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Late President Muhammadu Buhari: where the buck stops?-Inuwa Waya

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Inuwa Waya

Let me commence by extending my condolences to the families of the late President Muhammadu Buhari (both nuclear and extended). Let me also commend President Bola Ahmed Tinubu for conducting an elaborate state burial in honour of his late Predecessor.

Throughout his military career including his role as the Military Governor of North East and Federal Commissioner of Petroleum Resources, the late President Buhari was little known to ordinary Nigerians.

He came to limelight on 31st December 1983, when he and his colleagues in the military overthrew the democratically elected government of late President Shehu Shagari of blessed memory.

He assumed the position of the head of state and began to rule by Decree.

The Constitution Suspension and Modication Decree number one was enacted under which the 1979 constitution was suspended.

The State Security (detention of persons) Decree number two was promulgated. The Decree authorised the detention of anyone who was alleged to have contributed to the economic adversity of the nation or who participated in acts prejudicial to the state security. The military government can arrest and detain any individual for three month or more without trial under the Decree. Prominent politicians of the second Republic, political office holders and business men were arrested and detained for security reasons and economic sabotage, under the Decree. Many were tried and convicted by special military Tribunals created for those purposes. (For obvious reasons, the names of those affected by the said decree 2 would not be mentioned here). The military administration also enacted Decree number 4 tittled Public Officer Protection Against False Accusation Decree. Tunde Thompson and Nduka Irabor of the Guardian Newspapers were convicted under the Decree.

The junta also introduced the WAR AGAINST INDISCIPLINE (WAI) in order to tackle corruption and other vices which was believed to be prevalent under the deposed civilian administration. People were encouraged and in certain cases forced to be orderly in markets, Banks, shops and offices. Drug barons and armed robbers were executed. In an attempt to drive prices of commodities down, warehouses were broken in various parts of the Country and the items hoarded were sold to the public at control prices. Civil servants were directed to report early for work. Campaigns of patriotism informing Nigerians that they have no other Country but Nigeria were aired in the radios and television on a daily basis. Andrew was advised to stay at home and salvage the Country in one of the adverts. The down trodden welcomed those policies because they believed they are harbingers for prosperity and economic development. As the Head of State and Commander in chief of the Armed forces, the mass of the people believed General Buhari was the driving force behind these policies. That was the beginning of the love, confidence and admiration the ordinary people especially from the north, had for General Buhari.

On the 27th August 1985, General Buhari was overthrown in a bloodless palace military coup. Erstwhile Chief of Army Staff, General Ibrahim Babangida took over as the Head of State and Commander in Chief of the Armed forces. The reasons for the coup were stated by General Babangida in his autobiography ” A journey in service”. According to him, Buhari’s policies and leadership style were detrimental to the nation’s progress. Draconian Degrees were promulgated which trampled on the fundamental human rights of the citizens. The Babangida military administration was welcomed by the Country’s elites who saw it as a relief against tyranny and egregious abuse of power by the Buhari administration. They also believed that the new administration will be receptive to new ideas to address the economic problems of the Country. The ordinary Nigerians on the other hand gave them a cautious welcome. In their view, the process of turning the Country into a land of milk and honey was truncated by the new junta. They therefore accepted the reasons for the change of button with equanimity. In a populist move, the Babangida administration released political and economic detainees, opened up the Nigerian Security Organisation (NSO) detention centres for the press to conduct tour of what they referred to as Buhari’s torture chambers. General Babangida replaced the Supreme Military Council with a wider Armed Forces Ruling Council. He introduced different economic reforms including the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP). He began a democratization process for return to civil rule by strengthening the Centre for Democratic Studies (CDC) and the registration of the National Republican Convention (NRC) and the Social Democratic Party (SDP) as the only political parties in the Country. The process continue upto the June 12 Presidential election and its subsequent annulment which led to the Babangida administration parting ways with the Nigerian political elites especially those from the South West of Nigeria. The political instability caused by the annulment of the June 12 election led President Babangida to step aside and Chief Earnest Shonekan stepped in as the Head of the Interim Government. The collapse of the Interim Government and its aftermath is a subject of another day.

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When General Buhari was released from detention, he resigned to his fate and led a quite life until he was appointed the head of the Petroleum Trust Fund (PTF) by General Sani Abacha. For obvious reasons, the Babangida coup was not a fall from grace for General Buhari. Toppling his government attracted sympathy for him and reinforced his popularity. The bond between him and the downtrodden became rock solid. Indeed, it was for that reason the political elites considered him a good material as a Presidential candidate and convinced him to join partisan political activities in the third Republic. President Buhari contested three times and in all the three election circles, he lost the Presidential contest. During the campaigns, the opposition portrayed him as a dictator, a tribal irredentist and a religious bigot. They averred that he was not fit to rule a pluralistic Country under a democratic settings. He was forced to depend himself as a tolerant person who worked with people from different tribes and religions in the course of his career. Delivering a lecture at the Chatham House in London, Buhari identified himself as a former dictator and a converted democrat. In spite of all these, Buhari’s votes in each of the three elections were largely limited to the Northern part of the Country where has was seen as the most upright leader. Preparatory to the 2015 general elections, the opposition parties formed a merger in order to wrestle power from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) who had been ruling the Country for sixteen years. The merger led to the emergence of the All Progressive Congress (APC) and Muhammadu Buhari was nominated as the party’s flag bearer in the 2015 Presidential elections. The elections were conducted and Buhari defeated President Goodluck Jonathan who the incumbent President.

President Buhari was sworn in as the Nigeria’s President when there was general discontent on the performance of the economy under the PDP led administration. Pundits and novice alike expected him to hit the ground running immediately after his swearing in as President. However to everyone’s consternation, President Buhari spent nearly seven months without forming his cabinet. Rumours had it that the President was carefully selecting his team to make sure that he did not make a mistake in his choice. By the time the cabinet was formed, the economy had further sank into deeper trouble and it was difficult for the newly constituted Federal Executive Council to turn the tide with ease. That was how the administration started on a weak foundation. The difference between General Muhammadu Buhari and President Muhammadu Buhari began to manifest. Furthermore, as a civilian President, he had to work with the Constitution and not Decree. The 1999 Constitution as amended had clearly provided for separation of powers between the three arms of government, namely the legislature, the executive and the Judiciary. To be fair to him and true to his conviction as converted democrat, President Buhari tried as much as possible to respect the doctrine of separation of powers. In his capacity as the Head of the executive arm of government, he also gave government institutions some measure of independence which is a sine qua non for democracy. At the time Buhari took over as President, government institutions were subjected to different kind of manipulation. Therefore giving them such autonomy without training, control and supervision as he did, became counter productive. It enabled abuse and exercise of discretionary powers by those at the helm of affairs of these institutions. Major institutions of government such as the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCItd), the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) and the Nigeran Customs and Excise, were feeding the nation and the President with false and adulterated information. There was no one to audit government institutions because the President did not have an economic team and did not appoint any of his Ministers to coordinate the economy. There were reported cases of abuse of power and excesses against top government officials including the presidency and nothing was done to stop them. There were allegations of public sector corruption including secret employment of those that are connected in government. There was deep concern of nepotism in government appointments. A new form of insecurity came into existence with the emergence of IPOB, ESN and the bandits terrorising the North West. With the economy going down, the government resorted to borrowing in order to among others, pay salaries and wages. President Buhari became overwhelmed and the situation deteriorated when he fell sick and spent almost four months receiving treatment in London for an undisclosed illness. There was a time he was incoherent in answering questions about government policies, which indicated that he was either too sick to know what was going on or he doesn’t receive proper briefings from those concerned. Buhari himself acknowledged that much when he said Nigeria missed the opportunity when he was young and ruthless. During the 2019 elections, Nigerians gave President Buhari the benefit of doubt by voting for him for another four year term of office. Everyone expected the him to rejig the administration by making major changes and injecting fresh blood to help him exercise his mandate. Much to the bewilderment of many, the President avoided making any significant changes and business continue as usual. Those who knew how President Buhari ruled the Country as a military Head of State were disappointed with the way he led the Country as a civilian President. Although, the two systems are different, one can not entirely dismiss their expectations. Whether as military or civilian Head of government, the buch stops on his desk. President Harry S. Truman, the 33rd American President adopted a no nonsense approach to decision-making. The sign “THE BUCH STOPS HERE” on his desk served as a constant reminder to him and to the officials coming to the Oval Office that he was ultimately responsible for the actions of everyone in his administration. President Buhari, should have taken copious notes from the legacy of President Truman. While receiving visitors at his Daura residence after leaving, President Buhari reflected on his years in government and asked people to forgive him for all his shortcoming. Currently there is an ongoing debate especially in the north, with some holding the view that his request came too little too late. On my part, I have forgiven him.

Opinion

Beyond Politics: How the Kano State Government Is Turning Federal Partnership Into Tangible Economic Gains for Ordinary Citizens

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Ibrahim Abdullahi Waiya

When Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf made the bold and courageous decision to align Kano State with the Federal Government under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the critics were loud, the cynics were louder, and the doubters were everywhere. They called it political betrayal. They called it opportunism. Some called it the ultimate act of ingratitude toward a man who had invested years, resources, and political capital in building the career of the Kano governor. What they failed to see, or perhaps refused to acknowledge, was the singular and unwavering motivation behind that decision: the welfare of the ordinary men and women of Kano State, the market trader in Kurmi, the widowed mother in Dawakin Tofa, the unemployed graduate in Gwale, and the small business owner struggling to keep his shop open in Farm Centre.
In less than a year of active federal alignment, Kano State has gone from being a politically isolated outlier to becoming one of the most strategically positioned states in the entire federation. Federal presence, federal investment, and federal goodwill are flowing into Kano with a consistency and velocity that was simply impossible under the previous arrangement, where governance was dictated not by the needs of the people, but by the personal wishes of a political godfather seated comfortably in Abuja. For too long, Kano, a state that by every measure of population, commerce, history, and strategic importance deserves to sit at the very centre of Nigeria’s development conversation, was standing at the margins, watching other states benefit from federal partnerships while its own people paid the price of political stubbornness.
The clearest and most visible evidence of this transformation is the forthcoming flag off of the Energise Commercialisation Now initiative, a landmark federal programme spearheaded by the Federal Ministry of Innovation, Science and Technology under the Honourable Minister, Dr. Kingsley Tochukwu Udeh, SAN, scheduled to hold in Kano from April 23 to 25, 2026. The programme, designed to mobilise innovation, attract investment, and accelerate industrial production across Nigeria’s six geopolitical zones, has chosen Kano as the venue for its national launch and North West zonal deployment. That choice is not accidental. It is not logistical. It is a deliberate federal acknowledgement of Kano’s strategic importance as the commercial and industrial heartbeat of Northern Nigeria, and a direct reward for Governor Yusuf’s visionary and courageous leadership.
The Energise Commercialisation Now initiative represents a structured national platform to identify commercially viable innovations, connect them with investors and manufacturers, and scale them into enterprises that create jobs and generate wealth. For a state like Kano, with its rich history of commerce, its dense network of small and medium enterprises, its vibrant informal economy, and its large population of young, talented, and ambitious people, this programme is not merely a federal event passing through. It is a genuine economic opportunity of generational significance.
More significantly, the programme will be flagged off by no less a personality than Her Excellency Senator Oluremi Tinubu, CON, the First Lady of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, and the personal champion of the ECoN initiative. Her presence in Kano is a statement of the highest order. In Nigerian political culture, when the First Lady travels to a state to commission a programme, it is not a routine governmental act. It is a personal signal from the Presidency itself. It is Aso Rock saying, in the clearest possible terms, that Kano is seen, Kano is valued, Kano is a priority, and Kano will not be left behind in Nigeria’s march toward industrial and economic transformation.
For Governor Yusuf, whose critics questioned whether his alignment with the APC and the Tinubu administration would translate into anything concrete for his people, Senator Oluremi Tinubu’s visit to Kano on April 23 is the most powerful possible answer. It says that the partnership is real, the commitment is genuine, and the dividends are already arriving.
But beyond the symbolism and the political significance, what does all of this mean for the ordinary Kano citizen?
It means that the innovator in Fagge, the young entrepreneur in Tarauni, the female small business owner in Nasarawa, and the graduate sitting at home in Ungogo and all other localities in Kano now have a real, structured, and government-backed platform to showcase their ideas, access funding, connect with investors, and build enterprises that can employ others. It means that Kano’s universities, polytechnics, and research institutions, which for years have produced brilliant graduates and groundbreaking research that never left the laboratory, will now have a direct pipeline to the market. It means that the textile artisan in Kofar Mata, the leather craftsman in Yan Kaba, and the food processing entrepreneur in Dorayi can look at this programme and see themselves as legitimate participants in Nigeria’s industrial future.
This is precisely the promise of Governor Yusuf’s Kano First Agenda, an agenda that places the prosperity of Kano people above every political consideration, above every personal loyalty, and above every partisan calculation. When the governor stood before his people and declared that Kano would come first in every decision his administration makes, he was not making a campaign promise. He was entering into a sacred covenant with millions of people who had entrusted him with the highest office in the state.
Every decision his administration has taken since then, including the historic and difficult decision to align with the centre, has been guided by that covenant. The governor has consistently and publicly maintained that he answers to the people of Kano, not to any individual, not to any movement, and not to any political structure whose primary interest is the perpetuation of personal power rather than the advancement of public good. Kano State, he insists, is no longer remotely controlled. The elected chief executive is fully in charge, and fully accountable to the people alone.
The results of this philosophy are not abstract. They are measurable, verifiable, and visible to anyone willing to look beyond the noise of political controversy.
A N1.477 trillion budget for 2026, the largest in Kano’s history, with 68 percent allocated to capital projects. Over N334 million disbursed to 6,680 women across all 44 local government areas of the state, each receiving a monthly stipend of N50,000 to grow their businesses and support their families. More than N800 million invested in youth empowerment programmes benefiting over 5,300 young people. Kano ranking first in Nigeria’s 2025 NECO results, a historic educational achievement that signals a transformation in the state’s human capital investment. A health sector receiving N212.2 billion, with hospitals upgraded, the Abba Care Scheme launched, and healthcare access expanded across the state. An infrastructure allocation of N346.2 billion, covering urban roads, solar streetlights, housing development, and market renovation across all 44 local government areas.
These are not political talking points. These are not figures conjured for a press conference. These are the measurable, auditable, and undeniable fruits of purposeful, people-centred governance under a leader who understands that the ultimate test of political courage is not the decision itself, but what that decision delivers to the people it was made for.
As Kano prepares to host the First Lady of Nigeria and welcome the nation’s attention on April 23, one truth stands clear, unambiguous, and beyond reasonable dispute: Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf did not align with the centre for himself. He did not do it for political survival. He did not do it for personal gain. He did it for Kano. He did it for the market trader, the young graduate, the nursing mother, the struggling entrepreneur, and every ordinary citizen who deserves a government that fights for them at every level of power.

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The Abuja-Kano Synergy: A New Dawn of Innovation

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By Mohammed Babagana Abubakar Kano State Coordinator, The Unifier Project April 19, 2026

In the long and complicated history of Nigerian federalism, the relationship between the federal centre and the states has rarely been described as synergistic. It has been described as extractive, as patronising, as politically transactional, and as structurally unequal. States have too often found themselves on the receiving end of a development architecture that took their resources, ignored their priorities, and returned a fraction of their value in the form of federal allocations that barely covered recurrent expenditure. The idea that a state and the federal government could operate as genuine partners, each bringing its own strengths to a shared developmental vision, each amplifying the capacity of the other, has remained, for most of Nigeria’s post-independence history, more aspiration than reality.
What is happening in Kano in April 2026 is different. And it deserves to be understood as such.
Nigeria’s innovation crisis is not a crisis of ideas. It is a crisis of translation. Walk through the corridors of Bayero University Kano, Kano University of Science and Technology Wudil, or Northwest University Kano, and you will find researchers who have spent years, sometimes decades, developing technologies, agricultural innovations, and industrial processes with genuine commercial potential. Ask them how many of those innovations have reached the market, created jobs, or generated revenue for their inventors, and the answer, almost universally, is the same: very few.
The Federal Ministry of Innovation, Science and Technology estimates that a substantial proportion of Nigeria’s research and development outputs remain permanently within academic environments, never translated into commercially viable products, industries, or exportable enterprises. This is not a uniquely Nigerian problem. But in a country of 220 million people, with the largest economy in Africa, the largest population of young people on the continent, and a natural resource base of extraordinary diversity and depth, the cost of that translation failure is measured not just in lost economic opportunity but in lost human potential, in the graduate who cannot find work, in the innovator who cannot find capital, and in the entrepreneur who cannot find markets.
The Energise Commercialisation Now initiative, designed and led by the Federal Ministry of Innovation, Science and Technology under the Honourable Minister Dr. Kingsley Tochukwu Udeh, SAN, and championed personally by Her Excellency Senator Oluremi Tinubu, CON, First Lady of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, is the Federal Government’s most direct and structured answer to that translation failure. And on April 23, 2026, Kano becomes the national stage on which that answer is first delivered.
What distinguishes ECoN from the long line of federal innovation initiatives that have preceded it is the specificity and coherence of its implementation architecture. This is not a programme that announces ambitious goals and leaves the machinery of delivery undefined. It is a programme with a structured Innovation Commercialisation Pipeline, a National Innovation Asset Register, a sub-national resource mapping framework, dedicated IP advisory sessions, standards and quality clinics, deal rooms, industry matchmaking sessions, and a direct pipeline to international trade platforms including the Intra-African Trade Fair scheduled for 2027.
Each of these components addresses a specific and well-documented failure point in Nigeria’s innovation ecosystem. The sub-national resource mapping framework addresses the chronic disconnect between local assets and national industrial strategy, a disconnect that has allowed Nigeria’s 774 local government areas to sit on enormous concentrations of agricultural wealth, mineral endowments, skilled human capital, and indigenous technology without any systematic mechanism for connecting those assets to the investors, manufacturers, and market intermediaries that could convert them into productive enterprise.
The National Innovation Asset Register addresses the invisibility problem, the fact that Nigeria’s innovators have historically operated without the legal, institutional, and commercial visibility required to attract serious investment. An innovation that has not been documented, evaluated, and registered within a credible national framework is an innovation that exists, for all practical purposes, outside the economy. The register changes that.
The IP advisory sessions address the protection problem. For Kano’s craftsmen, whose leather goods, textile patterns, and agricultural processing techniques represent intellectual property of genuine commercial value, the absence of structured IP protection has meant that their innovations have been replicated and commercialised by others, often in other countries, without any benefit flowing back to the original creators. The ECoN framework, by integrating IP advisory directly into its programme structure, treats intellectual property not as a legal technicality but as an economic asset that the state has a responsibility to protect.
The choice of Kano as the national launch venue for ECoN is not an act of federal charity. It is an act of strategic intelligence. Kano brings to this partnership an economic inheritance and a current governance momentum that few Nigerian states can match.
Historically, Kano’s Kurmi Market, one of the oldest trading centres in West Africa, served as the terminal point of trans-Saharan trade routes connecting sub-Saharan Africa to North Africa, the Middle East, and Europe. Its leather industry, anchored on the Kofar Mata dye pits that have operated continuously for over 500 years, represents a living tradition of artisanal innovation that predates the Nigerian state by centuries. Its textile sector, its groundnut processing industry, and its dense network of small and medium enterprises across 44 local government areas represent a commercial culture of extraordinary depth and resilience.
In the present, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s administration has invested with remarkable consistency in building the enabling environment that innovation-driven industrialisation requires. The state’s 2026 budget of N1.477 trillion, the largest in Kano’s history, allocates N405.3 billion to education, N346.2 billion to infrastructure, and N212.2 billion to health. Kano ranked first in Nigeria’s 2025 NECO results, a historic educational achievement underpinned by the recruitment of 400 Mathematics teachers, mass classroom renovations, free basic education, and the establishment of Kano State Polytechnic in Gaya. Over N334 million has been disbursed to 6,680 women entrepreneurs across all 44 local government areas, and more than N800 million has been invested in youth empowerment programmes benefiting over 5,300 young people. These are not background statistics. They are the active ingredients of a state that is ready to receive, deploy, and maximise a federal innovation programme of ECoN’s ambition and scope.
It would be intellectually incomplete to discuss the Abuja-Kano synergy without examining the political decision that created it. Governor Yusuf’s alignment with the Federal Government under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu was not universally welcomed. In a political environment as emotionally charged as Kano’s, where loyalty to the Kwankwasiyya movement had defined political identity for over a decade, the decision to break ranks and chart an independent developmental course attracted fierce criticism and deeply personal accusations of betrayal.
The governor has been consistent and unapologetic in his response. His decision, he has maintained, was not driven by personal ambition or political survival. It was driven by a simple and non-negotiable conviction: that Kano’s 20 million people cannot afford the luxury of principled opposition when principled partnership offers them hospitals, schools, jobs, and industrial investment that opposition cannot deliver.
The ECoN national launch in Kano, coming within months of that alignment, validates that conviction in the most visible and public way possible. A state that was, until recently, watching federal programmes pass it by is now hosting the national inauguration of the Federal Government’s most ambitious innovation initiative, with the First Lady of Nigeria personally in attendance. That is not a coincidence. That is the developmental logic of political alignment producing exactly the outcomes that Governor Yusuf promised his people it would produce.
The ultimate measure of the Abuja-Kano synergy is not the quality of the speeches delivered on April 23, or the size of the crowd at the event, or the number of dignitaries on the high table. It is what happens in Kano’s markets, workshops, factories, and farms in the months and years that follow.
It is whether the leather craftsman in Yan Kaba, whose family has practiced its trade for four generations, can access the IP protection, the quality certification, and the international market connections that will allow him to sell directly to buyers in Milan and Dubai rather than through intermediaries who capture the majority of the value. It is whether the agricultural processor in Gezawa, who has developed an innovative technique for extending the shelf life of groundnut products, can access the standards clinic, the financing, and the industry matchmaking that will allow her to scale from a local operation into an export-ready enterprise. It is whether the engineering graduate from Bayero University, who has spent three years developing a solar-powered water purification system in his family’s backyard, can stand in a deal room on April 24 and walk out with an investment commitment that turns his prototype into a product.
These are the outcomes that the Abuja-Kano synergy must ultimately deliver. They are the outcomes that Governor Yusuf’s Kano First Agenda is designed to support. And they are the outcomes that the Energise Commercialisation Now initiative, if implemented with the discipline, transparency, and follow-through that the moment demands, is structurally equipped to produce.
Kano has been many things in its long and storied history. A commercial crossroads. A centre of Islamic scholarship. A manufacturing hub. A political battleground. A city that has known greatness and felt its erosion with a particular kind of pain that only great cities can feel.
On April 23, 2026, Kano begins a new chapter. Not with the fanfare of a political rally, not with the hollow promises of a campaign season, but with the structured, federal-backed, internationally engaged, and data-driven architecture of an innovation commercialisation programme that treats Kano’s people not as voters to be courted but as producers, inventors, entrepreneurs, and economic actors to be empowered.

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The Abuja-Kano synergy is real. Its foundations are solid. Its timing is right. And its potential, for the people of Kano and for the broader project of Nigerian economic transformation, is nothing short of historic.

Kano is ready. The partnership is in place. And the work, the real, lasting, generational work of converting innovation into industry and potential into prosperity, begins now.

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Opinion

Kano at the Heart of Nigeria’s Innovation Revolution: Why Sub-National Resource Mapping Matters Now

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Kano state Map of Nigeria

 

By Najeeb Nasir Ibrahim DG, Unifier Project 19 April 2026

There is a moment in the life of every great city when history and opportunity arrive at the same address, at the same time, and demand an answer. For Kano, that moment is April 23, 2026. On that day, Her Excellency Senator Oluremi Tinubu, CON, First Lady of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, will stand in the commercial heartbeat of Northern Nigeria to flag off the Energise Commercialisation Now initiative, a federal programme that carries within it the most ambitious and consequential blueprint for decentralised industrial transformation that this country has attempted in a generation.
For decades, Nigeria’s development architecture has been built on a fundamentally flawed assumption: that economic transformation can be designed, directed, and delivered exclusively from the federal centre. The result of that assumption is visible in every part of the country. Universities full of brilliant graduates producing research that never leaves the laboratory. Agricultural communities harvesting commodities that travel hundreds of kilometres to be processed elsewhere, returning as finished goods at prices that bear no relationship to the value that local hands created. Industrial estates, once productive and purposeful, standing as monuments to the gap between policy intention and economic reality.
Nigeria is not a poor country. It is a country that has consistently failed to convert its wealth into wellbeing, its potential into production, and its knowledge into commercial power. The distance between what Nigeria has and what Nigeria does with what it has is the central economic problem of our time. And the answer to that problem, as the Energise Commercialisation Now initiative correctly identifies, does not lie in Abuja alone. It lies in Kano, in Kaduna, in Sokoto, in Kebbi, in Jigawa, in Katsina, and in Zamfara. It lies in the 774 local government areas of this federation, where the real economic activity of 220 million people actually happens.
The concept of sub-national economic and resource mapping sits at the intellectual core of the ECoN initiative, and it deserves a more precise explanation than it typically receives in policy documents and press releases.
Resource mapping, in this context, is not simply a geological survey or an agricultural inventory. It is a comprehensive strategic framework designed to identify, organise, and connect every category of productive asset within a state or local government area, including indigenous technologies developed in informal workshops, academic research sitting unpublished in university repositories, skilled human capital that has never been matched to an appropriate industry, natural endowments that have never been processed beyond their raw state, and entrepreneurial energy that has never been channelled into structured enterprise.
The goal is to create what the Federal Ministry of Innovation, Science and Technology describes as a National Innovation Asset Register, an integrated, living database that maps local strengths against national industrial priorities and identifies the specific interventions, whether financing, technology transfer, standards certification, or market access, required to convert each asset from potential into production.
For a state like Kano, whose economic assets span ancient leather craft traditions, a dense network of small and medium enterprises across 44 local government areas, three major universities conducting active research, a N1.477 trillion state budget with 68 percent allocated to capital projects, and an agricultural hinterland producing groundnuts, sorghum, millet, and cowpea across millions of hectares, the creation of such a register is not an administrative exercise. It is an economic revolution in its earliest and most critical stage.
Kano does not come to this conversation as a passive participant or a grateful recipient of federal attention. It comes as a city with a 500-year commercial pedigree, a proven capacity for enterprise, and a state government that has already been doing the foundational work that makes innovation-driven industrialisation possible.
Consider the evidence. Under Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s administration, Kano ranked first in Nigeria’s 2025 NECO results, a milestone that signals a transformation in the quality of human capital the state is producing for its economy. The administration has recruited 400 Mathematics teachers, established Kano State Polytechnic in Gaya to expand technical and vocational education in the state’s southern corridor, and invested N405.3 billion in education within its 2026 budget alone. It has planted over 5.5 million trees under its Climate Change Policy, approved 11 mini-dams to support year-round agricultural production, and procured 199,000 bags of fertiliser for distribution to farmers. It has cleared N32 billion in pension backlogs, trained 2,000 Neighbourhood Watch operatives for community security, and disbursed over N334 million directly to 6,680 women entrepreneurs across all 44 local government areas.
These are not disconnected welfare gestures. They are the deliberate construction of an enabling environment for exactly the kind of innovation-driven industrialisation that ECoN is designed to accelerate. A sub-national resource mapping exercise arriving in a state with functional schools, improved security, empowered women entrepreneurs, and a government committed to agricultural productivity is a mapping exercise that will find real assets, not empty promises.
One of the most economically consequential arguments embedded in the ECoN framework is its emphasis on regional value addition, and it is an argument that Kano’s history makes more powerfully than any policy document can.
For generations, the economic tragedy of Northern Nigeria has been the export of raw materials and the import of finished goods. Kano’s groundnut farmers have watched their harvest leave the state as unprocessed commodity and return as refined oil at prices that enrich processors elsewhere. Its leather craftsmen have seen raw hides travel to tanneries in other cities and come back as finished goods that command international prices the original producers never see. Its cotton farmers have supplied raw fibre to textile mills that, when they were still operating, captured the majority of the value chain’s economic benefit.
The ECoN framework’s insistence on processing and manufacturing at the source represents a direct challenge to that extractive economic model. By connecting Kano’s raw material producers with the technologies, the financing, and the market linkages required to process their outputs locally, the programme creates the conditions for a fundamental redistribution of economic value within the North West. More jobs created locally. More revenue retained within the state. More enterprises built around Kano’s natural and agricultural endowments. More young people employed in productive industries rather than idle in urban centres.
The ripple effects of that redistribution, sustained over a period of years, are the difference between a city that hosts commerce and a city that drives it.
The ECoN initiative’s ambition does not stop at the borders of the North West. One of its explicitly stated objectives is to prepare Nigerian innovators, startups, and SMEs for international trade platforms, including the Intra-African Trade Fair scheduled for 2027. That objective places Kano’s entrepreneurs, quite literally, on a pathway to continental and global markets.
The African Continental Free Trade Area, which came into force in 2021 and represents a combined market of 1.3 billion people and a GDP of approximately three trillion dollars, remains, for most Nigerian SMEs, an abstract aspiration rather than a practical opportunity. The gap between aspiration and opportunity is filled by exactly the kind of structured support that ECoN provides: standards certification, intellectual property protection, export readiness training, investment facilitation, and access to the institutional networks that make international trade possible for enterprises that would otherwise navigate it alone.
For Kano, whose merchants have been trading across international boundaries for five centuries, the prospect of reconnecting that commercial tradition to a structured, government-backed, and internationally recognised framework for African trade is not merely exciting. It is historically resonant.
It would be intellectually dishonest to discuss Kano’s hosting of the ECoN national launch without acknowledging the political context that made it possible. Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s decision to align Kano State with the Federal Government under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu was, and remains, a subject of vigorous political debate. But beneath the political noise lies a developmental logic that this moment validates with striking clarity.
A state in productive alignment with the federal centre is a state that can nominate its priority innovations for national programmes, mobilise its stakeholders for federal platforms, host engagements that connect its entrepreneurs to national and international investors, and position its industrial clusters for the federal attention and investment that can reverse decades of decline. That is precisely what Kano is doing on April 23. And the people who will benefit most from it are not politicians. They are the innovator in Fagge, the female entrepreneur in Nasarawa, the agricultural processor in Gezawa, and the young graduate in Ungogo who has spent years waiting for a structured opportunity to match his talent.
What Kano is demonstrating, through the hosting of this initiative, is something that every state government in Nigeria needs to study and internalise: that the future of Nigeria’s prosperity is not a centralised project. It is a distributed one. It is built state by state, local government by local government, enterprise by enterprise, and innovation by innovation. The federal government can provide the framework, the financing, and the convening power. But the actual work of converting Nigeria’s extraordinary natural and human endowments into commercial and industrial wealth must happen at the sub-national level, driven by state governments with the vision, the capacity, and the political will to lead.
Kano has that vision. It has demonstrated that capacity. And under Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, it is exercising that political will with a consistency and a purposefulness that is already producing measurable results.
Nigeria’s innovation revolution will not be won in a single federal ministry or announced in a single presidential executive order. It will be won in the markets of Kano, the workshops of Aba, the farms of Benue, the fishing communities of Bayelsa, and the technology hubs of Lagos. It will be won by the collective energy of a nation that has finally, through initiatives like ECoN, begun to recognise and systematically harness the extraordinary economic intelligence embedded within its states and local communities.
Kano’s moment is here. And if properly harnessed, with the state government’s commitment to enabling infrastructure, human capital investment, and federal partnership providing the foundation, this moment will not be remembered merely as a successful event. It will be remembered as the day Kano reclaimed its place at the centre of Nigeria’s economic story, and began writing the next chapter with the confidence, the competence, and the conviction that the chapter deserves.

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