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Reno Omokri And His Sheer Opportunism

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By Yusuf Danjuma Yunusa

Since the flame war began between the Tinubu led APC and Mallam El-rufai, the former’s camp has been experiencing sleepless nights. And since those employed, officially, to tackle such issues–if any arises–are obviously not up to the task, the renowned opportunist of our time–Reno Omokri–has, obviously, agreed to display his mercenary skill sets in their defense.

But then, it has been confirmed that even their so called Mercenary is not also up to the task. In his usual cunning manner of presenting issues to the gullible ones amongst us, Reno Omokri has presented some points against Mallam Nasir El-rufai of which, this piece is serving as a rejoinder to all those malicious claims.

Firstly, amongst his claims is the narrative that El-rufai is wailing because he was denied being made a minister under the administration of Tinubu due to his inability to secure a security clearance. Stating that issues like the crisis which went on almost everyday in the southern region of Kaduna State is considered to be a handwork of El-rufai.

To refute this claim and then make it explicit how Reno is a confused human being with an amnesia problem, it’s on the record that the southern Kaduna crisis started way longer before El-rufai assumed office as the governor of the state. In his words: “please, fact check me.”

When Namadi Sambo was picked as the vice president by the then president Goodluck Jonathan after the death of Umaru Musa Yar’adua in May, 2010, Patrick Yakowa–who was the deputy governor to Namadi Sambo–automatically became the governor of the state. This development was what brought the said crisis to the state. The Muslims were not comfortable with the fact that a Christian was the governor of the state, hence the rift and crisis between the regions in the state.

The crisis escalated even more after the late Yakowa contested against a CPC candidate, Haruna Sae’ed and won with a slight difference in the numbers of the votes in the 2011 gubernatorial election. A year and some months later, he was involved in an aircraft crash and died at the spot. These aforementioned developments were the origins of the crisis which Reno is faulting El-rufai who became governor of the state some years later for.

And for the fact that the crisis is still ongoing in the present administration of Uba Sani shows that the attack is personal and out of jealousy. They hope that, with the tarnishing of image tactics which they have employed against El-rufai, whatever plans he has against them coming 2027 will die.

Secondly, Reno also accused El-rufai as the one who carried out the Shi’ites massacre that happened in December, 2015. If not one who suffers from amnesia, who doesn’t know that it was the Nigerian Army that carried out the operation in 2015? But because Reno is a shameless opportunist who thinks with his anus, the incident is now attributed to the government of El-rufai.

The honest revelation of the scenario was that the Shi’ites movement blocked roads in Zaria, stopping anyone from using the roads because they were performing some of their rituals. The ugly situation surfaced when they tried the stupidity with the then Chief of Army Staff–major general Buratai Tukur.

The Public Relations Officer of the Nigerian Army then revealed that an assassination attempt on the life of Tukur Buratai was their reason for the brutal retaliation against the members of the movement and then the subsequent capture of their leader, Zakzaky. How does this narration concern El-rufai who even established a State Judicial Commission of Inquiry into the incident?

Thirdly, he also made mention of the demolitions carried out by El-rufai as part of the reasons why he couldn’t secure the security clearance. And I ask: the same demolition of houses and mosque which Wike carried out in Rivers State and then secured a security clearance to be part of Tinubu’s administration?

Moreover, all the demolitions carried out by the administration of El-rufai had moral justification. For instance, the demolition of the house which was kept for a sex party by some morally deteriorated human beings in the state is justifiable. Such morally bankrupt activities must not take place in the home of Sir Ahmadu Bello, the late Sadauna. No demolition was carried out without the Kaduna State Urban and Development Agency giving reasons for such action.

The fact remains that, the president changed his mind along the line and didn’t want El-rufai in his government for reasons best known to him. If it was because of inability to secure the security clearance, how come the likes of Bello Matawalle of Zamfara state got nominated and passed the security screening? An average Nigerian knows that Bello Matawalle championed bandits operation in the state during his tenure as it was alleged by even the bandits lord–Bello Turji, and the present governor of the state, Dauda Lawal.

It’s also imperative for Nigerians to take note of the fact that the power issue in the country isn’t ordinary. As stated by El-rufai on Arise tv during his recent interview, president Tinubu gave him a challenge to fix the power issue of the country and he gladly accepted it because, accepting a challenge and conquering it has become his hubby.

If we all could recall, during his presentation at the National Assembly, El-rufai pointed out the problems imbedded in the ministry and how he intended to providing a lasting solutions to them. One who can decipher should understand that the cabals in that ministry are the ones against his nomination. And, to obey to the agreement, the president had to let them have their say. Had El-rufai been allowed into that ministry, all hell would have been let loose by now. They know the kind of person he is and that’s why he was stopped.

Reno Omokri is actually the one crying because El-rufai relieved him off the duty of handling his Facebook page while he was the FCT minister. He has been at loggerheads with El-rufai ever since then. Plus, his newly found job with the Renewed hope gangs, PR consultants, El-rufai must not rest. But he should be aware that the likes of us will always be around and ready to keep him on his toes whenever he mentions El-rufai’s name.

The same Reno who described Tinubu as a bad product that the APC wanted to sell to Nigerians. Same he who described the president as an indecisive person and shouldn’t be made president. The same mealy-mouthed Reno who tagged the APC government as one that has increased the poverty rate in Nigeria. The same so called Gospeller who went to organize a protest against Tinubu at the Chatham house in London. He is the same person they employed to defend them now and he accepted because he has no other means of earning than the PR consultancy scheme.

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Opinion

President Tinubu’s Visit to Katsina: A Missed Opportunity Wrapped in Songs and Handshakes

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Jamilu Abdussalam Hajaj

 

By Jamilu Abdussalam Hajaj

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s visit to Katsina should have been a pivotal moment—an opportunity for the state to draw national attention to its pressing challenges, developmental milestones, and future aspirations. Unfortunately, what should have been a strategic communication moment for the state turned into a viral distraction.

From the streets of Katsina to the corners of social media, two things dominated the narrative: a campaign-style song from singer Rarara and a casual handshake between the President and Aisha Humaira. These moments, while lighthearted and culturally expressive, overshadowed the very essence of a presidential visit—governance, development, and accountability.

It raises a critical question: Was the state’s PR machinery asleep, or was the leadership not interested in framing the visit within a narrative that could catalyze national interest, policy focus, or even investment in Katsina?

In a time when states are competing for federal attention, donor support, and private capital, optics matter. Yet, in Katsina, a sitting governor was cheering a singer on and clapping joyfully to impress the President. A presidential visit is not just a ceremonial tour; it is a platform. It’s the time to walk the President through pressing realities— insecurity in rural areas, the economic potential in agriculture, the struggles with education, the underfunded health sector, the resilience of the people, and the efforts already underway to tackle these issues.

Instead, the silence around these important issues was deafening.

No strategic documentaries. No impactful speeches. No high-level stakeholder engagements positioned in the media. No community interactions that could inspire federal interventions. Not even a strong visual presentation of the state’s development agenda.

Governance is not just about doing the work; it’s about telling the story. And in that regard, Katsina missed the moment.

This visit should have been used to showcase the hard work of the administration (if there is any to show), to call for more support where needed, and to galvanize public interest and empathy. But when all that trends from a presidential visit are a song and a handshake, it’s safe to say the moment was poorly managed or, worse, completely misunderstood.

Moving forward, states must take public relations seriously—not for propaganda, but for perception, engagement, and strategic positioning. Because if you don’t control the narrative, someone else will. And often, they will focus on the trivial and mundane parts, not the transformational.

 

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EFCC Probe on Refineries: Transparency or Political Witch-Hunt

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By Aminu Umar

The recent move by Nigeria’s anti-corruption agency, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), to probe the handling of finances and contracts related to the Port Harcourt and Warri refineries has stirred a heated debate on whether the investigation represents a genuine drive for transparency or a politically motivated witch-hunt.

At the heart of the issue is the EFCC’s request for salary records and allowances of 14 key officials who served during the refinery rehabilitation period. These include high-ranking executives such as Abubakar Yar’Adua, Mele Kyari, Isiaka Abdulrazak, Umar Ajiya, Dikko Ahmed, Ibrahim Onoja, Ademoye Jelili, and Mustapha Sugungun.

Others listed are Kayode Adetokunbo, Efiok Akpan, Babatunde Bakare, Jimoh Olasunkanmi, Bello Kankaya, and Desmond Inyama. The commission appears focused on payments and administrative decisions linked to the multi-billion naira refinery resuscitation program.

However, conspicuously absent from the list of those summoned is Adedapo Segun, the current Chief Financial Officer (CFO) of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL), who served as Executive Vice President for Downstream and was directly in charge of treasury, refinery operations, shipping, and trading. During this time, all payments related to the Port Harcourt and Warri refineries were made under his financial supervision.

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This omission has raised several questions: Why is Segun not being invited or questioned if the goal is transparency? Why is the probe appearing selective?

Equally puzzling is the inclusion of Abubakar Yar’Adua, whose role is administrative rather than operational, while high-profile former Group Managing Directors (GMDs) such as Andrew Yakubu, and Emmanuel Ibe Kachikwu, who played central roles in refinery policy and contracts in previous administrations, appear to have been bypassed.

We are not saying Mele Kyari is innocent or guilty, but we must insist on a fair process,” a stakeholder familiar with the situation told this reporter. “This shouldn’t be a selective trial. The people who gave out the contracts and approved the funds must be investigated too.”

The tension is heightened by growing concerns that the probe is targeted at individuals from a specific region. Many observers fear this could deepen regional mistrust, especially if only northern executives are made scapegoats.

We are worried this is being used to paint Northerners as the only looters,” said one source. “You cannot fight corruption with bias. You need to look at all sides. This includes those who were ‘exonerated’ too quickly.”

Another burning question is why individuals such as Emmanuel Ibe Kachikwu, former Minister of State for Petroleum, and Andrew Yakubu, former GMD of NNPC, who had strategic influence on contract awards and rehabilitation policies, are not facing any scrutiny. Critics argue that anyone involved at any stage of the refinery rehabilitation—whether from policy, finance, or operational perspectives—should be equally held accountable.

Civil society groups and international anti-corruption bodies are now being urged to step in. The call is for an independent and thorough probe that includes all relevant stakeholders—without exception.

“We are calling on NGOs and international organisations to ensure that this is not a political trial. If you must clean up the refinery system, you must do it across the board,” the statement concluded.

In a country plagued by decades of failed refinery operations and opaque oil sector dealings, the public is watching this investigation closely. The EFCC is at a crossroads: its actions will either affirm its commitment to justice or expose it to accusations of being used as a tool for political vendettas.

For now, Nigerians wait—with growing skepticism.

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Opinion

Censoring the Uncensored: The irony behind Hisbah’s ban on Hamisu Breaker’s song

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By Ummi Muhammad Hassan

Following the ban by Hisbah on a new song titled “Amana Ta” by Hamisu Breaker, social media went into an uproar, capturing the attention of the public.

In the early hours of April 24, 2025, social media was filled with reactions following a press statement issued by the Deputy Commander of the Hisbah Board, Kano State chapter, Dr. Khadija Sagir, announcing the ban of Breaker’s new song. The reason cited was that the song allegedly contains obscene language.

This announcement, however, triggered a counterreaction from the public. Many became curious to know more about the song and the so-called obscene content, with some taking to their social media handles to express their opinions.

The irony of the situation is that Hisbah unintentionally gave the song more prominence, causing it to go viral. Many people who were previously unaware of the song searched for and listened to it, just to understand the controversy.

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In my opinion, after listening to the song, it contains no obscene language. Rather, the issue seems to lie with some young women who mimed the song in a suggestive manner after hearing that Hisbah had labelled it as indecent—as though to dramatize or reinforce the claim. Some even appeared as if they were intoxicated.

To me, this is both devastating and concerning, as it reflects the erosion of the strong moral standards once upheld by Hausa women. Many young people are now making videos lip-synching the song in indecent ways. It made me pause and ask myself: where has our shyness gone? I believe this question deserves a deeper conversation on another day.

In Breaker’s case, thanks to the Hisbah ban, he became the most trending Kannywood artist in April, and his song went viral—and continues to trend.

A similar incident occurred earlier this year when the federal government banned Idris Abdulkareem’s song *Tell Your Papa*. That action unexpectedly brought the artist back into the spotlight, causing the song to trend widely.

Social media has made censorship increasingly difficult. Once a movie, text, or song reaches the internet, it becomes almost impossible to control—even by the creators themselves.

While social media censorship remains a challenge, this recent incident highlights the need for the government to intensify efforts against the spread of indecent content—through Hisbah and agencies like the Kano State Film Censorship Board.

Clear guidelines should be put in place, requiring artists and filmmakers to submit their content for review and approval before public release. This, among other strategies, could help reduce the spread of inappropriate material.

Additionally, Hisbah should be more mindful of how such announcements are made, as they may inadvertently promote the very content they seek to suppress.

Ummi Muhammad Hassan, Ph.D., is a lecturer in the Department of Mass Communication at Bayero University, Kano. She can be reached via email at: ummeemuhammadhassan@gmail.com.

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