not register in global reports. A national tragedy becomes a one-directional script, and in that script, the failures of governance disappear behind the simplified idea of religious persecution.
Once this misdiagnosed story takes root in Washington, policies begin to bend around it. Sanctions are proposed as moral pressure. Restrictions on arms sales are framed as accountability. Intervention is whispered as a last resort. These policies do not ask whether the next life at risk belongs to a Christian grandmother in Zangon Kataf or a Muslim farmer in Zurmi. They strike everyone equally, often worsening insecurity for those already living at the edge of danger.
The Grief That Defines the Crisis
In Kaduna, three years ago, I sat with a widow who lost her husband in a night attack. She did not know the attackers or their motives. All she knew was that when gunshots shattered the silence, no one came to helpnot the nearby police post, not the patrol team she had been assured would protect them, not the state she believed would stand between her family and danger. Her grief was neither Christian nor Muslim. It was the grief of a Nigerian who discovered, in one devastating moment, that she was on her own.
Her story echoes across northern Nigeria. In Katsina, a man from Dansadau recounted how bandits demanded a “tax” of ₦200,000 in exchange for peace. When villagers failed to pay, the killings began, farms were abandoned, and hunger forced families across the border. Over eighty thousand Nigerians now live as refugees in Niger’s Maradi region, while nearly four hundred thousand are displaced across Kaduna, Kano, Katsina, Sokoto and Zamfara. Many do not appear in the data of Washington because they are Muslims?
They sleep in classrooms, abandoned buildings, unfinished shops and borrowed compounds. Their lives are held together by resilience and charity, not by state protection. From Plateau to Benue to Zamfara, the scenes repeat themselves: midnight escapes, separated families, villages negotiating with bandits and people surviving despite the government, not because of it.

A Crisis Rooted in State Fragility
Nigerias emergency is not a religious war; it is a terrifying manifestation of state fragility. Borders allow weapons to flow freely. Security forces operate with broken vehicles and empty fuel tanks. Criminal groups evolve faster than government responses. In many villages, the most powerful authority is the local bandit leader, not the state. Communities negotiate peace at gunpoint, surrender parts of their harvest as taxes and accept rules imposed by criminals because the state is too weak to govern.
This is not the blueprint of genocide. It is the anatomy of state failure. And it is state failurenot a government-backed religious missionthat is killing Nigerians of all identities.
Reclaiming Nigerias Story
Nigeria cannot allow outsiders to dictate the meaning of its suffering. Foreign partners may care, but they must care responsibly. A misdiagnosed story in Washington becomes a policy, a policy becomes a precedent, and a precedent becomes a long-term obstacle to Nigerias security and development. Sanctions, arms restrictions and diplomatic isolation hit the vulnerable hardest, not the architects of state weakness.
This is why Nigeria must insist on telling its whole truth. A truth that honours Christian and Muslim victims equally. A truth that identifies governance collapsenot religious persecutionas the central driver of violence. A truth that demands stronger institutions, better security responses and international partnerships rooted in accuracy, not ideology. If Nigeria does not reclaim its story, others will continue telling it badly, and when the wrong story becomes the worlds truth, the decisions that follow may be ones Nigeria, in its fragile state, cannot survive.

Opinion

Re: “Kano Spends #26.5BN On Govt House,Governors Office, Travels In Six Months

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Setting the Records Straight from the Published Budget Performance Report

By Hon. Muhammad Sanusi S. Kiru, FCIA

As a citizen of Kano State with an abiding interest in good governance, transparency and responsible public discourse, I consider it necessary to independently examine the figures currently circulating under the headline: “Kano Spends ₦26.5bn on Govt House, Governor’s Office, Travels in Six Months.”

Public expenditure must be subjected to scrutiny. The media has an indispensable responsibility to hold governments and public institutions accountable. However, such scrutiny achieves its purpose only when figures extracted from official financial documents are presented within their correct accounting and administrative context.

I have therefore examined the Kano State Second Quarter 2026 Budget Performance Report, the publicly available document from which the figures in the report appear to have been derived. My review reveals a number of important facts which members of the public deserve to know.

I. THE ₦25.869 BILLION IS NOT THE GOVERNOR’S PERSONAL EXPENDITURE

The official Budget Performance Report indeed contains an expenditure figure of approximately ₦25.869 billion under the broader Government House administrative classification.

However, this classification is not synonymous with the personal expenditure of the Governor, nor does the amount represent expenditure exclusively incurred by the Governor’s immediate office.

Rather, it is an umbrella administrative classification encompassing several offices, directorates, agencies and governmental functions.

It would therefore be misleading to interpret or present the entire ₦25.869 billion as money spent personally by the Governor or exclusively by his immediate office.

II. GOVERNMENT HOUSE PROPER RECORDED APPROXIMATELY ₦3.288 BILLION

A closer examination of the same official document shows that Government House proper, under administrative code 011100100100, recorded cumulative expenditure of approximately ₦3.288 billion as at June 2026.

This was against an approved annual provision of approximately ₦39.514 billion, meaning that only about 8.3 per cent of the annual provision had been utilised at the end of the first six months.

This distinction is fundamental.

The difference between the ₦3.288 billion expenditure attributable to Government House proper and the ₦25.869 billion aggregate expenditure under the wider administrative classification should not be overlooked in any objective analysis.

III. THE ₦25.869 BILLION COVERS SEVERAL ESTABLISHMENTS

The broader ₦25.869 billion figure incorporates expenditure attributable to several establishments and governmental functions administratively grouped under Government House.

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These include, among others, the Deputy Governor’s Office, Protocol Directorate, Media and Publicity establishments and other offices and agencies.

For example, the official report indicates that approximately ₦4.471 billion recorded under the Deputy Governor’s Office was capital expenditure. The Protocol Directorate also accounts for a substantial component of expenditure contained within the broader administrative classification.

These are distinct governmental expenditures and should not be portrayed as the Governor’s personal expenditure.

IV. THE ₦626.95 MILLION DESCRIBED AS “TRAVEL”

The additional figure of approximately ₦626,947,782.13 deserves particular attention.

The amount does appear in the official Q2 2026 Budget Performance Report. However, examination of the underlying document shows that the figure appears under the Primary Healthcare expenditure reporting section, specifically against Local Travel and Transport: Training.

This raises a legitimate question as to the basis for adding the ₦626.95 million to the broader Government House administrative expenditure to arrive at the headline figure of approximately ₦26.5 billion.

If the expenditure is classified in the official document under Primary Healthcare and relates to local travel and transport for training, it should not be presented in a manner capable of creating the impression that the amount represents the Governor’s travel expenditure.

V. THE COMPARABLE EXPENDITURE ACTUALLY DECLINED

There is another important fact which deserves equal prominence.

The broader Government House administrative expenditure reportedly stood at approximately ₦28.84 billion during the first six months of 2025, compared with approximately ₦25.87 billion during the corresponding period of 2026.

This represents a reduction of approximately ₦2.97 billion, or about 10.3 per cent.

The year-on-year comparison therefore indicates a decline rather than an escalation in expenditure under the broader administrative classification.

MY FINDING

Having examined the underlying figures, my considered view is that the headline “Kano Spends ₦26.5 Billion on Govt House, Governor’s Office, Travels in Six Months” requires substantial clarification and context.

The ₦25.869 billion figure is contained in the official Budget Performance Report, but it represents expenditure under a broader administrative classification encompassing several offices, agencies, directorates and governmental functions. Government House proper recorded approximately ₦3.288 billion.

Similarly, the additional ₦626.95 million presented as travel expenditure appears in the official document under a Primary Healthcare expenditure section relating to Local Travel and Transport: Training. It should therefore not, without further evidence, be interpreted as the Governor’s travel expenditure.

Furthermore, the comparable broader administrative expenditure declined from approximately ₦28.84 billion in the first half of 2025 to ₦25.87 billion in the first half of 2026, representing a reduction of about 10.3 per cent.

Accountability is not served by shielding government from scrutiny. Neither is it served by presenting legitimate public expenditure figures without their necessary administrative and accounting context.

As citizens, we must continue to demand prudence, transparency and accountability from those entrusted with public resources. In the same spirit, public discourse—particularly on matters involving billions of naira of taxpayers’ money—must be anchored on accuracy, context and fairness.

The records are public. The figures can be verified. Let the facts speak for themselves.

Hon. Muhammad Sanusi S. Kiru, FCIA
Concerned Kano Citizen

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Opinion

Olodo Uprising:The Debate Over Fame, Knowledge And Nigeria’s Digital Future-Peter Peace

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By Peter Peace Eshiofune

 

In today’s Nigeria, a viral video can attract thousands of views within hours, while educational content may struggle to receive the same attention. This changing relationship between knowledge, entertainment and online fame came under scrutiny following comments by Nigerian rapper Oludemilade Martin Alejo, popularly known as YCee, during an appearance on the Afropolitan Podcast in June 2026.

YCee described what he called the “Olódò Uprising,” expressing concern about what he saw as the growing celebration of ignorance and the increasing value placed on internet fame and virality. He referred to what he called “Peller culture,” using popular content creator Peller as an example of a broader digital trend rather than as the sole subject of his criticism. His comments generated responses from Peller and others on social media.

The Yoruba expression “olódò” is commonly used as a derogatory term for someone perceived as unintelligent or academically weak. In YCee’s context, however, the expression was used to describe a perceived social trend in which content that attracts attention, regardless of its intellectual value, can receive greater recognition than knowledge, academic achievement or meaningful contributions.

The controversy became more complicated when content creator Jarvis responded to YCee. She pointed to her university education and argued that content creation should not automatically be interpreted as a rejection of education or evidence of ignorance. She also highlighted the difficulty many young Nigerians face in finding employment, presenting digital content creation as another way young people can earn a living.

Her argument raises an important question: Is the popularity of online entertainment evidence of declining intellectual values, or is it also a response to the economic realities facing young Nigerians?

The question cannot be separated completely from the country’s employment situation. According to the National Bureau of Statistics’ Labour Force Survey, the unemployment rate among Nigerians aged 15–24 stood at 6.5 per cent in the second quarter of 2024. While unemployment statistics alone cannot explain why individuals become content creators, they provide context for understanding why young people may explore alternative forms of work.

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This economic reality helps explain why, for many young Nigerians, social media is no longer simply a platform for entertainment. It has become a space for entrepreneurship, self-expression, networking and communication. With Nigeria’s rapidly expanding digital environment, the opportunity to reach large audiences has also created new possibilities for creators and digital businesses. DataReportal estimated that Nigeria had 47.8 million active social-media user identities in October 2025, showing the size of the audience available to creators and digital businesses.

At the same time, YCee’s concern cannot simply be dismissed. Social media platforms are built around attention and engagement. Views, likes, shares and followers can increase a creator’s visibility and, in some cases, create economic opportunities. This can encourage creators to produce content capable of attracting strong reactions.

The audience is also part of this system. Creators may produce the content, but audiences influence what becomes popular through what they watch, share, comment on and promote. The “Olódò Uprising” debate therefore goes beyond individual personalities. It raises questions about the values that millions of digital users collectively reward.

This distinction is important because entertainment and intelligence are not opposites. A comedian, musician, streamer or content creator can be intelligent and highly educated, just as a person with formal education can produce misleading or poorly informed content. The more important question is what society chooses to reward with attention and influence.

This is where media literacy becomes important. Young people need the ability to question what they see online, distinguish entertainment from misinformation and understand why certain content becomes more visible than others. Educators and communicators also face the challenge of promoting knowledge without treating entertainment as the enemy or appearing disconnected from the realities of young people’s digital lives.

The debate also shows that responsibility does not rest entirely with content creators. Audiences, platforms and communicators all contribute to the digital environment. What receives attention today can influence what creators produce tomorrow, creating a cycle in which popularity can determine the kind of content that is repeatedly seen.

Perhaps this is why the “Olódò Uprising” debate has attracted attention beyond the personalities involved. Beneath the arguments about YCee, Peller and Jarvis lies a larger question about Nigeria’s changing digital culture: If attention can be converted into influence and income, what happens when going viral becomes more attractive than developing knowledge and skills?

The answer should not be to reject entertainment or condemn young people who make a living online. Instead, Nigeria needs a digital culture where creativity and economic opportunity can exist alongside education, critical thinking and responsible communication.

Ultimately, the “Olódò Uprising” may be less about whether one person is intelligent or another is not. It may be about what Nigerians choose to celebrate, what they choose to amplify and the kind of digital culture they want to create.

Peter Peace Eshiofune
A 200-level student of the Department of Development and Strategic Communication, University of Abuja.

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Opinion

Masari: The Quite Architect With No Rivalry, Only Results for APC in 2027

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By Abba Anwar

One name that rings bell and attracts all manner of attentions is Honourable Ibrahim Kabiru Masari, Special Adviser on Political and Other Matters, to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR, Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. The gentleman whose love for the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) is undeniably visible across all Northern states and even beyond. His elevation from Senior Special Assistant to Special Adviser was a good stamp from the Presidency.

As the 2027 general election draws closer and the race for relevance intensifies within the ruling APC, one name keeps surfacing and resurfacing in quiet rooms where party unity is negotiated and in loud ones where it is celebrated; comes the name Masari.

As Special Adviser very close the President he has not chosen the path of noise or rivalry, with other party heavyweights or appointees. Instead, he has positioned himself as a stabilizing force, a bridge between the Presidency and the party base, and between the North and the center. In a political season often defined by competition for slots and spotlight, his reputation for humility, fairness in appointments, and commitment to party hegemony has made him one of APC’s most valuable assets.

In what usually becomes nation’s political practice under the guise of politics of camps and blocs, Masari is described by party insiders as someone who does not engage in rivalry with other Northern appointees. He has become a rallying point because he prioritizes APC first, region second. For sure he doesn’t ask where you are from before he asks how the party can win.

His special care, concern and love for Kano state are some of the things why he becomes endeared to Kano people. The appointment of Hon Yahuza Ado Inuwa, as the Chairman Standard’s Council, Standard Organization of Nigeria (SON) was birthed, facilitated and secured by Hon Masari and the appointment of Eng Abdullahi Garba Ramat, to the position of Chairman/CEO, Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC), though short-lived, was a singular effort of this gentleman, Masari.

Apart from many more employment opportunities he secured for Kano people at the federal ministries and agencies. He contributed immensely in many other political appointments of Kano citizens in President Tinubu administration.

The same thing, he has special interest and love for Kano’s political development. During 2019 gubernatorial election when the then Governor of Kano state Dr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje was running for the second term and Eng Abba Kabir Yusuf (current governor of Kano), was running on the platform of the opposition People’s Democratic Party (PDP), the atmosphere was in cul-de-sac, he performed wonders for APC and Ganduje.

When both parties were in absolute fear, uncertainty and frustration, Hon Masari played a significant role in APC’s victory. From the electioneering campaign to the declaration of inconclusive result. Up to the Gama tug-of-war, in Nassarawa local government area. He came to the rescue of Ganduje that time. As Tinubu, APC National Leader then, supervised the project. Tinubu and Masari, not even federal government under late President Muhammadu Buhari, saved APC, Ganduje and Kano people from the clutches of PDP.

So to me, whatever good thing Ganduje did to Tinubu and/or Masari, is just a returning match. No more no less. And politics is an envelope of returning matches. At whatever level you can think of.

To also tell you that the Special Adviser, Political, to President Tinubu cares much about healthy political development in Kano, he played an important and unmatched role, in making sure that His Excellency Murtala Sule Garo becomes the Deputy Governor of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf. Even if I said singlehandedly, is not a derailed exercise. I was privy to many efforts then.

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The same Masari moved in quickly when some forces wanted Ganduje, to be bundle out of the APC’s National Headquarters, as National Chairman of the party. It Masari who instantly intervened and saved the situation from total collapse. He did that to save Ganduje, Kano state image in the national scheme of things and to consolidate the strength of the party in Northern Nigeria. We all saw how Ganduje resigned unscathed.

I once called him the Distributor of Opportunity. It is obvious to say that his strength is in opening doors at the federal level for capable hands, not just from Katsina state, but across the North and beyond. This has earned him goodwill and cemented the perception that the Tinubu administration is rewarding loyalty and competence, not just geography.

In his home state Katsina, he was instrumental to the appointment of the following people, in different federal agencies. These are the Executive Director, National Social Insurance Trust Fund (NSITF) Barr. Samaila Abdu, Board Chairman, Badagry College, Lagos, Kabiru Musa Kafur, Chief of Staff to the Honourable Minister of Housing and Urban Development, Dr. Abba, Executive Director, Monitoring and Implementation, Nigeria–São Tomé and Príncipe Joint Development Authority, Alhaji Abdullahi Muhammed Yari and Hon. Dr. Jabiru Salisu Abdullahi Tsauri as the National Coordinator and Chief Executive Officer of AUDA-NEPAD Nigeria, among others.

He facilitated for the employment of hundreds of Katsina people and other Northern states. Without any consideration of where one comes from. It is undoubtedly clear to note that, quintessential individuals like Masari are great assets to the President and the ruling APC, as we are inching towards general election of 2027.

Without any doubt or rethink, this man is an embodiment of victory, political sophistication, foresight, deeply rooted influence among his people, needed experience, domineering political architecture and relevance.

Another good thing about this gentleman is his simplicity in dealing with all other political appointees, who come from the North. He is different, as he has no political rival under whose rivalry the party and the President suffer technically. He has good understanding with all the Ministers from the North, all appointees of federal government agencies and departments and all party leaders from his geo-political zone, North West and beyond, among others.

He is in good term with Distinguished members of the National Assembly, especially the leadership of the two Chambers, these are His Excellency Deputy Senate President, Barau I Jibrin, CFR, Phd and Right Honourable Speaker, House of Representatives, Tajuddeen Abbas.

All Governors from his zone and even beyond have good working relationship with this gentleman. No wonder whenever he organizes Empowerment Programmes in Katsina state, you see Governors trooping to bless the gatherings. Clear indication of harmonious relationship.

So what a perfect Special Adviser, Political and Other Matters to the President? Lest I forget, the spend stupendous amount of money in empowering his people. To them, their Tinubu is Masari. Without fear of mincing words, I can say with people like Masari in the North, 2027 will be an easy ride for Mr President.

He definitely matters for 2027 general elections. Not only Presidential election. His contribution to the welfare of youth and women in his domain means a lot in aiding the ruling APC. With a youthful voting population and high expectations, APC needs figures who can hold the party together without inflaming divisions. Masari’s role in consultation, conflict management, and mobilization makes him central to the party’s electoral machinery.

Another good thing about him is what prompted me to call him The Humble Operator. Yes despite holding a strategic position close to the President, Masari maintains a low-profile, service-driven approach. In politics where ego often fractures parties, his humility is being read as strength.

The ocean of difference that stands between him and other political leaders from this part of the country, is his no-nonsense response to political rumor mongers, who always plant seed of acrimony among party members, leaders and elders. Whoever takes rumor to him is at his (rumor monger) own peril. His straightforwardness is encouraging and always timely. Masari Gabas ne!

What further differentiates him with other political big shots from North, is his non-rivalry posture. While it is common to see political office holders, elected or appointed, souped in sour relationship between themselves, in Masari the situation is not that bad and terrifying.

He is in good term with all our Ministers from the North, all leaders of the National Assembly who come from the North, ranging from Right Honourable Speaker, Abbas, Deputy President of the Senate, Senator Jibrin and all Chairmen of Senate Committees and House Committees, who hailed from the North.

When you want to see his red eye, sabotage Tinubu’s government. This has been his character since the coming of Tinubu as President.

Let me note and conclude that as APC heads into another defining election, the party may need fewer loud voices and more steady hands. In Ibrahim Kabiru Masari, it appears to have found both.

HAPPY MAULUD TO ALL MY READERS!

Anwar writes from Kano
Tuesday, 25th August, 2026

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