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Echoes of Military Coups in Nigeria-Segun Adeniyi

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By Segun Adeniyi

Two important books that speak to the most brutal military era in Nigeria’s history will be publicly presented in Abuja in the coming weeks. The first, on 18 November, is ‘Nine Lives: The Bello-Fadile Memoirs’. A retired Colonel of the Nigerian Army with a doctorate degree in law, Ralph Sixtus Babatunde (RSB) Bello-Fadile was a principal actor of the 1995 “phantom coup” against the late General Sani Abacha. He was arrested, tried and sentenced to death in the tragic saga that implicated dozens of prominent Nigerians, including Olusegun Obasanjo (a General and former military Head of State who would later be elected the first president under the current dispensation), his erstwhile deputy, Major General Shehu Musa Yar’Adua (rtd) who died in Abakaliki prison and Brigadier General Lawan Gwadabe (rtd). In his memoir, Bello-Fadile recounts not only his experience but also the story of his life and career. Former military leader, General Ibrahim Babangida, wrote the foreword.

The second book, ‘Bold Leap’, is the autobiography of Senator Chris Anyanwu. Respected journalist and publisher, Anyanwu was also arrested and tried for the same 1995 ‘foiled coup’, following a publication in her magazine. Accused of being an “accessory after the fact of treason”, Anyanwu was sentenced to life imprisonment which was later reduced to 15 years. Like other survivors, Anyanwu only regained freedom after the death of Abacha. I will be the reviewer of her very insightful memoir (Obasanjo wrote the foreword) at the public presentation in Abuja on December 2.

Of these two books, the one that concerns me today is ‘Nine Lives’. Interestingly, when I sought an advance copy from the author, he wondered what fired my interest. In Anyanwu’s book, she recounted a day she received a new inmate in her detention room named Rebecca Ikpe from Benue State. “Her arrest was part of the madness that descended on Abacha’s government at the time. Ikpe was not in the military. Neither was she a journalist. Her crime was that she was the sister of the wife of one of the accused officers—Colonel Bello Fadile,” wrote Anyanwu who also profiled the officer. And then this: “Fadile’s interrogation was legendary. The story was that he was chained to the wall, upside down at the underground space in Ikoyi cemetery detention. They beat him to pulp…”

Aside his fascinating family story which readers will enjoy, the bigger picture in Bello-Fadile’s book begins with a chronology of coup d’etats in Nigeria (with insights into each), including the 1995 ‘attempt’ against Abacha. It was a precursor to another in December 1997 in which Abacha’s deputy, the late Lt. General Oladipo Diya, and then Chief of Army Staff, Lt General Ishaya Bamayi as well as other Generals including Abdulkareem Adisa and Tajudeen Olarewaju were played against one another. All factors considered, the only conclusion to draw after reading ‘Nine Lives’ is that military regimes are about arbitrariness, intrigue, treachery, powerplays and impunity. With decrees and edicts (including retroactive ones) crimes and punishment can be invented at will to deal with just about anybody who disagrees with those at the helm of affairs.

Meanwhile, Bello-Fadile’s memoir opens with Babangida’s long foreword. “Upon his graduation from Law School in 1978, as the first military trained legal practitioner, he returned to the Nigerian Army for posting and redeployment. I purchased for him the Armoured Corps (Recce) beret, belt, and line yards and requested that he change over from the Infantry to the Armoured Corps,” Babangida wrote about Bello-Fadile. “I was a full Colonel and Corps Commander and Bello-Fadile, a Lieutenant, looked at me and said, ‘Sir, it would be unwise to concentrate all our resources/assets on a single platform—let me remain in the Infantry, the Queen of Battle, while your firepower and manoeuvring is guaranteed in the Armoured Corps’. I could not hold back laughing and saying in Hausa, ‘loya kenan’ (that’s a lawyer for you).” Bello-Fadile’s memoir, according to Babangida, “derives its title from the concept of feline immortality, symbolising the exceptional circumstances in which Bello-Fadile has managed to endure life’s hardships.”

For somebody with his level of education and exposure, it is remarkable that Bello-Fadile is somehow superstitious. But he had his reason for believing that somewhere in Ikoyi, Lagos, there is a haunted (‘jinxed’, as he put it) property. “That house, at No 9A Macpherson Avenue, was at the junction between Bourdillon Road and Macpherson Avenue. It was later rebuilt and housed the Grenadian Mission in Nigeria. The officers who stayed there were, in one way or the other, involved in coup d’etats.” And here goes his explanation: “Of all the officer residents, I am the only one alive today to say something about that house. Those who stayed there were: Lieutenant Colonel Buka Suka Dimka, Major Mike Aker Iyorshe and Lieutenant Colonel Musa Bityong. The four of us were later to be tried (at different times) by the Special Military Tribunal for treason/treasonable felony. We were all found guilty…”

Bello-Fadile indeed had several brushes with death while serving in the army. On 26 September 1992, a Nigeria Airforce (NAF) C-130 Hercules aircraft crashed three minutes after take-off in Lagos, killing all 159 military officers (151 Nigerians, 5 Ghanaians, 1 Tanzanian, 1 Zimbabwean and 1 Ugandan) on board. By his account, Bello-Fadile would have been on the flight. There were several other instances where he cheated death by a whisker. None was as close as the ‘Vatsa Coup’. But the story of his miraculous escape started a few years earlier. At that period, Bello-Fadile had a prominent foe: Major General Muhammadu Buhari (rtd) who would also become a two-term civilian president. The animosity had its origin in a drama that happened when Bello-Fadile was a Captain and Buhari was a Brigadier General and General Officer Commanding (GOC) at Ibadan.

The moment Buhari became Head of State in December 1983, one of his first directives was that he didn’t want to see Bello-Fadile around. But because Buhari’s disdain for the officer was not shared by others, including then Chief of Army Staff, Babangida, efforts were made to shield Bello-Fadile who was merely warned to stay out of limelight and avoid anything that would make Buhari remember him. That warning was heeded until the day Bello-Fadile had to take a message to then Chief of Staff, Supreme Headquarters, the late Major General Tunde Idiagbon. Buhari sighted him! What followed the next day was an encounter with Babangida who asked whether Bello-Fadile did anything to attract Buhari’s attention. When he answered in the affirmative, Babangida told him how his fate had been decided. Let’s take the story from Bello-Fadile:

“The Head of State does not want you in Dodan Barracks. So, to avoid trouble, pick three places and I will post you to one of them,” he (Babangida) repeated. “All right sir, no problem. I can go to Army Headquarters or the Directorate of Army Legal Services or any other places of your choice,” I replied. “The Head of State does not want you in the Lagos area at all,” he responded, without his usual smiling facial expressions. At that point, I knew he was in a very difficult position. So, I said, “It seems to me that the Head of State does not want me in the Army…” He then cut in and said, “But you have your Masters, why not go and do a PhD? With that, I can post you to the Nigerian Defence Academy and tell the Commandant that you were on your way to ABU.” I thanked him as I accepted his suggestion. That was how I found my way to the NDA in Kaduna as an instructor, enroute to ABU, Zaria for a four-year PhD programme in International Law that was fully funded by the Army.

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Bello-Fadile was pursuing his doctorate programme when Babangida overthrew Buhari in August 1985. Five months later, then Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Minister and renowned poet, Major General Mamman Vatsa was arrested for trying to topple the government of his bosom friend. Several other officers were arrested in connection with the foiled coup plot. Bello-Fadile had just returned to Kaduna from a field trip abroad when he received a signal to report in Lagos. One of the officers implicated in the coup asked that he (Bello-Fadile) defend him. This was a routine matter within the military, but the moment Bello-Fadile arrived at the Military Tribunal venue in Lagos, he was confronted with what he didn’t bargain for: As I proceeded, the Brigade of Guards Commander, Colonel John Mark Inienger called me into his office to know what I was doing there. I showed him the signal. He then told me the unimaginable story of my life. He said there had been a manhunt for me, ordered by the Chief of Army Staff, General Sani Abacha. He said four of the accused officers—Major General Mamman Jiya Vatsa; Lt Colonel Bityong, Lt Colonel Mike Aker Iyorshe and Major Tobias Akwashiki—had requested that I should be their defending officer at different locations and times. Based on this, it was concluded that I must be one of them. However, after searching everywhere, they discovered that I was on a scholarship in the University and out of the country on a six-week sponsored studies by the Army.

With that information, Bello-Fadile knew he was treading dangerous ground. In his interactions with Vatsa and others at the Tribunal venue, he could only offer encouraging words after hearing their stories. Throughout his time with the accused officers, according to Bello-Fadile, the words of Inienger echoed in his head. During tea break, a man he described as his military Guardian Angel showed up. He was none other than then Director of Military Intelligence, Colonel Haliru Akilu, who told him: “You are the one who wants to defend those who want to kill Oga? Better go to Dodan Barracks and explain yourself to Oga now!” 🤣

The rest of the story, as recounted by Bello-Fadile:

I headed straight to Dodan Barracks to report myself with the signal, requesting me to come down to Lagos for defence duty, in my hand. On arrival at the office of the Aide-de-Camp to the President, we greeted, and I told him what happened at the venue of the Special Military Tribunal. He then asked me to go and sit in the waiting room of the President. This was shocking to me because I normally sit in the ADC’s office and have coffee, snacks and groundnuts, while waiting to see the president. That day was strange, and I started thinking I had gotten into a very big problem. I could see and felt the tension in the ADC’s face and indeed the entire office. I went out and turned left into the waiting room. There I waited to be called to go upstairs to see the President. It did not happen for hours. I kept waiting, until I looked up and saw Mr President coming down. I stood up and went close to the open door and saluted. With his beret in his right hand, he looked at me and said ‘Fadile’, then turned right and headed towards the residence. Of course, that was it—the end of the day, and we all followed him to his residence. He sat down in the main living room and removed his shoes. After about five minutes, he stood up and said, “Good day gentlemen” and disappeared into his room.

We all returned to the ADC office. Then he asked, ‘have you finished your research work in London?’ To which I replied in the negative. He then brought out some money and gave it to me. He advised me to proceed to London through Kano airport to finish my research work. He also gave me someone’s number in London to call and said that the person would give me some pounds to spend for the duration of my stay in the city. With thanks to him, and glory to the Mighty One, I went back to Kaduna the following day. A day after I arrived Kaduna, I packed my load and headed to Kano for my flight to London 🤣. That was how I ‘escaped’ possible death by firing squad, just for being picked as a defending officer by four known fellow officers of the Nigerian Army. I was still in London when the news broke on 5 March 1986 that Vatsa and his co-travellers had been found guilty of a coup attempt and executed by firing squad…

As Accused Number One, it is no surprise that the central issue in Bello-Fadile’s memoir is ‘The Enterprise’ as he dubs the 1995 ‘coup’. He provides rare insights as he recounts how he was “handcuffed and chained to a steel cabinet while standing” and how Gwadabe was “tortured almost to the point of death”. Some of the people who played negative roles in that episode, by his account, include Major General Felix Mujakperuo (rtd), who is now the Chairman of Delta State Council of Traditional Rulers and the Orodje of Okpe Kingdom, Major Hamza Al-Mustapha, the all-power Chief Security Officer to the late Abacha, who regularly invited top traditional rulers in the country to watch ‘coup videos’ with hefty envelopes as their ‘pop corns’. He, of course, is now a politician. There were many others within the military establishment at the time and Bello-Fadile named them. But he also remembers with glowing admiration the late Dr Beko Ransome-Kuti whose fax message to London, received by then British Prime Minister, John Major, may have saved him and other convicts from being executed by Abacha.

Overall, Bello-Fadile’s book sheds light on military rule in Nigeria, and it is important for a time like this. Last month, the presidency had an altercation with The Guardian newspaper over a publication deemed to be inciting mutiny against President Bola Tinubu, a charge the newspaper has dismissed. The Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga, had rehashed the story’s introduction which he described as coup-baiting: “Nigerians were exhilarated with the return of democracy in 1999, but 25 years on, the buccaneering nature of politicians, their penchant for poor service delivery, morbid hatred for probity, accountability, and credible/transparent elections, among others, are forcing some flustered citizens to make extreme choices, including calling for military intervention in governance…Deep despondency permeates every facet of the polity consequent upon soaring cost of living.”

The Guardian has defended its October 25 lead story, ‘Misery, harsh policies driving Nigerians to desperate choices’, and I do not see anything in the report that suggests the presidential imputation. Besides, most of the senior people at The Guardian were around during military rule so nobody can lecture them on that. I once shared my own experience. I was arrested at 3am by truckloads of soldiers who were evidently shocked that their victim was just a “small boy” (they told me themselves, because they didn’t even know the crime I was supposed to have committed or what I was doing for a living until I told them, and they became very sympathetic). The bullying and threats by Colonel Frank Omenka in the name of interrogation that lasted five days at the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI) dungeon in Apapa, Lagos still ring in my head. But I was fortunate. Not many people survived DMI to tell their stories while for some, the scars (physical and emotional) of that era will follow them to their graves.

My take-away from Bello-Fadile’s book is the arbitrariness of military rule and that soldiers have no magic solution for dealing with complex socio-political problems. It is also clear that coup d’etats (whether they succeed or fail) are products of the political environment in the country. “Like most human follies, military coups sound good at the time; and always fail” according to a January 2006 edition of the ‘Economist’ magazine, following a coup d’etat that toppled a corrupt civilian leadership in Bangladesh. “They sound good because what they replace is usually bad: riotous civilian leaders, corrupted institutions, stolen elections. They fail because beneath the chaos are political problems that soldiers cannot unpick…”

As I stated last year, I am aware that the only government most Nigerians (given our demographics) have experienced is the current civilian dispensation now 25 years old. But it is important for our young people to understand the danger that comes with coup d’etats. Under a military regime, the first thing to be suspended is the Constitution and the rights and liberties it confers on citizens. Suppression of the media will be automatic, and the courts will lose the limited powers they have to adjudicate over those freedoms. Interestingly, most Nigerian politicians (especially those for whom public office is about ‘eating’) will always find easy accommodation with the military. It is the media and civic space that would be under attack. For more on this, interested readers can download free copies of my book, ‘The Last 100 Days of Abacha’ from my web portal, olusegunadeniyi.com, for glimpses of what transpired when the resources and institutions of state were pressed into the service of one man and his political aspiration.

However, while a military coup offers no solution to socio-economic challenges, our politicians also cannot continue to assume indefinite immunity against the things that provoke such in other countries, especially within the subregion. Nor can they be under any illusion that the tide of violent rejection of substandard governance that we see elsewhere cannot happen here if they continue to live large at the expense of the people. What those in power today must never forget is that such disruptions are never scripted. Nor are they ever advertised ahead. They are usually spontaneous actions that most often result from innocuous things, especially when the people are pushed to the wall. That’s why memoirs like Bello-Fadile’s are another reminder of that time-tested admonition: Those who have ears…

**You can follow me on my X (formerly Twitter) handle, @Olusegunverdict and on www.olusegunadeniyi.com**

Opinion

From Grade Level 03 to Director: Binta Bala’s 35-Year Journey of Resilience, Service and Inclusion

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By Dr Binta Bala

Thirty-five years ago, Binta Bala walked into the Kano State Ministry of Education with little more than an SSCE certificate, determination and a dream of building a meaningful career.

She entered the civil service on 18 August 1991 as a Grade Level 03 Lab Attendant.

On Tuesday, 18 August 2026, exactly 35 years later, she closed that chapter of her life in a position that would have seemed distant at the beginning of her journey: a substantive Director on Grade Level 16, with a PhD, and with responsibility for the Department of Persons with Special Needs under the Kano State Ministry of Women Affairs, Children and Persons with Special Needs.

For Bala, the occasion was more than a retirement. It was a moment of reflection on a journey defined by perseverance, education, public service and an unyielding refusal to allow disability to determine the boundaries of her life.

“Alhamdulillah. Alhamdulillah,” she said as she reflected on the milestone.

Her story is particularly significant because she is a woman living with a physical disability and a survivor of polio. She walks with the support of a walking stick, but over the years, that walking stick became less a symbol of limitation than a reminder of how far she had travelled.

From a Humble Beginning

When Bala joined the civil service in 1991, she could not have known that her career would eventually take her to the highest professional levels of her service.

Her first position was modest: Lab Attendant, Grade Level 03.

But what she lacked in rank, she made up for in ambition and determination.

The years that followed brought professional advancement, further education, new responsibilities and challenges. Step by step, Bala continued to build her career, refusing to allow the barriers associated with disability to define her prospects.

“I resisted. I persevered. I kept moving forward,” she recalled.

Her progress eventually took her from the entry level of the civil service to Grade Level 16, culminating in her appointment as a pioneer Director responsible for Persons with Special Needs.

Along the way, she also attained a PhD, transforming a career that began with an SSCE certificate into one marked by academic achievement and professional leadership.

Disability Was Never the Destination

Perhaps the most compelling aspect of Bala’s story is the way she confronted the expectations often imposed on people living with disabilities.

As a polio survivor with a physical disability, she experienced obstacles that could easily have discouraged her. But she chose to concentrate on what she could accomplish rather than what others might have considered impossible.

“My walking stick may have supported my steps, but faith, determination, courage, education, and resilience carried me much further,” she said.

That philosophy became central to her professional life.

Rather than viewing disability as a barrier to achievement, Bala turned her personal experience into a source of strength and a deeper understanding of the struggles faced by persons with special needs.

Her eventual responsibility for the Department of Persons with Special Needs therefore carried a significance beyond the title of the office. It placed someone who had personally experienced the challenges of disability in a position to advocate for inclusion, accessibility and empowerment.

A Career Built Around Service

For Bala, the measure of a successful career was never simply the position attained.

She believes the real reward was the opportunity to serve people and contribute to improving their lives.

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“My greatest reward has never been the positions I attained, but the opportunity to serve humanity, promote inclusion, challenge barriers, and contribute to the lives of others,” she said.

During her years in public service, she interacted with children, women and persons with special needs whose experiences reinforced her belief that inclusion must go beyond policy statements.

It must be reflected in opportunities, access, dignity and meaningful participation in society.

She said the people whose lives she touched also taught her important lessons about resilience and courage.

“To every child, woman, and person with special needs whose life we have touched, thank you for teaching me resilience, courage, and the true meaning of service,” she said.

Gratitude to Those Who Walked With Her

As she marked the end of her formal civil service career, Bala did not view her achievement as a solitary accomplishment.

She acknowledged the role played by her family, colleagues, mentors, friends and well-wishers throughout the 35-year journey.

She particularly thanked her family for their sacrifices, prayers and unwavering support.

“Thank you for believing in my ability rather than focusing on my disability,” she said.

She also expressed appreciation to colleagues and mentors who made her professional journey easier and more meaningful.

For a career spanning three and a half decades, such relationships were undoubtedly an important part of the story.

A Farewell Without Bitterness

Retirement also gave Bala an opportunity to look back at the difficult moments of her career with honesty and humility.

She acknowledged that, like anyone who has spent decades working with people, there may have been moments when disagreements occurred or people were hurt.

In a gesture of reconciliation, she apologised to anyone she may have offended, disappointed or wronged during her years of service, whether knowingly or unknowingly.

At the same time, she offered forgiveness to those who may have wronged or hurt her.

She said she wanted to leave the past “with a peaceful heart” and move into the next chapter with gratitude, forgiveness and goodwill.

It was perhaps one of the most striking elements of her farewell: after 35 years of navigating the challenges of a public career, she chose not to leave with bitterness, but with peace.

Retirement Is Not the End

Although Bala has retired from active public service, she made it clear that retirement would not mean withdrawing from the cause that has defined much of her professional life.

She pledged to continue supporting Kano State and advocating for the rights, inclusion and empowerment of persons with disabilities.

“Kano will always have my support and goodwill,” she said.

Her message was particularly directed at persons with disabilities who may have been made to feel that their circumstances determine their future.

“Do not give up. Believe in yourself. Keep moving. Your limitation does not have to be the limit of your destiny,” she said.

It is a message rooted not in theory, but in personal experience.

Bala’s own career provides the evidence.

She began as a Grade Level 03 Lab Attendant with an SSCE certificate. Thirty-five years later, she retired as a Grade Level 16 Director with a PhD, having led a department dedicated to the very community whose struggles she understood so deeply.

Passing the Baton

As she stepped away from active government service, Bala described the moment as the closing of one chapter and the beginning of another.

But she also recognised that the work of inclusion cannot rest on one individual.

“My door remains open. The work of safeguarding and empowering PWDs must continue. I hand the baton to you all,” she said.

That statement perhaps best captures the legacy she hopes to leave behind.

Her story is not simply about career progression from Grade Level 03 to Grade Level 16. It is about what can happen when education, faith, resilience and determination meet opportunity.

It is about a woman who entered public service at the lowest levels and rose through the ranks without allowing disability to become the final word on her potential.

And it is about a career that ultimately came full circle: a polio survivor who once had to navigate the world with a walking stick eventually became a senior public servant responsible for advancing the interests of people living with special needs.

After 35 years, Bala leaves active public service with gratitude rather than regret, forgiveness rather than resentment, and a renewed commitment to the cause of inclusion.

Her final words capture the spirit of the journey:

“35 years of service. One remarkable journey. A lifetime of gratitude. Alhamdulillah.”

And with that, Binta Bala closes one chapter — but not the story.

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Opinion

Kano Projects Not Urban-Based: Why Gov Abba Beats All

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By Abba Anwar

From the flyovers of Lagos and Kano to the farm-to-market roads of Yobe and Ebonyi, Nigeria’s 36 state governments have spent the last three years rewriting their strategies for infrastructural development. All in an effort to bridge development gap.

Between 2023 and August 2026, state budgets and projects implementation show a deliberate paradigm shift. As cities get rail lines, hospitals and interchanges, rural communities are finally seeing feeder roads, solar boreholes and more modern schools.

But in Kano, under the able leadership of His Excellency, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, the picture goes beyond that, as the distribution of projects is shared between urban and rural spaces with all sense of humor and fairness. Infrastructural development, among others, is not urban-based.

While 8 metropolitan local government areas (LGAs) have 598 projects across individual LGAs, with a contract sum of N299.36B, 36 rural local government areas (LGAs) have 653 projects across individual LGAs with a contract sum of N287.90B, Kano is still the only state in the federation, to my knowledge, with this scientific categorization, at least in the public eye. As available data indicates. I stand to be corrected.

Also as another category of cross-cutting local government areas (LGAs) boast of 37 projects connecting two or more LGAs together, with a contract sum of N159.50B, and statewide /other have 269 projects, connecting state and LGAs with a contract sum of N249.54B, Governor Yusuf is fast becoming Mr Due Process.

To take my readers deeper in understanding why Kano maintains dozens of miles ahead of other states, this piece examines two states from each of Nigeria’s six geo-political zones, focusing only on projects funded and executed directly by state governments. The picture depicts a scenario of dual priorities — modernize the cities, but don’t leave the villages behind.

In North West zone let me begin with Kano state, though I gave brief highlight above. Under urban projects, we have Kano Metro Light Rail, which is ongoing, Kano Metropolis 5km roads in 8 metropolitan LGAs, upgrade, MRI and CT Scan for Muhammadu Buhari Specialist Hospital and Kano City Flyovers, that are 3 at Tal’udu, Dan Agundi and France Road.

Other urban projects in Kano are Urban Water Expansion and upgrade of Challawa and Tamburawa plants upgrade,
and Kano City Beautification with streetlights, parks, drainage and roads.

For rural projects in the same Kano, there are, among others, LGAs 5km roads across 36 rural LGAs, Rural Schools Renovation which included 1,200 primary schools, Solar Boreholes with 1,000 boreholes across rural communities, Rural Hospitals, upgrade of 5 General Hospitals, Agriculture Access Roads with 150km farm roads in 20 LGAs and Rural Electrification of Solar mini-grids in 50 rural communities.

Under Kaduna state the urban projects include Kaduna Light Rail, which is designed and counterpart,
Kaduna Urban Renewal Phase 2 roads and drainage in Kaduna and Zaria, 1000 Housing units, under Urban Mass Housing project, Leah Sharibu Cancer Center, an urban Specialist Hospital, and Urban Bus Terminals of 4 terminals.

For rural projects under Governor Uba Sani, there are Rural Feeder roads of 300km across 23 LGAs, Rural Education with 150 schools built/rehabilitated, 255 Primary Healthcare Centres (PHCs) Revitalization, at 1 per ward, mostly in rural areas, Rural Water that provided 500 handpumps and solar schemes and Kaduna Agricultural Processing Zones under 3 rural clusters.

It is gratifying to note that the North-West is using urban projects to drive commerce, and rural projects to secure food systems. On top of that, Kano state’s model of simultaneous mega urban projects and statewide rural spread is now being studied by other states. How Governor Yusuf excels.

In North East, Borno state urban projects include Maiduguri 120km roads’ reconstruction and flyovers, Borno State University expansion with new Faculties and hostels, Maiduguri Water Works expansion, and Urban Markets, with the reconstruction of Monday market.

Borno’s rural projects include 480km Rural Access roads in 20 LGAs, 10,000 Housing Units built for Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) in rural LGAs, rebuilt of 15 rural Markets, Rural PHCs where 80 were rebuilt and Irrigation Schemes with 5 rural dams.

In Yobe state under urban projects, we have Damaturu Urban Renewal roads, that include streetlights and drainage and a completed Yobe International Cargo Airport. While under rural projects Yobe can boast of 380km Rural roads that cover 17 LGAs, 178 rural PHCs upgrade, Rural Agric Inputs with Tractors and fertilizer and Solar Streetlights in 10 rural towns.

In North East their main concern is treating infrastructure as a peace-building tool, reconnecting rural communities to urban centres.

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As some states’ major concern is feeder roads construction, upgrade/rehabilitation of PHCs and fertilizer distribution to farmers, of which Kano also considers, but the major concern for Kano is much beyond that. Looking at the nature of Kano’s rural projects and the distribution percentage, one can easily comprehend why the state excels.

Just see the projects distribution of Kano above in the first few paragraphs. As highlighted by the Commissioner for Public Procurement, Projects Monitoring and Evaluation, Comrade Nura Ma’aji Sumaila, in a recent press conference, when he said, “The eight metropolitan LGAs account for approximately N299,36 billion, and 36 rural LGAs account for approximately N287.90 billion, in identifiable single LGA projects.

This demonstrates that the administration’s development agenda extends beyond the metropolitan area and encompasses rural roads, healthcare facilities, schools housing, feeder roads and other essential infrastructure.”

Under North Central, Plateau state’s urban projects include Jos Urban Renewal, Flyovers, Bauchi-Jos dualisation, reconstruction of Jos Main Market and Urban Security Lights. While rural based projects also include a bit over 200 rural Boreholes, 150km Rural Roads at Barikin Ladi, Riyom, Mangu LGAs and rural Agricultural development with Potato value chain centers.

As Niger state can boast of Minna Urban Renewal with Interchanges, drainage and parks, Suleja City roads. As rural projects have 400km Green Economy Farm roads, 100 rural Clinics upgrade and rural Solar Power for 30 rural communities.

For clarity purpose one can say North Central states are treating rural infrastructure as economic infrastructure. As Kano thinks and has many reasons on top of that.

In South Western state of Lagos, urban projects count infrastructure like Lagos Green Line Rail with counterpart funding, Mushin-NNPC-Apapa road, Lagos-Badagry Expressway, Red Line Rail Phase 2 and 2025 Capital, as 70% is urban. Under rural projects there are Ikorodu-Epe-Badagry roads, Rural Health Centers, as10 facilities were upgraded and Rural Jetty Upgrade with 5 riverine jetties.

Another state of South West, Oyo has, as urban based projects, Ibadan Circular road, Section 1, Iwo Road Interchange and Omituntun Bus Terminals 3 terminals in the urban areas. With rural projects like Oyo-Iseyin Road, RAAMP Rural Roads of 200km, upgrade of 100 Rural PHCs and 2025 Capital.

Unlike in many geo-political zones, in South-West state governments use urban revenue to subsidize rural expansion. For Kano similar initiative is visible and welcomed by all. Without any borrowing, either domestic or foreign, Governor Yusuf awarded approximately the sum of N22 billion for prototype mass housing units under the Rural Model City Project, covering all the 36 rural LGAs.

Also the award of another high-value project of approximately N113.19 billion mass housing project at Dawakin Kudu. As both projects are currently awaiting for the establishment of relevant due process procedures.

In Enugu, South Eastern state there are urban projects like, Enugu Smart City roads, Solar Streetlights and Enugu Transport Terminal. As rural projects talk of 260 Smart Green Schools, 100km Rural Roads in 17 LGAs and Rural Water scheme of 150 schemes.

Urban based projects in Ebonyi state have Abakaliki 3 Flyovers, and Abakaliki Ring Road. With Ebonyi Ring road 198km an ongoing, an ongoing Rural Agro roads of 120km and Rural Clinics across 13 LGAs as rural projects.

Delta state from South South has, as urban projects, Warri/Effurun Flyovers, Asaba Urban roads and Urban Drainage systems. As rural projects presented 2025 Rural roads in 25 LGAs, Riverine roads and Jetties and upgrade of 50 Rural PHCs.

Rivers state has the following as urban projects, Port Harcourt Urban Renewal roads and drainage amd Eleme-Onne Road. As rural projects have Bodo-Bonny road with 12 bridges, Rural Electrification, 10 Rural Cottage Hospitals and Rural Water scheme.

Analysis under South-South indicates that geography dictates the project mix — bridges for riverine areas, flyovers for cities. With geography as determining factor in Kano, in a way, “… Kano State government has continued to pursue a broad-based development strategy designed to ensure that government investment is not concentrated solely within the state capital.”

Another interesting thing about the distribution of projects portfolio among urban and rural settlements, is that, it demonstrates investment across all the 44 LGAs, with intervention spanning urban infrastructure, rural development, mass housing, roads, bridges, healthcare, education, climate resilient infrastructure, traffic management and other equally important infrastructure.

Reiterating Governor Yusuf’s commitment to public accountability as a wheel for good governance Comrade Sumaila assured that, “We equally recognize that project delivery is a continuous process and hence, where projects are ongoing, government will continue to monitor implementation, address bottlenecks, strengthen certification processes and ensure that available public resources are deployed responsibly with commensurate value for money.”

Governor Yusuf’s pathway to greater height and to responsible governance maintains that, sustainability of good work with responsive goodwill, leads way to the fast lane of proper and more genuine democracy.

Maintaining the good spirit of Kano state government, Sumaila rejigs that, “Our responsibility is to ensure that every Naira committed to public development is subjected to appropriate procurement procedures, monitoring and accountability. And that projects ultimately deliver tangible value to the good people of Kano state.”

Adieu Governor Yusuf, Adieu!

Anwar writes from Kano
Monday, 17th August, 2026

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Opinion

History Made: Eyamu Oghenenyerovwo Peculiar Emerges as UniAbuja’s First Female SUG President

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By Asodike Miracle

Eyamu Oghenenyerovwo Peculiar has broken a longstanding leadership barrier at the University of Abuja after emerging as the university’s first female President of the Students’ Union Government (SUG). Her election represents more than a change in student leadership; it signals a new moment for female representation, participation and aspirations within the university community.

The University of Abuja 2025/2026 Students’ Union Government election was conducted on June 30, 2026, through the university’s official digital voting platform on the UniAbuja app. Her victory represents a significant moment in the university’s student leadership history and highlights the growing participation of female students in leadership and decision-making. Peculiar won the election with 4,747 votes, defeating her closest contender, Orelope Abdulbaseet Omobolaji, who polled 4,286 votes. Abubakar Babba Dahiru Babba came third with 1,727 votes.

Eyamu Oghenenyerovwo Peculiar is a 300-level student from the Department of Tourism and Hospitality Management. Her manifesto focused on improving academic support, prioritizing student well-being, protecting students fundamental rights within the university system, and promoting a student government that actively listens to and represents all students opinions across various faculties.

Her campaign identity also played a role in communicating her message to the student community. The slogan, “Everything Peculiar, Nothing Is Ordinary,” presented a distinctive campaign identity while positioning her as a candidate offering something different. Her campaign activities, including a jollof festival where meals were distributed to students, also provided opportunities for direct engagement and interaction with the student body.

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Beyond these activities, her campaign mobilized students across different faculties to raise awareness about her candidacy and communicate her vision for the SUG. These efforts demonstrate how campaign communication extends beyond presenting a manifesto; it also involves building visibility, creating connections and making a candidate’s message relatable to the intended audience.

The election’s digital voting process further shaped student participation. Through the UniAbuja app, students were able to cast their votes from their hostels or homes without having to queue at a physical polling point. This reflects the growing role of digital platforms in facilitating participation and connecting students with university processes.

However, the historic victory also comes with expectations. Students will expect the new administration to translate the promises contained in her manifesto into practical initiatives that address academic concerns, welfare, students’ rights and effective representation. As the first female SUG President, she now occupies a symbolic position that carries both opportunity and responsibility. The success of the administration will therefore depend not only on the significance of Peculiar’s emergence but also on how effectively her government communicates with students and responds to their concerns.

This creates a clear relationship between achievement, expectations, performance and reputation. Peculiar’s leadership will be shaped by what her administration does with that opportunity. How effectively it communicates with students, responds to their concerns and delivers on its promises will influence how students assess not only her administration but potentially their perceptions of female leadership within the university.

Reacting to her victory, Peculiar thanked students for believing in her vision , describing her election as a win for every young woman and for leadership built on competence, character and service rather than gender.

Her emergence therefore presents both a breakthrough and a test. It opens a new chapter for female participation in UniAbuja’s student governance while placing greater attention on the responsibilities that accompany leadership. The lasting significance of her election will ultimately be determined not only by being the first female SUG President, but by the quality, responsiveness and accountability of the leadership that follows.

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