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Opinion

Reno Omokri And His Sheer Opportunism

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By Yusuf Danjuma Yunusa

Since the flame war began between the Tinubu led APC and Mallam El-rufai, the former’s camp has been experiencing sleepless nights. And since those employed, officially, to tackle such issues–if any arises–are obviously not up to the task, the renowned opportunist of our time–Reno Omokri–has, obviously, agreed to display his mercenary skill sets in their defense.

But then, it has been confirmed that even their so called Mercenary is not also up to the task. In his usual cunning manner of presenting issues to the gullible ones amongst us, Reno Omokri has presented some points against Mallam Nasir El-rufai of which, this piece is serving as a rejoinder to all those malicious claims.

Firstly, amongst his claims is the narrative that El-rufai is wailing because he was denied being made a minister under the administration of Tinubu due to his inability to secure a security clearance. Stating that issues like the crisis which went on almost everyday in the southern region of Kaduna State is considered to be a handwork of El-rufai.

To refute this claim and then make it explicit how Reno is a confused human being with an amnesia problem, it’s on the record that the southern Kaduna crisis started way longer before El-rufai assumed office as the governor of the state. In his words: “please, fact check me.”

When Namadi Sambo was picked as the vice president by the then president Goodluck Jonathan after the death of Umaru Musa Yar’adua in May, 2010, Patrick Yakowa–who was the deputy governor to Namadi Sambo–automatically became the governor of the state. This development was what brought the said crisis to the state. The Muslims were not comfortable with the fact that a Christian was the governor of the state, hence the rift and crisis between the regions in the state.

The crisis escalated even more after the late Yakowa contested against a CPC candidate, Haruna Sae’ed and won with a slight difference in the numbers of the votes in the 2011 gubernatorial election. A year and some months later, he was involved in an aircraft crash and died at the spot. These aforementioned developments were the origins of the crisis which Reno is faulting El-rufai who became governor of the state some years later for.

And for the fact that the crisis is still ongoing in the present administration of Uba Sani shows that the attack is personal and out of jealousy. They hope that, with the tarnishing of image tactics which they have employed against El-rufai, whatever plans he has against them coming 2027 will die.

Secondly, Reno also accused El-rufai as the one who carried out the Shi’ites massacre that happened in December, 2015. If not one who suffers from amnesia, who doesn’t know that it was the Nigerian Army that carried out the operation in 2015? But because Reno is a shameless opportunist who thinks with his anus, the incident is now attributed to the government of El-rufai.

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The honest revelation of the scenario was that the Shi’ites movement blocked roads in Zaria, stopping anyone from using the roads because they were performing some of their rituals. The ugly situation surfaced when they tried the stupidity with the then Chief of Army Staff–major general Buratai Tukur.

The Public Relations Officer of the Nigerian Army then revealed that an assassination attempt on the life of Tukur Buratai was their reason for the brutal retaliation against the members of the movement and then the subsequent capture of their leader, Zakzaky. How does this narration concern El-rufai who even established a State Judicial Commission of Inquiry into the incident?

Thirdly, he also made mention of the demolitions carried out by El-rufai as part of the reasons why he couldn’t secure the security clearance. And I ask: the same demolition of houses and mosque which Wike carried out in Rivers State and then secured a security clearance to be part of Tinubu’s administration?

Moreover, all the demolitions carried out by the administration of El-rufai had moral justification. For instance, the demolition of the house which was kept for a sex party by some morally deteriorated human beings in the state is justifiable. Such morally bankrupt activities must not take place in the home of Sir Ahmadu Bello, the late Sadauna. No demolition was carried out without the Kaduna State Urban and Development Agency giving reasons for such action.

The fact remains that, the president changed his mind along the line and didn’t want El-rufai in his government for reasons best known to him. If it was because of inability to secure the security clearance, how come the likes of Bello Matawalle of Zamfara state got nominated and passed the security screening? An average Nigerian knows that Bello Matawalle championed bandits operation in the state during his tenure as it was alleged by even the bandits lord–Bello Turji, and the present governor of the state, Dauda Lawal.

It’s also imperative for Nigerians to take note of the fact that the power issue in the country isn’t ordinary. As stated by El-rufai on Arise tv during his recent interview, president Tinubu gave him a challenge to fix the power issue of the country and he gladly accepted it because, accepting a challenge and conquering it has become his hubby.

If we all could recall, during his presentation at the National Assembly, El-rufai pointed out the problems imbedded in the ministry and how he intended to providing a lasting solutions to them. One who can decipher should understand that the cabals in that ministry are the ones against his nomination. And, to obey to the agreement, the president had to let them have their say. Had El-rufai been allowed into that ministry, all hell would have been let loose by now. They know the kind of person he is and that’s why he was stopped.

Reno Omokri is actually the one crying because El-rufai relieved him off the duty of handling his Facebook page while he was the FCT minister. He has been at loggerheads with El-rufai ever since then. Plus, his newly found job with the Renewed hope gangs, PR consultants, El-rufai must not rest. But he should be aware that the likes of us will always be around and ready to keep him on his toes whenever he mentions El-rufai’s name.

The same Reno who described Tinubu as a bad product that the APC wanted to sell to Nigerians. Same he who described the president as an indecisive person and shouldn’t be made president. The same mealy-mouthed Reno who tagged the APC government as one that has increased the poverty rate in Nigeria. The same so called Gospeller who went to organize a protest against Tinubu at the Chatham house in London. He is the same person they employed to defend them now and he accepted because he has no other means of earning than the PR consultancy scheme.

Opinion

Dr Bello Matwallle: Why Dialogue Still Matters in the Fight Against Insecurity

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By Musa Iliyasu Kwankwaso

In the history of leadership, force may be loud, but wisdom delivers results. This is why security experts agree that while military action can suppress violence temporarily, dialogue is what permanently closes the door to conflict. It is a lesson the world has learned through blood, loss, and painful experience.

When Dr. Bello Matawalle, as Governor of Zamfara State, chose dialogue and reconciliation, it was not a sign of weakness. It was a different kind of courage one that placed the lives of ordinary citizens above political applause. A wise leader measures success not by bullets fired, but by lives saved.

Across conflict zones, history has consistently shown that force alone does not end insecurity. Guns may damage bodies, but they do not eliminate the roots of violence. This understanding forms the basis of what experts call the non-kinetic approach conflict resolution through dialogue, reconciliation, justice, and social reform.

When Matawalle assumed office, Zamfara was deeply troubled. Roads were closed, markets shut down, farmers and herders operated in fear, and citizens lived under constant threat. Faced with this reality, only two options existed: rely solely on military force or combine security operations with dialogue. Matawalle chose the path widely accepted across the world security reinforced by dialogue not out of sympathy for criminals, but to protect innocent lives.

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This approach was not unique to Zamfara. In Katsina State, Governor Aminu Bello Masari led peace engagements with armed groups. In Maiduguri granted amnesty to repentant offenders of Boko Haram, In Sokoto, dialogue was also pursued to reduce bloodshed. These precedents raise a simple question: if dialogue is acceptable elsewhere, why is Matawalle singled out?

At the federal level, the same logic applies. Through Operation Safe Corridor, the Federal Government received Boko Haram members who surrendered, offered rehabilitation and reintegration, and continued military action against those who refused to lay down arms. This balance
rehabilitation for those who repent and force against those who persist is the core of the non-kinetic approach.

Security experts globally affirm that military force contributes only 20 to 30 percent of sustainable solutions to insurgency. The remaining 70 to 80 percent lies in dialogue, justice, economic reform, and addressing poverty and unemployment. Even the United Nations states clearly: “You cannot kill your way out of an insurgency.”

During Matawalle’s tenure, several roads reopened, cattle markets revived, and daily life began to normalize. If insecurity later resurfaced, the question is not whether dialogue was wrong, but whether broader coordination failed.

Today, critics attempt to recast past security strategies as crimes. Yet history is not blind, and truth does not disappear. Matawalle’s actions were rooted in expert advice, national precedent, and global best practice.

The position of Sheikh Ahmad Gumi, who publicly affirmed that Matawalle’s approach was appropriate and that military force accounts for only about 25 percent of counterinsurgency success, further reinforces this reality. Such views cannot be purchased or manufactured; they reflect established security thinking.

In the end, dialogue is not a betrayal of justice it is often its foundation. And no amount of political noise can overturn decisions grounded in evidence, experience, and the priority of human life.

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Opinion

Matawalle: The Northern Anchor of Loyalty in Tinubu’s Administration

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By Adebayor Adetunji, PhD

In the broad and competitive terrain of Nigerian politics, loyalty is often spoken of, yet rarely sustained with consistency, courage and visible action. But within the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, one Northern appointee has demonstrated this quality not as a slogan, but as a lifestyle, as a political principle and as a national duty — Hon. (Dr.) Bello Muhammad Matawalle, Minister of State for Defence.

Since his appointment, Matawalle has stood out as one of the most loyal, outspoken and dependable pillars of support for the Tinubu administration in the North. He has never hesitated, not for a moment, to stand firmly behind the President. At every turn of controversy, in moments of public misunderstanding, and at times when political alliances waver, Matawalle has continued to speak boldly in defence of the government he serves. For him, loyalty is not an occasional gesture — it is a commitment evidenced through voice, alignment, and sacrifice.

Observers within and outside the ruling party recall numerous occasions where the former Zamfara State Governor took the front line in defending the government’s policies, actions and direction, even when others chose neutrality or silence. His interventions, always direct and clear, reflect not just loyalty to a leader, but faith in the future the President is building, a future anchored on economic reform, security revival, institutional strengthening and renewed national unity.

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But Matawalle’s value to the administration does not stop at loyalty. In performance, visibility and active delivery of duty, he stands among the most engaged ministers currently serving in the federal cabinet. His portfolio, centred on defence and security, one of the most sensitive sectors in the country, demands expertise, availability and unbroken presence. Matawalle has not only embraced this responsibility, he has carried it with remarkable energy.

From high-level security meetings within Nigeria to strategic engagements across foreign capitals, Matawalle has represented the nation with clarity and confidence. His participation in defence summits, international cooperation talks, and regional security collaborations has positioned Nigeria as a voice of influence in global security discourse once again. At home, his involvement in military policy evaluation, counter-terrorism discussions and national defence restructuring reflects a minister who understands the urgency of Nigeria’s security needs, and shows up to work daily to address them.

Away from partisan battles, Matawalle has proven to be a bridge — between North and South, civilian leadership and military institutions, Nigeria and the wider world. His presence in government offers a mix of loyalty, performance and deep grounding in national interest, the type of partnership every President needs in turbulent times.

This is why calls, campaigns and whisperings aimed at undermining or isolating him must be resisted. Nigeria cannot afford to discourage its best-performing public servants, nor tighten the atmosphere for those who stand firmly for unity and national progress. The nation must learn to applaud where there is performance, support where there is loyalty, and encourage where there is commitment.

Hon. Bello Matawalle deserves commendation, not suspicion. Support — not sabotage. Encouragement, not exclusion from political strategy or power alignment due to narrow interests.

History does not forget those who stood when it mattered. Matawalle stands today for President Tinubu, for security, for loyalty, for national service. And in that place, he has earned a space not only in the present political equation, but in the future judgment of posterity.

Nigeria needs more leaders like him. And Nigeria must say so openly.

Adebayor Adetunji, PhD
A communication strategist and public commentator
Write from Akure, Ondo State, Nigeria

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Opinion

Drug Abuse Among People With Disabilities: The Hidden Crisis Nigeria Is Yet to Address

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By Abdulaziz Ibrahim

Statistically Invisible, Persons with Disabilities feel shut out of Nigeria’s drug abuse war as a report from Adamawa reveals lacks data and tailored support needed, forcing a vulnerable group to battle addiction alone.

In Adamawa State, the fight against drug abuse is gaining attention, but for many people living with disabilities (PWDs), their struggles remain largely unseen. A new report has uncovered deep gaps in support, treatment, and data tracking for PWDs battling addiction despite official claims of equal access.

For nearly three decades, Mallam Aliyu Hammawa, a visually impaired resident of Yola, navigated a world increasingly shrouded by drug dependency. He first encountered psychoactive substances through friends, and what began as casual use quickly escalated into long-term addiction.

“I used cannabis, tramadol, tablets, shooters everything I could get my hands on,” he recalled. “These drugs affected my behaviour and my relationship with the people close to me.”

Family members say his addiction changed him entirely. His friend, Hussaini Usman, described feeling “sad and worried” when he realized Aliyu had fallen into drug use.

Aliyu eventually made the decision to quit. It was marriage and the fear of hurting his wife that finally forced him to seek a new path. “Whenever I took the drugs, I felt normal. But my wife was confused about my behaviour,” he said. “I decided I had to stop before she discovered the full truth of what I was taking.”

A National Problem With Missing Data

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Nigeria has one of the highest drug-use rates in West Africa, according to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). Over 14 million Nigerians between the ages of 15 and 64 use psychoactive substances. Yet, within that massive user base, PWDs are statistically invisible.

There is almost no national data on drug abuse among persons with disabilitiesa critical gap that experts warn makes it impossible to design effective, inclusive rehabilitation programmes.

Ibrahim Idris Kochifa, the Secretary of the Adamawa State Association of Persons with Physical Disability, told this reporter that PWDs face unique, systemic pressures that intensify their vulnerability to drug abuse, specifically citing poverty, unemployment, isolation, and social discrimination.

“Whenever a person with disability is caught with drugs, the common decision is to seize the drugs and let him go,” Kochifa said, speaking on behalf of the disabled community leadership. “But if they consult us, we have advice to offer on how they can be treated and rehabilitated. Without involving us, no programme will fully benefit people with disabilities.”

NDLEA Responds

At the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) Command in Adamawa, officials insist their services are open to everyone without discrimination.

Mrs. Ibraham Nachafia, the Head of Media and Advocacy for the NDLEA Adamawa State Command, said during an interview, “Our rehabilitation centre is open to all. There is no discrimination. Anyone including persons with disabilities can access treatment.”

While the official position suggests inclusiveness, disability advocates call it “tokenistic.” They argue that equal access on paper does not translate to tailored support in practice. True rehabilitation for PWDs requires specialized counselling that understands their unique traumas, physically accessible facilities, and significantly stronger community engagement to prevent relapse.

A Call for More Inclusive Action

Advocates are now urging the Nigerian government and drug-control agencies to build a response framework that recognizes PWDs as a vulnerable group in need of targeted support.

The advocate Goodness Fedrick warns that until rehabilitation and prevention programmes reflect the realities faced by people with disabilities, Nigeria’s battle against drug abuse will remain incomplete.

For people like Aliyu Hammawa, who managed to recover without structured support, the message is clear: many others may not be as fortunate.

This story highlights the urgent need for inclusive, data-driven, and community-supported approaches in Nigeria’s fight against drug addiction. Until the nation sees and serves this ‘hidden crisis,’ its overall battle against addiction will continue to be fought with one hand tied behind its back.

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