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Dissecting propaganda in debating Kano between Kwankwasiyya and Barau loyalists

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By Isah Nasidi, PhD

One of my beloved courses during our undergraduate programme in mass communication was political communication which we stylishly called polcom. Prof. Umar Pate, an erudite media and society scholar, taught us the course. I still refer back to the book he gave us to review, Introduction to Political Communication by McNair. An intriguing thing about polcom is that a person well grounded in polcom literature, especially propaganda and rhetoric, lessens the tendency to fall victim to emotional manipulation and deceptive tricks of not only politicians but his wife. It also empowers citizens to sort gold from the gravel. As an information and media literacy advocate, I always like to share the little I know about this subject to promote constructive political discourse and informed decisions.

On January 21, 2025, Aliyu Samba, a Facebook influencer and an aide to Deputy Senate President Barau Jibrin, posted a four paragraphs criticizing Kwankwasiyya followers for using rhetorical redirection, propaganda and giving too many excuses about what he termed “incompetence” of their governor, Engr. Abba Kabir Yusuf. It is a known fact that Kwankwasiyya followers have a formidable social media team that does not spare any criticism without response. They responded to Samba’s post in a responsible and attack dogging manner. Seeing the rains of negative personal comments and name-callings from Kwankwasiyya followers for his opinion, Samba posted again lamenting the intolerance of Kwankwasiyya followers and went ahead to criticise Kano State governors in detail. This time, Samba got a responsible comment from Dr Aliyu Isah Aliyu, the Director General Kano State Bureau of Statistics and very active social media promoter of the Kwankwasiyya. I picked interest in their debate because of the decorum and wisdom they displayed in their responses. It is worth emulation from young facebookers and political data boys.

My focus here is not about judging the two debaters, nor discussing the performance or underperformance of the Kano State Governor, Engr. Abba Kabir Yusuf. Rather, I explored and discussed a few propaganda techniques and other rhetorical tactics, knowingly and unknowingly employed by the debaters to convey their messages. This will support our critical examination of the latent meaning and intent hidden in political discourse. Do not panic, I will not be academic.

To start with, a critical reading of propaganda literature shows how propagandistic the concept is. For instance the Western world uses their “polished propaganda” to accuse Russia or Al Qaeda of using propaganda. A common notion about propaganda is lies, deception, and half-truth. However, the easiest way to understand propaganda is by using logic to deduce the latent meaning or intent of the communicator not the veracity of the content because a true statement can be propagandistic. Some common propaganda techniques include 1. Name-calling 2. Glittering generalities 3. Transfer 4. Plain folk 5. Card stacking 6. Bandwagon and 7. Testimonial.

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Interestingly, Samba accused Kwankwasiyya of using propaganda. However, he also used some propaganda techniques, such as name calling, emotional appeal and glittering generalities. First, the name-calling technique appeals to the emotion of hate and rejection, and links a person or idea with a negative symbol or identity. Calling Kwankwasiyya “a cult of blind followers” is linking them to a negative identity, some may argue that Kwankwasiyya do call themselves with similar names. Another propaganda technique in Samba’s post is card sticking, “I see no sign of any genuine effort to fix them (problems)” which gives only one-sided favourable information and disregards the government efforts. Samba painted his opinion as “truth” using glittering generalities propaganda technique.

On the other hand, Dr. Aliyu employed a bandwagon technique using #abbaisworking hashtag to portray a general consensus of Kano people about their government efforts to fix Kano’s problems. Similarly, the way Dr Aliyu capitalised on the completed and ongoing projects of the Kwankwasiyya administration while overlooking the share of the problem on ground is a card stacking technique as explained above. Using terms like “people centred policy” “integrity,” and “genuine efforts” by Dr Aliyu to exonerate the Kwankwasiyya government without realistic and measurable indicators is a glittering generalities propaganda.

Moreover, the debaters leveraged on debate tactics and some are worth mentioning here. Ad hominem means responding to co-debater personality or motive. Dr. Aliyu charged Samba of bias, being an aide of Barau Jibrin, a leading opposition in Kano politics, which is not the subject of discussion. He went ahead to threaten Samba with a counter campaign against his boss #Barauyazaga, an excellent strategy to silence Samba. Samba also attacked the Kwankwasiyya group by tagging them as intolerant and cult-like movements.

Furthermore, I observed that Dr Aliyu tactically played what is called strategic omission or question dodging on the local government autonomy raised by Samba, knowing that the government is yet to or cannot fulfil the promise. Also, Samba dodge discussing issues raised against his boss, perhaps, to avoid derailing from the topic of discussion. Lastly, is whataboutism, a rhetorical tactic of redirecting blame. Dr. Aliyu wrote “Why did your boss not do anything about the dams in Kano north?”.

 

Realistically, we cannot do away with propaganda in political discussion,but we can use it wisely. All politicians use propaganda, deliberately or not, but use it excessively and incautiously. It is good to know that propaganda, precisely black propaganda, which is absolute lies and deception, is unethical and dangerous to our democracy as it erodes trust between the political class and citizens. That’s why in the Nigerian context, the name politician is synonymous with a liar. That is why people don’t give the necessary support to government policies. A sustainable solution to this, from the citizens perspective, is media and information literacy.

Is it interesting? Do you pick interest in reading polcom lit? Am I correct in stating that, whether we realize it or not, we are all propagandists? But, who is more propagandistic between the two Aliyu’s? Nima dai, I don’t know the answers, sai dai na ce Wallahu Taala alam.

Isah Nasidi, PhD, is lecturer at Baze University, Abuja and author of Political Communication in the Post Truth Era: Concept, Laws and Strategies and siyasa ba da gaba ba. isanyaya@gmail.com

This post was copied from Dr Isah Nasidi’s Facebook Page

Opinion

Dr Bello Matwallle: Why Dialogue Still Matters in the Fight Against Insecurity

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By Musa Iliyasu Kwankwaso

In the history of leadership, force may be loud, but wisdom delivers results. This is why security experts agree that while military action can suppress violence temporarily, dialogue is what permanently closes the door to conflict. It is a lesson the world has learned through blood, loss, and painful experience.

When Dr. Bello Matawalle, as Governor of Zamfara State, chose dialogue and reconciliation, it was not a sign of weakness. It was a different kind of courage one that placed the lives of ordinary citizens above political applause. A wise leader measures success not by bullets fired, but by lives saved.

Across conflict zones, history has consistently shown that force alone does not end insecurity. Guns may damage bodies, but they do not eliminate the roots of violence. This understanding forms the basis of what experts call the non-kinetic approach conflict resolution through dialogue, reconciliation, justice, and social reform.

When Matawalle assumed office, Zamfara was deeply troubled. Roads were closed, markets shut down, farmers and herders operated in fear, and citizens lived under constant threat. Faced with this reality, only two options existed: rely solely on military force or combine security operations with dialogue. Matawalle chose the path widely accepted across the world security reinforced by dialogue not out of sympathy for criminals, but to protect innocent lives.

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This approach was not unique to Zamfara. In Katsina State, Governor Aminu Bello Masari led peace engagements with armed groups. In Maiduguri granted amnesty to repentant offenders of Boko Haram, In Sokoto, dialogue was also pursued to reduce bloodshed. These precedents raise a simple question: if dialogue is acceptable elsewhere, why is Matawalle singled out?

At the federal level, the same logic applies. Through Operation Safe Corridor, the Federal Government received Boko Haram members who surrendered, offered rehabilitation and reintegration, and continued military action against those who refused to lay down arms. This balance
rehabilitation for those who repent and force against those who persist is the core of the non-kinetic approach.

Security experts globally affirm that military force contributes only 20 to 30 percent of sustainable solutions to insurgency. The remaining 70 to 80 percent lies in dialogue, justice, economic reform, and addressing poverty and unemployment. Even the United Nations states clearly: “You cannot kill your way out of an insurgency.”

During Matawalle’s tenure, several roads reopened, cattle markets revived, and daily life began to normalize. If insecurity later resurfaced, the question is not whether dialogue was wrong, but whether broader coordination failed.

Today, critics attempt to recast past security strategies as crimes. Yet history is not blind, and truth does not disappear. Matawalle’s actions were rooted in expert advice, national precedent, and global best practice.

The position of Sheikh Ahmad Gumi, who publicly affirmed that Matawalle’s approach was appropriate and that military force accounts for only about 25 percent of counterinsurgency success, further reinforces this reality. Such views cannot be purchased or manufactured; they reflect established security thinking.

In the end, dialogue is not a betrayal of justice it is often its foundation. And no amount of political noise can overturn decisions grounded in evidence, experience, and the priority of human life.

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Opinion

Matawalle: The Northern Anchor of Loyalty in Tinubu’s Administration

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By Adebayor Adetunji, PhD

In the broad and competitive terrain of Nigerian politics, loyalty is often spoken of, yet rarely sustained with consistency, courage and visible action. But within the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, one Northern appointee has demonstrated this quality not as a slogan, but as a lifestyle, as a political principle and as a national duty — Hon. (Dr.) Bello Muhammad Matawalle, Minister of State for Defence.

Since his appointment, Matawalle has stood out as one of the most loyal, outspoken and dependable pillars of support for the Tinubu administration in the North. He has never hesitated, not for a moment, to stand firmly behind the President. At every turn of controversy, in moments of public misunderstanding, and at times when political alliances waver, Matawalle has continued to speak boldly in defence of the government he serves. For him, loyalty is not an occasional gesture — it is a commitment evidenced through voice, alignment, and sacrifice.

Observers within and outside the ruling party recall numerous occasions where the former Zamfara State Governor took the front line in defending the government’s policies, actions and direction, even when others chose neutrality or silence. His interventions, always direct and clear, reflect not just loyalty to a leader, but faith in the future the President is building, a future anchored on economic reform, security revival, institutional strengthening and renewed national unity.

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But Matawalle’s value to the administration does not stop at loyalty. In performance, visibility and active delivery of duty, he stands among the most engaged ministers currently serving in the federal cabinet. His portfolio, centred on defence and security, one of the most sensitive sectors in the country, demands expertise, availability and unbroken presence. Matawalle has not only embraced this responsibility, he has carried it with remarkable energy.

From high-level security meetings within Nigeria to strategic engagements across foreign capitals, Matawalle has represented the nation with clarity and confidence. His participation in defence summits, international cooperation talks, and regional security collaborations has positioned Nigeria as a voice of influence in global security discourse once again. At home, his involvement in military policy evaluation, counter-terrorism discussions and national defence restructuring reflects a minister who understands the urgency of Nigeria’s security needs, and shows up to work daily to address them.

Away from partisan battles, Matawalle has proven to be a bridge — between North and South, civilian leadership and military institutions, Nigeria and the wider world. His presence in government offers a mix of loyalty, performance and deep grounding in national interest, the type of partnership every President needs in turbulent times.

This is why calls, campaigns and whisperings aimed at undermining or isolating him must be resisted. Nigeria cannot afford to discourage its best-performing public servants, nor tighten the atmosphere for those who stand firmly for unity and national progress. The nation must learn to applaud where there is performance, support where there is loyalty, and encourage where there is commitment.

Hon. Bello Matawalle deserves commendation, not suspicion. Support — not sabotage. Encouragement, not exclusion from political strategy or power alignment due to narrow interests.

History does not forget those who stood when it mattered. Matawalle stands today for President Tinubu, for security, for loyalty, for national service. And in that place, he has earned a space not only in the present political equation, but in the future judgment of posterity.

Nigeria needs more leaders like him. And Nigeria must say so openly.

Adebayor Adetunji, PhD
A communication strategist and public commentator
Write from Akure, Ondo State, Nigeria

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Opinion

Drug Abuse Among People With Disabilities: The Hidden Crisis Nigeria Is Yet to Address

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By Abdulaziz Ibrahim

Statistically Invisible, Persons with Disabilities feel shut out of Nigeria’s drug abuse war as a report from Adamawa reveals lacks data and tailored support needed, forcing a vulnerable group to battle addiction alone.

In Adamawa State, the fight against drug abuse is gaining attention, but for many people living with disabilities (PWDs), their struggles remain largely unseen. A new report has uncovered deep gaps in support, treatment, and data tracking for PWDs battling addiction despite official claims of equal access.

For nearly three decades, Mallam Aliyu Hammawa, a visually impaired resident of Yola, navigated a world increasingly shrouded by drug dependency. He first encountered psychoactive substances through friends, and what began as casual use quickly escalated into long-term addiction.

“I used cannabis, tramadol, tablets, shooters everything I could get my hands on,” he recalled. “These drugs affected my behaviour and my relationship with the people close to me.”

Family members say his addiction changed him entirely. His friend, Hussaini Usman, described feeling “sad and worried” when he realized Aliyu had fallen into drug use.

Aliyu eventually made the decision to quit. It was marriage and the fear of hurting his wife that finally forced him to seek a new path. “Whenever I took the drugs, I felt normal. But my wife was confused about my behaviour,” he said. “I decided I had to stop before she discovered the full truth of what I was taking.”

A National Problem With Missing Data

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Nigeria has one of the highest drug-use rates in West Africa, according to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). Over 14 million Nigerians between the ages of 15 and 64 use psychoactive substances. Yet, within that massive user base, PWDs are statistically invisible.

There is almost no national data on drug abuse among persons with disabilitiesa critical gap that experts warn makes it impossible to design effective, inclusive rehabilitation programmes.

Ibrahim Idris Kochifa, the Secretary of the Adamawa State Association of Persons with Physical Disability, told this reporter that PWDs face unique, systemic pressures that intensify their vulnerability to drug abuse, specifically citing poverty, unemployment, isolation, and social discrimination.

“Whenever a person with disability is caught with drugs, the common decision is to seize the drugs and let him go,” Kochifa said, speaking on behalf of the disabled community leadership. “But if they consult us, we have advice to offer on how they can be treated and rehabilitated. Without involving us, no programme will fully benefit people with disabilities.”

NDLEA Responds

At the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) Command in Adamawa, officials insist their services are open to everyone without discrimination.

Mrs. Ibraham Nachafia, the Head of Media and Advocacy for the NDLEA Adamawa State Command, said during an interview, “Our rehabilitation centre is open to all. There is no discrimination. Anyone including persons with disabilities can access treatment.”

While the official position suggests inclusiveness, disability advocates call it “tokenistic.” They argue that equal access on paper does not translate to tailored support in practice. True rehabilitation for PWDs requires specialized counselling that understands their unique traumas, physically accessible facilities, and significantly stronger community engagement to prevent relapse.

A Call for More Inclusive Action

Advocates are now urging the Nigerian government and drug-control agencies to build a response framework that recognizes PWDs as a vulnerable group in need of targeted support.

The advocate Goodness Fedrick warns that until rehabilitation and prevention programmes reflect the realities faced by people with disabilities, Nigeria’s battle against drug abuse will remain incomplete.

For people like Aliyu Hammawa, who managed to recover without structured support, the message is clear: many others may not be as fortunate.

This story highlights the urgent need for inclusive, data-driven, and community-supported approaches in Nigeria’s fight against drug addiction. Until the nation sees and serves this ‘hidden crisis,’ its overall battle against addiction will continue to be fought with one hand tied behind its back.

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