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The Politics of Autobiographies-Amir Abdul Aziz

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Dr Amir Abdul Aziz

By: Amir Abdulazeez

In ancient times and through the Middle ages, people used autobiographies to share hidden truths, make confessions and communicate genuine experiences. Nowadays, they are used by politicians and world leaders for self-justification and self-glorification. Whether in the West, across Africa, or within Nigeria, the pattern remains the samepolitical figures use autobiographies to rewrite history in their favour, often ignoring their failures or controversies.

Between 1948 to 1954, former British Prime Minister, Winston Churchill, published multiple volumes of memoirs that portrayed him as the hero of World War II. While Churchill was undeniably a key figure in the war, his narratives downplayed criticisms of his leadership, including his alleged role in the Bengal Famine of 1943, which resulted in the deaths of millions. His autobiographical works cemented his legacy as a wartime leader while sidestepping his more controversial decisions.

Modern political memoirs have increasingly become exercises in selective storytelling, where leaders carefully articulate their narratives to present themselves in the most favourable light possible. Former United States President, Richard Nixon used his autobiography, ‘The Memoirs of Richard Nixon’, to repair his image after the Watergate scandal. After lying about the possession of weapons of mass destruction as a justification to invade, Tony Blair’s A Journey and George W. Bush’s Decision Points, cruelly and shamelessly attempted to justify their baseless war in Iraq in 2003.
Across Africa, many leaders have also engaged in this practice of using autobiographies to deny or justify their shortcomings. As good as they were, even the likes of Ghanas Kwame Nkrumah, Zambias Kenneth Kaunda, Tanzanias Julius Nyerere and Kenyas Jomo Kenyatta have all been accused of using autobiographies to exaggerate their legacies, downplay their shortcomings and ignore controversies around their stewardships.

In Nigeria, Olusegun Obasanjos ‘My Watch’, published in 2014 have been widely criticized for being self-serving. While Obasanjo paints himself as a patriot and a visionary leader, he conveniently overlooked the authoritarian tendencies and allegations of corruption and electoral frauds during his tenure. Despite all the glaring circumstances that led to the decisive defeat of Dr. Goodluck Jonathan in the 2015 Presidential elections, in his 2018 book ‘My Transition Hours’, he tried so hard to justify and downplay the very actions that led to his downfall while also constructing different conspiracy theories that gave the impression he didnt lose the elections freely and fairly.

Just, when we thought we have had enough of all these politicized autobiographies, former Military President General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida has released his own memoirs. While being often and correctly presented as one of Nigerias finest soldiers, strongest leaders and elder statesmen, we can by no means expect his memoirs to be significantly different from that of other Nigerian, African and world leaders. IBB is unlucky to be one of the most studied and documented Nigerian leaders and there are so many controversies, inconsistencies and tactical deceptions associated to his tenure which no autobiography can reconcile.
One major criticism of IBBs memoir is its timing. The delayed release suggests a strategic waiting period for public emotions to cool and memories to fade. Apart from the main actors, many other people in the position to validate or refute whatever he might say in his book are dead. In fact, majority of the current generation of Nigerians were not even born when he left power in 1993. In a nutshell, while Babangidas autobiography may attempt to rationalize many of his decisions, the scars left by the events he presided like the Structural Adjustment programme, state executions, public corruption, endless and wasteful transition programme will remain fresh in the countrys memory.

In Nigeria, what have these autobiographies taught us? Many leaders and political actors have left terrible legacies which they cannot risk leaving in the hands of neutral story tellers. While they should spend the rest of their lives in regret and retrospection, they will rather add salt to injury by releasing half-truths and falsehoods as autobiographies. When they do so, they always have other elitist co-conspirators that benefited from their actions and inactions in power that will gather and celebrate them like heroes.
As a former Nigerian leader, once you are alive and influential, you can always find a way of redeeming your image inspite of your atrocities. I always ask people to imagine if General Sani Abacha was still alive, who will dare recover any foreign loot associated to him? Who doesnt have skeletons in their cupboards? Unfortunately for Abacha, apart from been dead, he had also stepped on most, if not all of the toes that wouldve protected him and again, one of the most affected became President just 11 months after his death.

Not all are the same. There are patriotic Nigerian leaders, statesmen and freedom fighters who deserve to write autobiographies. Unfortunately, when they do, theirs get drowned in the ocean of the negative ones who are richer and more popular. By tradition, you know Nigerians will always promote and accept something that is popular and elegant instead of one that is truthful and honest. This is why you dont hear trending biographies about Gani Fawehinmi, Abdulkadir Balarabe Musa, etc.
All in all, everyone has a right to his own opinion and narrative of events the way he wants people to view them. While autobiographies provide valuable insights into the minds of world leaders, they must be read with a critical eye. Readers must recognize that these books are not always honest reflections of history but are, more often than not, carefully crafted narratives designed to preserve a leaders legacy. Memoirs of political leaders often serve more as instruments of image control than as genuine historical accounts. The ultimate judgment of political leaders should rest not in the pages of their autobiographies but rather in the lived experiences of their citizens and the tangible impacts of their policies.
I read three autobiographies recently and I found them to be outstanding and honest; Sir Ahmadu Bellos ‘My Life’, Nelson Mandelas ‘Long Walk to Freedom’ and Mahatma Gandhi’s ‘The Stories of My Experiments with Truth’. Sardaunas was simple, least self-glorifying and occasionally self-critical. Mandelas was strictly a chronicle of collective struggles, only mentioning but leaving out details about subjective issues and cleverly terminating his story to the point he was inaugurated as President. He left the story of his presidency to be told by others. Gandhis was the best; when he was literally forced to write his memoirs in 1925, he rather named it ‘my experiments’, it was the translators that added the word ‘autobiography’. He never wanted to write because he believes if your actions are right, there is nothing to boast about it, for the wrong ones, there will always be many people to help you write them.

Twitter: @AmirAbdulazeez

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Opinion

The Blending of Segmented Three Stars in Education—Abubakar Musa Umar

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Abubakar Musa Umar

Kano State is blessed with a wealth of individuals with diverse experiences, skills, and contacts across many spheres of life, including religious, cultural, and educational spaces. The likes of Dr. Sheikh Isyaku Rabiu, Sheikh Nasir Kabara, and Sheikh Jaafar Mahmoud Adam are among the few figures to mention, possessing vast Islamic knowledge appreciated worldwide. Recently, Kano State has been blessed with three educational experts with extensive knowledge of education, from its foundational levels to the peak positions of management and decision-making.

Malam Yusuf Kabir was a civil servant for 35 years, retiring in 2014 as Director of Planning, Research, and Statistics at the State Universal Basic Education Board (SUBEB) Kano. He started as a classroom teacher and later became an education secretary in different local governments. Since 2015, he has worked with development partners and achieved remarkable success with the Education Sector Support Program in Nigeria (ESSPIN), the Department for International Development (DFID), PLANE-DAI, and many others. He is currently the Executive Chairman of the State Universal Basic Education Board (SUBEB) Kano.

In the last seventeen months, Malam Yusuf has brought significant changes to basic education in the state. He initiated the first induction training for newly recruited teachers to prepare them for the job. He transformed both the staff and facilities to enhance services and improve job satisfaction.

Malam Haladu Mohammed, an international development expert, started his career as a classroom teacher and later transitioned to higher education, where he rose to the level of senior lecturer in the Department of Geography at the College of Arts, Science, and Remedial Studies (CAS), Kano. Malam Haladu created several educational programs and projects, working as a Team Lead with DFID, OTL, and, most recently, as Chief of Party at USAID Liberia. He is currently the Technical Advisor on Education Reforms to the Executive Governor of Kano State.

Dr. Yakubu Muhammad Anas, a development expert with more than two decades of track records of accomplishment, was a classroom teacher for years, rising to the rank of Head Teacher before resigning to join development work. He has supported many programs and projects within and outside the country, working with ESSPIN, DFID, KaLMA, and Sesame Square Nigeria. He provides technical support to the Kano State Education Emergency Conference and is currently assisting the Ministry of Education and its agencies in achieving their target goals and objectives.

The three stars worked on the same projects and recorded remarkable success in their respective areas. The stars have now blended again, working with the Kano State Government to revive the education sector.

The recent appointment of Malam Haladu as Technical Advisor to the Executive Governor of Kano, the transformation of basic education under the leadership of Malam Yusuf Kabir, and the technical support provided by Dr. Yakubu Anas to the Ministry of Education and its agencies testify to the government’s commitment to real educational reforms.

Education is currently in the hands of experts whose experience and contributions to the development of education are recognized and appreciated worldwide.

May Almighty Allah (SWT) grant them the wisdom to devise solutions to existing challenges and transform education in Kano State.

Long Live, Kano State

Abubakar Musa Umar is an educationist and a development expert writes this from Kano

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Wearing the Turban, Bearing the Burden: The Enormous Task Before the New Galadiman Kano

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The promotion of Wamban Kano Munir Sanusi as Galadiman Kano today, May 2, 2025, marks an important moment in the history of Kano’s sarauta institution. More than a ceremonial installment, it is the continuation of a title whose symbolic and administrative significance has long anchored the cohesion of Kano; first as a kingdom, and since the nineteenth century, as an emirate. This moment is charged with expectation, arriving at a time Kano Emirate is caught in a vortex of political contestation, juridical uncertainty, and generational transition. It will be the day a man who is both brother and foster son to a former Galadima, and son-in-law to another, assumes such an important office.

The title of Galadima, derived from the Kanuri galdi-ma, meaning “chief of the western front,” emerged during the administrative reforms of Kano’s second Hausa ruler, Sarki Warisi dan Bagauda, in the 11th century. Over time, it evolved into one of the most powerful and most senior princely offices across Hausa land. Until Emir Abdullahi Maje Karofi (1855-1882) appointed his son Yusufu as Galadima, the title had traditionally been reserved for the king’s/emir’s uncle, eldest brother or closest male kin: typically someone older and therefore unlikely to succeed to the throne.

Elsewhere, I have argued that Maje Karofi’s deviation from this established custom was one of the remote causes of the Kano Civil War of 1893. In essence, the appointment of a son to such a crucial position, naturally altered the institutional role of the Galadima, who historically functioned as a check on the emir’s authority. This explains Maje Karofi’s decision to depose his brother Abdulkadir, for expressing growing concern over certain decisions and practices at court the latter deemed inappropriate.

As demonstrated by the reigns of Galadiman Kano Daudu, Atuma, and the Fulani-era Galadimas Maje Karofi and Tijjani Hashim, the office has often wielded influence that paralleled or even eclipsed that of the king/emir. Until the 19th century, titles like Dan Ruwatan Kano were accorded to the kinsman or son of the galadima, while Dan Darman Kano was reserved for his cognatic kinsman. Traditionally, the Galadima served as vizier, head of civil administration, and head of his own mini-palace, independent of the Emir’s court. Court praise-singers aptly describe bearers of the title as Daudu rakumin Kano, the camel that bears the city’s burden; Daudu gatan birni, the protector of the city; and Rumfa sha shirgi, the palace’s dust heap where disputes are deposited and resolved. In recent times, no one embodied such praise and fuction as the late Galadiman Kano Tijjani Hashim.

Widely regarded as the archetype of the modern Galadima, Tijjani Hashim redefined the office in an era when the sarauta was stripped of formal political power. He transformed it into a bastion of accessible influence, strategic mediation, and public service. His residence functioned as a daily court of appeals, open to aristocrats, commoners, and royal slaves alike. He was the man to whom a poor student could turn for a scholarship, a merchant for capital, a civil servant for promotion, a politician for sponsorship, and a broken family for reconciliation.

Tijjani Hashim died in 2014 and was succeeded by the charismatic Abbas Sanusi, whose reign as Galadima was cut short by a protracted illness. Abbas Sanusi was a disciplined and astute administrator, widely respected for his command of the emirate’s bureaucratic machinery. Yet his tenure was constrained by declining health, which limited his capacity to perform some of Galadima’s traditional roles, particularly inter-familial diplomacy. It is from Abbas Sanusi that the title now transitions to his younger brother, Alhaji Munir Sanusi, marking a rare case of intergenerational and intra-familial continuity, even by the standards of Kano’s dynastic politics. Their relationship was not merely fraternal, it was paternal. Abbas raised Munir from infancy, shaping his worldview and instilling in him the refined fadanci he has mastered and discreetly used to his advantage. Adding further symbolic weight is the fact that Munir is married to Hajiya Mariya Tijjani Hashim, daughter of the very man whose name has become synonymous with the Galadima title in recent memory. Thus, the new Galadima stands at the confluence of two great legacies—bound by blood to Abbas, and by marriage to Tijjani.

Born on January 12, 1962, Munir Sanusi Bayero was the last son of Emir Sir Muhammad Sanusi I to be born in the Kano palace. Raised by his late brother, Galadima Abbas Sanusi, he later married his second cousin, Hajiya Mariya, a union that has continued to epitomize royal love and companionship. Alhaji Munir Sanusi received his primary education at Gidan Makama Primary School, and his secondary education at Government Secondary School Dambatta from 1976 to 1981. He later obtained a degree in Mechanical Engineering from the Indian Institute of Technology in New Delhi.

Galadima Munir Sanusi’s career commenced in the Kano State Ministry of Social Welfare, Youth, and Sports, where he served as a Transport Officer from 1989 to 1991. He later joined Daula Enterprises Co. Ltd, Kano, from 1991 to 1993. He currently sits on the board of several companies, including Tri-C3 and Unique Leather Finishing Co. Ltd, the second-largest exporter of leather in West Africa.

In 2014, the Emir of Kano Khalifa Muhammad Sanusi II appointed him as Dan Majen Kano and pioneer Chief of Staff to the Emir in Kano Emirate, He was elevated to the position of Danburam Kano in 2016 and Wamban Kano and district head of Bichi in 2024. Today, he assumes the prestigious title of Galadiman Kano.

Galadima Munir’s loyalty to Emir Muhammadu Sanusi II has earned him considerable admiration within and beyond Kano. When the Emir was deposed in March 2020 and exiled to Loko in Nasarawa State, Munir not only followed him into banishment but remained by his side through Lagos and back to Kano. Now that the Emir has rewarded that loyalty with the emirate’s highest princely office, Munir faces a challenge no less noble than the title he inherits.

For one, loyalty is only one pillar of what I call, “the burdens of the Galadima”. The office demands generosity, accessibility, discretion, and the ability to shoulder the hopes of a people whose faith in the sarauta system is repeatedly tested. Here lies the Galadima’s greatest trial. Like his predecessors, he must cultivate a public image as a patron of the weak, a reconciler of royal, noble amd common feuds, and a figure of last resort to both the high and the low. He must embody _rumfa sha shirgi_ in practice: bearing the burdens of others, not just out of obligation, but with discernment, sincerity, and grace. His word must be his bond, for _zancen Galadima kamar zancen Sarki ne_: the word of the Galadima is expected to be final, unwavering, and free of bitterness.

The task becomes all the more urgent against the backdrop of Kano’s current emirship crisis. While Emir Muhammadu Sanusi II’s return has been celebrated in many quarters, it remains the subject of intense legal and political contestation. In this precarious climate, the Galadima must go beyond ceremonial visibility. He must be the Emirate’s anchor, bridging palace factions and translating the noble project of restoring the sarauta back to its sense to the wider public. Galadima Munir’s early efforts at reconciling estranged branches of the royal family and diffusing internal tensions suggest a promising political instinct. But history demands more than instinct; it demands an ethic of honor and sustained human investment.

To become Galadiman Kano today is not merely to wear a turban. It is to accept a lifetime project of prioritizing the interest of the Sarauta and the talakawa over one’s. It is knowing that one’s home inevitably becomes a revolving court and one’s influence becomes public trust. Any failure to wield it generously, the memory of that failure will linger far longer than any quiet success.

Alhaji Munir Sanusi ascends the title of Galadima with the wind of history at his back and the shadows of giants before him. He is son and brother to a Galadima, and son-in-law to the most revered of them. If he can merge these legacies with his quiet resolve and proven loyalty, he may yet restore the Galadima as the most vital conduit between the emirate and its people.

As the title awaits its meaning, Kano welcomes its new Galadima.

Allah ya kama, Raba musu rana da hazo

Allah ya taya riko, Daudu kwatangwalon giye.

Allah ya taimaki, tomo jiniyar gari

Huzaifa Dokaji writes from New York and can be reached via huzaifadokaji@gmail.com

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Open Letter to the Group Chief Executive Officer, Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL)

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By Kehinde Moshood

Dear Group Chief Executive Officer, Mr Bashir Bayo

I write to you in light of the ongoing investigation into our nation’s refineries, calling for immediate action to ensure transparency and accountability within the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL). It is imperative that the Chief Financial Officer, Adedapo Segun, be suspended pending the outcome of this investigation.

The scandal surrounding the refineries was perpetrated during his time as …was perpetrated during his time/ tenure as GGM Treasury and also involved as EVP Downstream. This raises serious concerns about his potential involvement or oversight regarding financial operations at the time. Suspending him while the investigation is ongoing will not only safeguard its integrity but also demonstrate your administration’s commitment to justice and fairness.

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Should he be cleared of any wrongdoing after a thorough and independent review, he may be recalled. However, allowing him to remain in office while the investigation is underway undermines the credibility of the process and may hinder efforts to achieve genuine accountability.

Suspending those responsible for financial control is a necessary step toward achieving meaningful reform. Without holding key financial officers accountable, we risk perpetuating a system where those entrusted with financial oversight escape scrutiny, making true reform unattainable.

One critical question remains:Why has Adedapo Segun been spared? Is it because he was appointed during the tenure of Emmanuel Ibe Kachikwu? If the new leadership is truly committed to transparency, this question must be addressed without hesitation.

Suspending Dapo Segun would send a strong message that your administration will not tolerate any form of impropriety. The new Group Chief Executive Officer has made commitments to transparency, yet allowing an individual allegedly linked to the scandal to remain in office contradicts that mission.

This is an opportunity to reinforce public trust in the NNPCL. Taking the necessary steps now will ensure that the Nigerian people see real commitment to fairness and accountability under your leadership.

I trust you will take the bold and necessary action required at this time.

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