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News Analysis: Independence Day Cancellation Sparks Political Tensions and Public Reflection”

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By Yusuf Danjuma Yunusa, Nigerian Tracker Correspondent

As expected, the Federal Government of Nigeria was to facilitate the parade procession at Eagles Square every morning of October 1, celebrating the country’s independence. But it took most Nigerians aback when the President, through his Secretary, George Akume, disclosed that the Independence Day celebration was not going to hold. The announcement was contained in a press statement released by the Secretary to the Government of the Federation:

“The Federal Government wishes to announce the cancellation of the Independence Anniversary parade, previously scheduled to mark the 65th independence on Wednesday, 1st October. The cancellation is in no way a diminishment of the significance of this milestone anniversary,” the statement, as read, was signed by the Director of Information and Public Relations, Segun Imohiosen.

The announcement took most Nigerians by surprise because no single reason was mentioned as to why the celebration was cancelled—unlike other cases in which the reason, even though not given, made itself glaring why the celebration couldn’t hold.

Such moments were, first in 1966–1967 during the civil war, which brought chaos into the country. Second was in 1992 when Ibrahim Babangida made such a cancellation announcement in honor of the victims of the Nigerian Air Force Lockheed C-130 Hercules plane crash in Ejigbo, Lagos, in which 159 persons, mainly military officers, lost their lives. Third was in 2010 when the celebration was marred by explosions from two cars parked near Eagles Square, which took the lives of many and injured a few others. Due to the incident, the celebration for the following years did not hold until 2014. Fourth was during the COVID-19 pandemic. The outbreak didn’t allow the celebration to flow as it should have, hence the low-key procession by the late President Buhari at the Villa.

Obviously, the years in which the Independence Anniversary celebration didn’t hold presented themselves with reasons, and those reasons were genuine. So, why did the incumbent President Tinubu cancel the celebration without a reason?

In another development, the Commissioner of Police in Kano State, Ibrahim Adamu Bakori, was accused by the State Governor, Abba Kabir Yusuf, of boycotting the Independence Anniversary celebration in the state by withdrawing police personnel who should have taken part in the procession at the Sani Abacha Stadium, despite his unambiguous instructions to make provision for security for the event.

Out of displeasure, the Governor then called on the President, Bola Ahmad Tinubu, to immediately redeploy the State Police Commissioner for his “unethical” behavior:

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“The Commissioner of Police has embarrassed us by his conduct,” Yusuf said. “His action is unprofessional, unethical, and contrary to what is expected of a security chief on such a historic day for the people of Kano and indeed for Nigeria as a whole.”

He continued, “On behalf of myself as the Chief Security Officer of the state, and the good people of Kano, I call on President Bola Ahmad Tinubu to remove CP Ibrahim Adamu Bakori, today.”

Since 1960, when the first ceremony was held at the Race Course, now Tafawa Balewa Square in Lagos, the military parade has become a significant aspect of the Independence Day celebration, with heads of government at various tiers taking the salute as the armed forces, paramilitary outfits, and school children march past. Independence Day was given more relevance by the actions of past leaders, such as when Olusegun Obasanjo, during his military regime, decided to hand over power to civil administration on the 1st of October 1979.

Similarly, the then Head of State, General Sani Abacha, added to the relevance of the day when he announced the creation of six new states—Bayelsa, Ebonyi, Ekiti, Gombe, Nasarawa, and Zamfara—on October 1, 1996, a pronouncement that brought the number of states in Nigeria to the current 36. These six states have since then celebrated the day as the anniversary of their creation.

Did States Follow Suit in the Cancellation?

The South-East region presented a unique case. Following the federal directive, all five states (Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu, and Imo) officially canceled government-sponsored celebrations. This was largely due to the prevailing socio-political climate in the region, where October 1st is often viewed with ambivalence. The federal cancellation provided a convenient reason to forego an event that typically has low public enthusiasm there.

Cross River State organized a tree-planting exercise to mark the day, framing it as an “investment in Nigeria’s future.” Delta State held a “solemn symposium” on national unity with civil society groups instead of a parade.

In Rivers State, Governor Siminalayi Fubara presided over a brief flag-raising ceremony at the Government House, attended only by top government functionaries, with no public fanfare. A statement emphasized “the symbolic importance of the day without extravagant spending.”

Bayelsa State government cited the need to redirect resources to flood preparedness and mitigation efforts. Edo State announced a low-key workday and suspended official festivities. Ekiti and Ondo States canceled celebrations and encouraged citizens to engage in community service.

In a nutshell, the federal directive resulted in a largely compliant but politically fractured response. The overwhelming compliance from APC states was anticipated. However, the bold defiance from Kano State—a major political and commercial hub—and the subsequent constitutional crisis over control of the police has become the defining story of the 2025 Independence Day. It demonstrates the potent role of sub-national politics in challenging federal authority and sets a tense precedent for future interactions between the NNPP-led Kano State and the APC-led Federal Government.

The Potent Questions Remain:

1. Was the defiance by the Kano State Governor merely about preserving the relevance of the Independence Day anniversary, or is it a reflection of differences in their political ideologies that might serve as a proxy for larger political battles?
2. Was the President wrong for canceling the celebration without a reason?

On the non participation of Kano police command during the independence parade the force Headquarters is yet to issue a statememt.

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NCC to Enforce Subscriber Compensation for Poor Telecom Service

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By Yusuf Danjuma Yunusa

The Nigerian Communications Commission has announced that its directive mandating telecommunications operators to compensate subscribers for poor service quality will take effect from this month.

The Commission disclosed this in a Frequently Asked Questions document released on Tuesday, offering clarity on how the compensation framework will work and which subscribers qualify.

According to the NCC, the directive applies specifically to Mobile Network Operators that fail to meet the required Key Performance Indicators for Quality of Service. These operators include major players such as MTN Nigeria, Airtel Nigeria, Globacom, and 9mobile, although the Commission did not specify which of them fell short of the standards.

The NCC noted that a separate compensation framework already exists for Internet Service Providers.

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Under the new directive, compensation will cover service failures affecting voice calls, data services, and SMS. To qualify, subscribers must have experienced poor network service in an affected Local Government Area and must have carried out at least one revenue-generating activity—such as a billed call, SMS, or data session—within the period in question.

The Commission added that both individual and corporate subscribers are eligible for compensation.

Importantly, the NCC stated that subscribers will not need to apply to receive compensation. Instead, telecom operators are mandated to automatically identify affected customers and compensate them directly.

“The compensation framework will take effect from April 2026.

“No. The directive does not replace existing consumer protection mechanisms. It adds a direct compensation mechanism for affected subscribers. It aligns with measures set in existing legislation, such as the Consumer Code of Practice Regulations 2024 and the Quality of Service Regulations 2024,” NCC said

“Operators are required and mandated to identify affected subscribers and provide compensation directly. Only service failures that fall below the defined thresholds set by the Quality of Service Regulations will qualify,” NCC said.

However, the regulator clarified that minor or short-lived network disruptions that are quickly resolved may not meet the threshold for compensation.

The move is part of the NCC’s broader efforts to improve service delivery and hold telecom operators accountable for consistent network performance across the country.

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ADC Leadership Tussle Worsens as Third Faction Emerges, Rejects Nafiu Camp, Mark’s Coalition

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By Yusuf Danjuma Yunusa

A new faction within the African Democratic Congress has surfaced, rejecting the authority of the Senator David Mark-led coalition and distancing itself from Nafiu Bala’s faction.

According to Africa Independent Television, the faction led by Don Norman Obinna claims to represent the legitimate National Executive Committee of the party.

The group says it is stepping in to manage the party’s affairs ahead of the next national convention.

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At a briefing in Abuja on Tuesday, the group stated that “The tenure of Ralph Nwosu, who handed the party to the David Mark group, had ended in August 2022, and afterwards, he (Nwosu) had faced a series of litigations due to his failure to step down.”

The faction also clarified the status of Nafiu Bala, noting that he “never held the position of National Vice Chairman,” and affirmed that former ADC presidential candidate “Dumebi Kachikwu is still a member of ADC”

The group further disclosed that new interim leaders have been appointed to oversee party activities, ensuring continuity until the national convention is held.

The remarks come amid an ongoing leadership crisis within the ADC, which has seen rival factions contest control of the party. The Independent National Electoral Commission recently withdrew recognition of the party’s leadership under former Senate President David Mark.

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Internal Crisis Deepens in Jigawa APC as High-Profile Defections Threaten Party Cohesion

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By Yusuf Danjuma Yunusa

The All Progressives Congress (APC) in Jigawa State is grappling with its most significant internal crisis in years, as a wave of defections by prominent political figures threatens to erode the party’s structural integrity and electoral prospects.

The growing discontent is widely attributed to allegations of poor party management and the marginalisation of key stakeholders under Governor Umar Namadi. His leadership style has come under increasing scrutiny from within party ranks, with critics pointing to a breakdown in internal consensus-building.

Political observers trace the roots of the crisis to a strained relationship between Governor Namadi and his political benefactor, former Governor Mohammed Badaru Abubakar, as well as his financial backer, Isa Gerawa. Although both men remain in the APC, sources familiar with the situation report lingering resentment over what they perceive as a systematic exclusion from decision-making processes and party affairs.

This “cold war” at the highest levels of the party hierarchy has created factions and widened fissures across the APC’s political base in Jigawa. Analysts warn that if left unresolved, the discord could severely undermine party unity and weaken its performance in future elections.

The crisis has now manifested in a string of high-profile defections involving former lawmakers, ex-party executives, and grassroots mobilisers.

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Leading the list are former Senators Sabo Nakudu, who represented Jigawa South-West from 2015 to 2023, and Muhammad Ubali Shitu, a longtime political associate of the governor who served in the Senate from 2015 to 2019. Senator Nakudu’s defection is particularly symbolic, as he previously contested the APC governorship ticket against Namadi. His relationship with former Governor Badaru reportedly soured after Badaru backed Namadi during the primaries. Notably, Nakudu and Badaru have since reconciled, united by their mutual opposition to the current governor.

The departure of former party chairmen further underscores the depth of the crisis. Ado Sani Kiri, who chaired the party from 2014 to 2019 and also served as a commissioner and member of the House of Representatives, has left the party, as has Aminu Keskes, who led the party from 2019 to 2023 and previously served as Gumel Local Government chairman and chairman of the Association of Local Governments of Nigeria (ALGON) in the state.

Also among the defectors is Bala Usman Chamo, a former Social Investment Programme coordinator and Dutse Local Government chairman, widely regarded as a key grassroots organiser. Their exit is seen as a major blow to the party’s strength, given their influence across various political blocs in the state.

The crisis has also penetrated the governor’s inner circle, with several political appointees resigning from their positions and quitting the party. Two serving special advisers have stepped down, including one reportedly preparing to contest for a seat in the House of Representatives under the opposition African Democratic Congress (ADC). Additionally, six senior special assistants and two special assistants have resigned, all citing dissatisfaction with the current direction of the party.

One of the most notable exits is that of Zakari Kafin Hausa, a former senior special assistant who played a central role in organising Governor Namadi’s campaign and mobilising the support that led to his emergence as governor. His defection is viewed by insiders as a significant indicator of deepening cracks within the governor’s inner circle.

Perhaps most damaging to the APC’s political machinery is the defection of at least 17 former local government chairmen. These figures are critical to grassroots mobilisation, electoral coordination, and voter outreach. Their exit signals a potential collapse of the party’s local structures, raising serious concerns about the APC’s ability to secure the mandatory 25 percent of votes in the state during future presidential elections.

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