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Late President Muhammadu Buhari: where the buck stops?-Inuwa Waya

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Inuwa Waya

Let me commence by extending my condolences to the families of the late President Muhammadu Buhari (both nuclear and extended). Let me also commend President Bola Ahmed Tinubu for conducting an elaborate state burial in honour of his late Predecessor.

Throughout his military career including his role as the Military Governor of North East and Federal Commissioner of Petroleum Resources, the late President Buhari was little known to ordinary Nigerians.

He came to limelight on 31st December 1983, when he and his colleagues in the military overthrew the democratically elected government of late President Shehu Shagari of blessed memory.

He assumed the position of the head of state and began to rule by Decree.

The Constitution Suspension and Modication Decree number one was enacted under which the 1979 constitution was suspended.

The State Security (detention of persons) Decree number two was promulgated. The Decree authorised the detention of anyone who was alleged to have contributed to the economic adversity of the nation or who participated in acts prejudicial to the state security. The military government can arrest and detain any individual for three month or more without trial under the Decree. Prominent politicians of the second Republic, political office holders and business men were arrested and detained for security reasons and economic sabotage, under the Decree. Many were tried and convicted by special military Tribunals created for those purposes. (For obvious reasons, the names of those affected by the said decree 2 would not be mentioned here). The military administration also enacted Decree number 4 tittled Public Officer Protection Against False Accusation Decree. Tunde Thompson and Nduka Irabor of the Guardian Newspapers were convicted under the Decree.

The junta also introduced the WAR AGAINST INDISCIPLINE (WAI) in order to tackle corruption and other vices which was believed to be prevalent under the deposed civilian administration. People were encouraged and in certain cases forced to be orderly in markets, Banks, shops and offices. Drug barons and armed robbers were executed. In an attempt to drive prices of commodities down, warehouses were broken in various parts of the Country and the items hoarded were sold to the public at control prices. Civil servants were directed to report early for work. Campaigns of patriotism informing Nigerians that they have no other Country but Nigeria were aired in the radios and television on a daily basis. Andrew was advised to stay at home and salvage the Country in one of the adverts. The down trodden welcomed those policies because they believed they are harbingers for prosperity and economic development. As the Head of State and Commander in chief of the Armed forces, the mass of the people believed General Buhari was the driving force behind these policies. That was the beginning of the love, confidence and admiration the ordinary people especially from the north, had for General Buhari.

On the 27th August 1985, General Buhari was overthrown in a bloodless palace military coup. Erstwhile Chief of Army Staff, General Ibrahim Babangida took over as the Head of State and Commander in Chief of the Armed forces. The reasons for the coup were stated by General Babangida in his autobiography ” A journey in service”. According to him, Buhari’s policies and leadership style were detrimental to the nation’s progress. Draconian Degrees were promulgated which trampled on the fundamental human rights of the citizens. The Babangida military administration was welcomed by the Country’s elites who saw it as a relief against tyranny and egregious abuse of power by the Buhari administration. They also believed that the new administration will be receptive to new ideas to address the economic problems of the Country. The ordinary Nigerians on the other hand gave them a cautious welcome. In their view, the process of turning the Country into a land of milk and honey was truncated by the new junta. They therefore accepted the reasons for the change of button with equanimity. In a populist move, the Babangida administration released political and economic detainees, opened up the Nigerian Security Organisation (NSO) detention centres for the press to conduct tour of what they referred to as Buhari’s torture chambers. General Babangida replaced the Supreme Military Council with a wider Armed Forces Ruling Council. He introduced different economic reforms including the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP). He began a democratization process for return to civil rule by strengthening the Centre for Democratic Studies (CDC) and the registration of the National Republican Convention (NRC) and the Social Democratic Party (SDP) as the only political parties in the Country. The process continue upto the June 12 Presidential election and its subsequent annulment which led to the Babangida administration parting ways with the Nigerian political elites especially those from the South West of Nigeria. The political instability caused by the annulment of the June 12 election led President Babangida to step aside and Chief Earnest Shonekan stepped in as the Head of the Interim Government. The collapse of the Interim Government and its aftermath is a subject of another day.

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When General Buhari was released from detention, he resigned to his fate and led a quite life until he was appointed the head of the Petroleum Trust Fund (PTF) by General Sani Abacha. For obvious reasons, the Babangida coup was not a fall from grace for General Buhari. Toppling his government attracted sympathy for him and reinforced his popularity. The bond between him and the downtrodden became rock solid. Indeed, it was for that reason the political elites considered him a good material as a Presidential candidate and convinced him to join partisan political activities in the third Republic. President Buhari contested three times and in all the three election circles, he lost the Presidential contest. During the campaigns, the opposition portrayed him as a dictator, a tribal irredentist and a religious bigot. They averred that he was not fit to rule a pluralistic Country under a democratic settings. He was forced to depend himself as a tolerant person who worked with people from different tribes and religions in the course of his career. Delivering a lecture at the Chatham House in London, Buhari identified himself as a former dictator and a converted democrat. In spite of all these, Buhari’s votes in each of the three elections were largely limited to the Northern part of the Country where has was seen as the most upright leader. Preparatory to the 2015 general elections, the opposition parties formed a merger in order to wrestle power from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) who had been ruling the Country for sixteen years. The merger led to the emergence of the All Progressive Congress (APC) and Muhammadu Buhari was nominated as the party’s flag bearer in the 2015 Presidential elections. The elections were conducted and Buhari defeated President Goodluck Jonathan who the incumbent President.

President Buhari was sworn in as the Nigeria’s President when there was general discontent on the performance of the economy under the PDP led administration. Pundits and novice alike expected him to hit the ground running immediately after his swearing in as President. However to everyone’s consternation, President Buhari spent nearly seven months without forming his cabinet. Rumours had it that the President was carefully selecting his team to make sure that he did not make a mistake in his choice. By the time the cabinet was formed, the economy had further sank into deeper trouble and it was difficult for the newly constituted Federal Executive Council to turn the tide with ease. That was how the administration started on a weak foundation. The difference between General Muhammadu Buhari and President Muhammadu Buhari began to manifest. Furthermore, as a civilian President, he had to work with the Constitution and not Decree. The 1999 Constitution as amended had clearly provided for separation of powers between the three arms of government, namely the legislature, the executive and the Judiciary. To be fair to him and true to his conviction as converted democrat, President Buhari tried as much as possible to respect the doctrine of separation of powers. In his capacity as the Head of the executive arm of government, he also gave government institutions some measure of independence which is a sine qua non for democracy. At the time Buhari took over as President, government institutions were subjected to different kind of manipulation. Therefore giving them such autonomy without training, control and supervision as he did, became counter productive. It enabled abuse and exercise of discretionary powers by those at the helm of affairs of these institutions. Major institutions of government such as the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCItd), the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) and the Nigeran Customs and Excise, were feeding the nation and the President with false and adulterated information. There was no one to audit government institutions because the President did not have an economic team and did not appoint any of his Ministers to coordinate the economy. There were reported cases of abuse of power and excesses against top government officials including the presidency and nothing was done to stop them. There were allegations of public sector corruption including secret employment of those that are connected in government. There was deep concern of nepotism in government appointments. A new form of insecurity came into existence with the emergence of IPOB, ESN and the bandits terrorising the North West. With the economy going down, the government resorted to borrowing in order to among others, pay salaries and wages. President Buhari became overwhelmed and the situation deteriorated when he fell sick and spent almost four months receiving treatment in London for an undisclosed illness. There was a time he was incoherent in answering questions about government policies, which indicated that he was either too sick to know what was going on or he doesn’t receive proper briefings from those concerned. Buhari himself acknowledged that much when he said Nigeria missed the opportunity when he was young and ruthless. During the 2019 elections, Nigerians gave President Buhari the benefit of doubt by voting for him for another four year term of office. Everyone expected the him to rejig the administration by making major changes and injecting fresh blood to help him exercise his mandate. Much to the bewilderment of many, the President avoided making any significant changes and business continue as usual. Those who knew how President Buhari ruled the Country as a military Head of State were disappointed with the way he led the Country as a civilian President. Although, the two systems are different, one can not entirely dismiss their expectations. Whether as military or civilian Head of government, the buch stops on his desk. President Harry S. Truman, the 33rd American President adopted a no nonsense approach to decision-making. The sign “THE BUCH STOPS HERE” on his desk served as a constant reminder to him and to the officials coming to the Oval Office that he was ultimately responsible for the actions of everyone in his administration. President Buhari, should have taken copious notes from the legacy of President Truman. While receiving visitors at his Daura residence after leaving, President Buhari reflected on his years in government and asked people to forgive him for all his shortcoming. Currently there is an ongoing debate especially in the north, with some holding the view that his request came too little too late. On my part, I have forgiven him.

Opinion

Begging in Northern Nigeria: What Future Are We Preparing for Our Society?

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By: Anas Idris Hassan

Street begging has become an increasingly familiar sight across Northern Nigeria. From busy markets and major roads to public spaces and mosque entrances, children, young people, elderly persons and even able-bodied adults can be seen asking passers-by for money and food. What was once largely associated with extreme hardship and temporary distress is gradually becoming a way of life for some families and communities.

This development raises an important question: What kind of society are we preparing for the next generation if begging becomes a normal means of survival?

This is not an argument against helping the poor or showing compassion to people facing difficult circumstances. Poverty, disability, illness, unemployment and displacement are genuine problems. People experiencing these challenges deserve support, dignity and understanding. However, we must also recognize the danger of allowing street begging to become a permanent occupation, particularly for children and young people who should be in school, learning a trade or developing skills that will help them become independent.

One of the greatest concerns is the effect of prolonged dependence on people’s attitudes towards work, responsibility and self-reliance. A child who grows up watching adults earn money through begging may eventually accept it as a normal way of life. Similarly, a young person who becomes accustomed to receiving daily handouts without access to education, vocational training or employment opportunities may find it increasingly difficult to pursue other means of earning a living.

Over time, this situation can weaken the desire to acquire skills, establish a business, seek employment or take responsibility for one’s future. Not everyone who begs is unwilling to work. Many people are victims of circumstances beyond their control. But when begging becomes normalized among those who could otherwise be supported into productive activities, society must ask whether it is providing solutions or simply allowing dependency to continue.

The situation is particularly troubling when children are involved. Childhood should be a period of learning, protection and development. Yet many children spend their days moving between streets, markets and public places in search of money. This exposes them to abuse, exploitation, physical danger, harmful influences and health risks. It also deprives them of valuable time that should be spent receiving formal education, learning practical skills and developing under proper parental supervision.

No child should be expected to provide for their own upkeep through street begging when parents, guardians and relevant institutions have a responsibility to protect their welfare.

Another concern is the increasing number of young people who appear physically capable of working but depend on begging as their primary means of survival. Northern Nigeria has a large population of energetic and talented young people. Many could develop useful skills in carpentry, welding, tailoring, electrical installation, motorcycle repairs, modern agriculture, construction and digital technology.

Not everyone will secure a government appointment or find employment in a corporate organization. However, the absence of formal employment does not mean there are no other opportunities to earn an honest living. What is needed is greater investment in vocational education, mentorship, access to tools, small-business support and practical training that prepares young people for economic participation.

Governments, private businesses, traditional institutions and community leaders must work together to create these opportunities. Rather than allowing young people to depend indefinitely on charity, we should help them acquire the skills and resources needed to support themselves and their families.

The consequences of ignoring this problem could be serious. Children who grow up without adequate education or vocational skills may struggle to escape poverty and eventually pass the same conditions on to their own children. The economy also loses when large numbers of young people remain outside productive activities. More importantly, a society that fails to prepare its young people for meaningful work risks losing future entrepreneurs, professionals, innovators and community leaders.

Islam offers important guidance on this issue. It encourages honest labour, self-respect, generosity and responsibility towards people in genuine need. The Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) taught that the giving hand is better than the receiving hand and discouraged asking others for assistance without genuine necessity.

In a narration recorded in Sahih Muslim, Hadith 1044, the Prophet (peace be upon him) explained to his Companion Qabisa ibn Mukhariq that seeking assistance is permissible in three particular circumstances: when someone takes on a financial obligation to reconcile a dispute, when a person’s wealth is destroyed by a calamity, and when someone experiences extreme poverty that credible members of the community can confirm.

The lesson is not that society should abandon people who need help. Rather, Islam recognizes genuine hardship while discouraging the exploitation of public generosity. Charity remains an important act of worship, but it should be guided by wisdom and directed towards people who genuinely need it.

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There is also a need to clarify a common misunderstanding surrounding Almajirci in Northern Nigeria. Almajirci and begging are not the same thing. Almajirci is traditionally associated with the pursuit of Qur’anic education under the guidance of an Islamic scholar, while begging involves soliciting money or food from others.

Seeking Qur’anic knowledge is a noble undertaking and should not be treated as a social problem in itself. Many Almajiri students receive proper support from their parents and guardians and do not depend on street begging. Likewise, not every child found begging on the streets is an Almajiri.

The problem arises when children are sent away for religious education without adequate arrangements for their food, clothing, accommodation, healthcare and general welfare. When such children are left to fend for themselves through street begging, the issue becomes one of neglect and child protection.

We must therefore stop blaming the entire Almajiri system for every instance of street begging. At the same time, religious education must never become an excuse for neglecting children’s basic needs.

Parental responsibility is another important part of this discussion, particularly the responsibility of fathers. Fatherhood involves much more than bringing children into the world. It includes providing food, clothing, shelter, healthcare, education and moral guidance.

Allah says in the Qur’an, Surah At-Tahrim, verse 6:

“O you who have believed, protect yourselves and your families from a Fire…”

In Surah Al-Baqarah, verse 233, Allah also emphasizes the father’s responsibility for provision and clothing according to what is reasonable.

These teachings remind us that raising children is a serious responsibility. It is difficult to justify a situation in which an able-bodied father remains idle while his young children spend their days begging on the streets. Similarly, sending a child to a Qur’anic teacher without making arrangements for the child’s basic needs raises serious concerns.

Children should not be made responsible for financing their own upkeep through begging, and money collected by children on the streets should never become a regular source of household income.

Of course, not every struggling parent is irresponsible. Many families face unemployment, rising living costs, illness and other difficult circumstances. Such families deserve understanding and support. However, parents who are capable of providing for their children must not transfer that responsibility to the public.

Addressing street begging requires more than criticism. It requires practical action from governments, parents, religious leaders, traditional rulers, civil society organizations and ordinary citizens.

First, governments in Northern Nigeria should invest more in vocational training centres where young people can learn practical trades and receive the tools and support needed to establish themselves. Training should not end with the acquisition of certificates. Graduates need access to equipment, mentorship, funding and opportunities to earn an income.

Second, authorities and community leaders should establish proper welfare arrangements for Qur’anic students. Such arrangements should guarantee access to food, clothing, safe accommodation, healthcare and protection from exploitation.

Third, local governments, religious institutions and charitable organizations should develop reliable systems for identifying people facing genuine hardship. Orphans, people living with disabilities, elderly persons without support, widows and families experiencing extreme poverty should receive targeted assistance.

Fourth, charitable giving should be better organized. Rather than limiting assistance to handing money to children on the streets, individuals and organizations can sponsor education, support vulnerable families, provide vocational equipment and contribute to properly managed welfare programmes.

Fifth, government agencies must strengthen child protection measures, investigate cases of child exploitation and develop rehabilitation programmes for vulnerable children. Simply removing beggars from major streets without addressing the reasons they are there will not solve the problem.

Religious scholars also have an important role to play. Their influence in Northern Nigerian communities gives them an opportunity to educate people about the dignity of work, parental responsibilities, the proper treatment of children and the Islamic distinction between seeking assistance in genuine hardship and making begging a permanent occupation.

The wider community must also rethink how it supports people in need. Helping the poor is a responsibility we should never abandon. However, our assistance should go beyond temporary relief wherever possible. We should help people acquire education, skills and opportunities that enable them to live with dignity and independence.

Young people must also be encouraged not to surrender their future to dependency. Those who have the ability to learn, work and develop useful skills should be supported to do so. Their circumstances today should not determine the rest of their lives.

Ultimately, the kind of Northern Nigeria we should aspire to is one where children are in classrooms rather than spending their days begging on the streets; where young people acquire skills, establish businesses and create employment; where Qur’anic students receive proper care and education; and where parents take pride in their children’s learning, character and achievements.

We need a society that supports people facing genuine hardship while creating opportunities for those capable of working. These two responsibilities should never be treated as competing priorities.

Begging itself is not the only problem. Our greater challenge is the failure to address the conditions that allow it to become a permanent way of life. We must fight poverty without humiliating the poor, protect children without undermining religious education, and encourage self-reliance while ensuring that genuine opportunities exist.

Northern Nigeria does not need a society that turns its back on the poor. It needs one that protects the vulnerable, educates its children, equips its young people and gives everyone a fair opportunity to earn a living with dignity.

The future of our society will depend on the choices we make today.

Anas Idris Hassan
Kano, Nigeria
Email: binmalikh@gmail.com
Phone: +234 803 414 0637

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Opinion

Kano’s War On Drugs: How Barr. Muhyi’s Taskforce Is Changing The Game

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Muhuyi Magaji

 

By Muhammad Abubakar Suleiman

When Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf declared a public health emergency on drug abuse on July 22, 2026, and inaugurated the Multi-Agency Task Force on Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking, many in Kano saw it as another committee. Three months later, the committee led by Barrister Muhyi Magaji Rimin Gado is dominating security headlines in the state.

The Taskforce was constituted as a multi-agency platform bringing together NDLEA, Police, DSS, Consumer Protection Council, Pharmaceutical Society, Ministry of Health, Anti-Daba Unit and other stakeholders. Dr. Ibrahim Garba Muhammad serves as Secretary.

From Raids to Results: Over 400 Arrests

According to briefings by the Chairman, within the first two months the Taskforce arrested more than 380 suspects and secured over 230 convictions. By September 29, when Barr. Muhyi spoke at the Kano Network of NGOs (KANET) Monthly Lecture at Nasarawa GRA, the figure had risen to over 400 arrests.

Presenting its scorecard to the State Executive Council in late September, the Taskforce reported a 35% reduction in drug-related crimes in the last three months, attributing it to intensified enforcement, seizures and over 500 convictions as of October 22.

Operations have focused on identified hotspots: Race Course, Filin Idi, Filin Mahaha, Tashar Rami, Kawo, Tashar Rimi, Jakara, Madigawa, Yalwa, Sanka, Kul Kul, Dogon Nama and Kukar Bulukiya.

Recoveries include Cannabis Sativa, Tramadol, Diazepam, Pentazocine, Pregabalin, Exol-5 and a Methamphetamine-based designer drug. In one case, 870,000 capsules of Pregabalin were seized from a pharmaceutical company over suspected diversion. Local weapons – knives, daggers, cutlasses and clubs – used by gangs were also recovered.

The Taskforce also recorded high-profile arrests. On August 18, it announced the arrest of a former Chairman of Rogo Local Government for allegedly selling and administering fentanyl injections to youths, after a victim who spent over N2 million on injections identified him.

Latest: Gang Sponsor Tracked to Port Harcourt

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In its most recent operation, the Taskforce announced on October 30 the arrest of a 27-year-old suspected gang violence sponsor, Ishaq Lawan Ibrahim, popularly known as Malam Keya, from Yalwa in Dala LGA.

According to the committee, Malam Keya was allegedly financing violent clashes by rival Daba gangs in Dala that claimed lives. He fled to Port Harcourt, Rivers State, after crackdown intensified, but was tracked and arrested in an operation led by Head of Operations, CSP Bashir Gwadabe, and brought back to Kano. He is now in police custody pending prosecution.

Chairman Muhyi said the arrest outside Kano shows the Taskforce will pursue suspects beyond state boundaries.

Beyond Enforcement: Children, Rehabilitation and Technology

The committee says its mandate is not just enforcement. It reported rescuing 43 underage children allegedly exposed to intoxicants and convicting two dealers – Kabiru Isa and Usman Hamisu – for the offence. About 125 persons were referred to the Kano Reformatory Institute in Kiru for rehabilitation. With Kiru overstretched, government has provided an additional facility in Tofa.

The Taskforce has set an ambitious target of taking 10,000 youths off the streets for rehabilitation, skills acquisition and reintegration.

On August 21, Barr. Muhyi inaugurated nine sub-committees to professionalize the fight: Finance; Media and Publicity; Advocacy and Sensitisation; Licences, Inventory and Verification; Compliance, Inspection and Electronic Tracking; Monitoring and Implementation; Intelligence; Reformative and Traditional Council; and Anti-Drug Coordination.

Tech Turn: AI, 24-Hour Line and NDLEA Support

In the last two weeks, the Taskforce unveiled a new approach. On October 22, Barr. Muhyi, on behalf of Governor Yusuf, donated operational equipment to the NDLEA Kano Strategic Command led by Commander Dahiru Yahaya Lawan, to boost operations.

He also disclosed that Kano is deploying Artificial Intelligence for surveillance and tracking of suspected dealers, and equipping a rapid-response centre with ICT and a 24-hour toll-free line where residents can report and get response within 30 minutes.

At KANET lecture themed “Kano Drugs Crisis: Challenges, the Way Forward and the Role of the Community,” Muhyi stressed community intelligence and called for more rehabilitation to decongest remand homes.

No Sacred Cows

From day one, Barr. Muhyi has maintained a hard line on political interference. “No politician can pressure me to free drug suspects. The only person who can stop me is the Governor, and I know he will never interfere,” he told journalists on July 28.

That stance, coupled with intelligence-led raids, has earned the Taskforce both praise and scrutiny.

The Bigger Picture

Kano Police data cited by the Taskforce indicates about 70% of major crimes in 2025 were linked to drug abuse. The Executive Order outlawing Daba gangs provides a minimum of five years imprisonment under Section 97A of the Kano Penal Code.

Whether the Taskforce can sustain momentum will depend on three tests: securing the drug supply chain from pharmaceutical diversion, expanding rehabilitation beyond Kiru, and maintaining inter-agency cooperation without becoming a parallel enforcement body.

For now, in the markets of Filin Idi and the streets of Dala, residents say the presence of the committee is being felt.

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Opinion

The Reward For Hardwork Is More Work: A Rejoinder To Dr Garba Ubale Danbatta

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By Nworisa Michael

The redeployment of Hon. Comr. Ibrahim Abdullahi Waiya PhD from the Ministry of Information and Internal Affairs to the Ministry of Youth and Sports Development has attracted several reactions. While professional and civic organisations have congratulated him and acknowledged his contributions, Dr Garba Ubale Danbatta, a supposedly veteran journalist, has chosen to use the development to question his performance and professional conduct in his former ministry.

Dr Danbatta is entitled to his opinion. Nobody should be above criticism, especially in public office. However, when criticism is presented as a professional assessment, it should be supported by facts, not merely personal convictions or years of experience.

Before concluding that journalism suffered under Waiya, perhaps we should examine some of the developments recorded during his tenure.

Eight contributions worth considering:

• Grassroots information: Strengthened engagement with Information Officers across Kano’s 44 local government areas and eight zonal offices.

• Capacity building: Supported training programmes for local government Information Officers, alongside interactive engagements with editors and news managers.

• Media policy: Facilitated the inauguration of an 18-member committee to develop a media and information policy framework for Kano State.

• Digital transformation: Established a Digital Multimedia Department to modernise government communication, improve digital engagement and address misinformation.

• Peacebuilding: Advanced the Safe Corridor Project, an initiative focused on rehabilitation, skills development and reintegration of reformed youths.

• Media engagement: Engaged media practitioners, online publishers and political programme presenters on responsible public communication and professional conduct.

• Institutional development: Pursued interventions aimed at strengthening state-owned media institutions and improving the capacity of personnel within the information machinery.

• National recognition: Received the Crisis Communicator of the Year award at the 2026 National Spokespersons Awards in Abuja.

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These developments do not mean that Waiya’s tenure was without shortcomings. They simply demonstrate that there is more to his record than the sweeping conclusion offered by his critic.

There is also something interesting about the public reactions to his redeployment. The Kano State Forum of Information Officers, Northern Youths Assembly and International Peace and Secure Society are among the organisations that have publicly acknowledged his contributions and congratulated him on his new assignment. Their statements may not settle every debate about his tenure, but they show that his work was not viewed negatively by everyone who interacted with his ministry.

Now, to Dr Danbatta’s presentation of his professional experience.

I found it rather curious that a commentary intended to assess another public officer’s performance devoted three of its concluding paragraphs to the author’s own professional journey, positions held and years of experience. One could almost finish reading the piece knowing more about the author’s resume than the evidence behind his criticism of Waiya.

Same individual who has been unable to ensure good working relationship with his staffs at Pyramid Radio Kano where is currently serves as its manager, a station that constantly runs out of diesel and goes off the air, perhaps even he isn’t proud of this hence he left it out from the list of his workplaces listed.

With due respect, professional experience is valuable, but it should strengthen an argument, not become the argument itself. A good product sells itself. A journalist’s professional standing should be reflected in the quality, fairness and depth of their analysis. Thirty years in the profession deserves recognition, but it does not automatically make every opinion conclusive.

If the intention was to assess Waiya’s stewardship, then the more important questions should have been: What did he inherit? What did he change? Which initiatives did he introduce? What measurable outcomes were achieved? And where did he fall short? Those are the questions that give criticism substance.

We can be safe to say that Waiya’s redeployment was a direct reward for his performance in the former ministry. The Governor has publicly explained the cabinet adjustments as part of efforts to strengthen institutions and improve service delivery. What is evident, however, is that Waiya has been entrusted with another important responsibility, and his record in the former ministry remains open to public examination.

The Ministry of Information and Internal Affairs is not beyond criticism, and neither is Dr. Waiya. But fairness requires that we acknowledge the work done alongside the shortcomings alleged.

Frankly the most fitting way to understand this new assignment is captured in the title of this piece: the reward for hard work is more work. His previous assignment is now part of his public record; his new ministry presents another opportunity to serve.

Congratulations, Hon. Comr. Ibrahim Abdullahi Waiya. The expectations continue.

Nworisa Michael is a
Writer, Public Affairs Commentator and writes from nworisamichael1917@gmail.com
1st Nov. 2026

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