Connect with us

Opinion

Echoes of Military Coups in Nigeria-Segun Adeniyi

Published

on

 

By Segun Adeniyi

Two important books that speak to the most brutal military era in Nigeria’s history will be publicly presented in Abuja in the coming weeks. The first, on 18 November, is ‘Nine Lives: The Bello-Fadile Memoirs’. A retired Colonel of the Nigerian Army with a doctorate degree in law, Ralph Sixtus Babatunde (RSB) Bello-Fadile was a principal actor of the 1995 “phantom coup” against the late General Sani Abacha. He was arrested, tried and sentenced to death in the tragic saga that implicated dozens of prominent Nigerians, including Olusegun Obasanjo (a General and former military Head of State who would later be elected the first president under the current dispensation), his erstwhile deputy, Major General Shehu Musa Yar’Adua (rtd) who died in Abakaliki prison and Brigadier General Lawan Gwadabe (rtd). In his memoir, Bello-Fadile recounts not only his experience but also the story of his life and career. Former military leader, General Ibrahim Babangida, wrote the foreword.

The second book, ‘Bold Leap’, is the autobiography of Senator Chris Anyanwu. Respected journalist and publisher, Anyanwu was also arrested and tried for the same 1995 ‘foiled coup’, following a publication in her magazine. Accused of being an “accessory after the fact of treason”, Anyanwu was sentenced to life imprisonment which was later reduced to 15 years. Like other survivors, Anyanwu only regained freedom after the death of Abacha. I will be the reviewer of her very insightful memoir (Obasanjo wrote the foreword) at the public presentation in Abuja on December 2.

Of these two books, the one that concerns me today is ‘Nine Lives’. Interestingly, when I sought an advance copy from the author, he wondered what fired my interest. In Anyanwu’s book, she recounted a day she received a new inmate in her detention room named Rebecca Ikpe from Benue State. “Her arrest was part of the madness that descended on Abacha’s government at the time. Ikpe was not in the military. Neither was she a journalist. Her crime was that she was the sister of the wife of one of the accused officers—Colonel Bello Fadile,” wrote Anyanwu who also profiled the officer. And then this: “Fadile’s interrogation was legendary. The story was that he was chained to the wall, upside down at the underground space in Ikoyi cemetery detention. They beat him to pulp…”

Aside his fascinating family story which readers will enjoy, the bigger picture in Bello-Fadile’s book begins with a chronology of coup d’etats in Nigeria (with insights into each), including the 1995 ‘attempt’ against Abacha. It was a precursor to another in December 1997 in which Abacha’s deputy, the late Lt. General Oladipo Diya, and then Chief of Army Staff, Lt General Ishaya Bamayi as well as other Generals including Abdulkareem Adisa and Tajudeen Olarewaju were played against one another. All factors considered, the only conclusion to draw after reading ‘Nine Lives’ is that military regimes are about arbitrariness, intrigue, treachery, powerplays and impunity. With decrees and edicts (including retroactive ones) crimes and punishment can be invented at will to deal with just about anybody who disagrees with those at the helm of affairs.

Meanwhile, Bello-Fadile’s memoir opens with Babangida’s long foreword. “Upon his graduation from Law School in 1978, as the first military trained legal practitioner, he returned to the Nigerian Army for posting and redeployment. I purchased for him the Armoured Corps (Recce) beret, belt, and line yards and requested that he change over from the Infantry to the Armoured Corps,” Babangida wrote about Bello-Fadile. “I was a full Colonel and Corps Commander and Bello-Fadile, a Lieutenant, looked at me and said, ‘Sir, it would be unwise to concentrate all our resources/assets on a single platform—let me remain in the Infantry, the Queen of Battle, while your firepower and manoeuvring is guaranteed in the Armoured Corps’. I could not hold back laughing and saying in Hausa, ‘loya kenan’ (that’s a lawyer for you).” Bello-Fadile’s memoir, according to Babangida, “derives its title from the concept of feline immortality, symbolising the exceptional circumstances in which Bello-Fadile has managed to endure life’s hardships.”

For somebody with his level of education and exposure, it is remarkable that Bello-Fadile is somehow superstitious. But he had his reason for believing that somewhere in Ikoyi, Lagos, there is a haunted (‘jinxed’, as he put it) property. “That house, at No 9A Macpherson Avenue, was at the junction between Bourdillon Road and Macpherson Avenue. It was later rebuilt and housed the Grenadian Mission in Nigeria. The officers who stayed there were, in one way or the other, involved in coup d’etats.” And here goes his explanation: “Of all the officer residents, I am the only one alive today to say something about that house. Those who stayed there were: Lieutenant Colonel Buka Suka Dimka, Major Mike Aker Iyorshe and Lieutenant Colonel Musa Bityong. The four of us were later to be tried (at different times) by the Special Military Tribunal for treason/treasonable felony. We were all found guilty…”

Bello-Fadile indeed had several brushes with death while serving in the army. On 26 September 1992, a Nigeria Airforce (NAF) C-130 Hercules aircraft crashed three minutes after take-off in Lagos, killing all 159 military officers (151 Nigerians, 5 Ghanaians, 1 Tanzanian, 1 Zimbabwean and 1 Ugandan) on board. By his account, Bello-Fadile would have been on the flight. There were several other instances where he cheated death by a whisker. None was as close as the ‘Vatsa Coup’. But the story of his miraculous escape started a few years earlier. At that period, Bello-Fadile had a prominent foe: Major General Muhammadu Buhari (rtd) who would also become a two-term civilian president. The animosity had its origin in a drama that happened when Bello-Fadile was a Captain and Buhari was a Brigadier General and General Officer Commanding (GOC) at Ibadan.

The moment Buhari became Head of State in December 1983, one of his first directives was that he didn’t want to see Bello-Fadile around. But because Buhari’s disdain for the officer was not shared by others, including then Chief of Army Staff, Babangida, efforts were made to shield Bello-Fadile who was merely warned to stay out of limelight and avoid anything that would make Buhari remember him. That warning was heeded until the day Bello-Fadile had to take a message to then Chief of Staff, Supreme Headquarters, the late Major General Tunde Idiagbon. Buhari sighted him! What followed the next day was an encounter with Babangida who asked whether Bello-Fadile did anything to attract Buhari’s attention. When he answered in the affirmative, Babangida told him how his fate had been decided. Let’s take the story from Bello-Fadile:

“The Head of State does not want you in Dodan Barracks. So, to avoid trouble, pick three places and I will post you to one of them,” he (Babangida) repeated. “All right sir, no problem. I can go to Army Headquarters or the Directorate of Army Legal Services or any other places of your choice,” I replied. “The Head of State does not want you in the Lagos area at all,” he responded, without his usual smiling facial expressions. At that point, I knew he was in a very difficult position. So, I said, “It seems to me that the Head of State does not want me in the Army…” He then cut in and said, “But you have your Masters, why not go and do a PhD? With that, I can post you to the Nigerian Defence Academy and tell the Commandant that you were on your way to ABU.” I thanked him as I accepted his suggestion. That was how I found my way to the NDA in Kaduna as an instructor, enroute to ABU, Zaria for a four-year PhD programme in International Law that was fully funded by the Army.

Advert

Bello-Fadile was pursuing his doctorate programme when Babangida overthrew Buhari in August 1985. Five months later, then Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Minister and renowned poet, Major General Mamman Vatsa was arrested for trying to topple the government of his bosom friend. Several other officers were arrested in connection with the foiled coup plot. Bello-Fadile had just returned to Kaduna from a field trip abroad when he received a signal to report in Lagos. One of the officers implicated in the coup asked that he (Bello-Fadile) defend him. This was a routine matter within the military, but the moment Bello-Fadile arrived at the Military Tribunal venue in Lagos, he was confronted with what he didn’t bargain for: As I proceeded, the Brigade of Guards Commander, Colonel John Mark Inienger called me into his office to know what I was doing there. I showed him the signal. He then told me the unimaginable story of my life. He said there had been a manhunt for me, ordered by the Chief of Army Staff, General Sani Abacha. He said four of the accused officers—Major General Mamman Jiya Vatsa; Lt Colonel Bityong, Lt Colonel Mike Aker Iyorshe and Major Tobias Akwashiki—had requested that I should be their defending officer at different locations and times. Based on this, it was concluded that I must be one of them. However, after searching everywhere, they discovered that I was on a scholarship in the University and out of the country on a six-week sponsored studies by the Army.

With that information, Bello-Fadile knew he was treading dangerous ground. In his interactions with Vatsa and others at the Tribunal venue, he could only offer encouraging words after hearing their stories. Throughout his time with the accused officers, according to Bello-Fadile, the words of Inienger echoed in his head. During tea break, a man he described as his military Guardian Angel showed up. He was none other than then Director of Military Intelligence, Colonel Haliru Akilu, who told him: “You are the one who wants to defend those who want to kill Oga? Better go to Dodan Barracks and explain yourself to Oga now!” 🤣

The rest of the story, as recounted by Bello-Fadile:

I headed straight to Dodan Barracks to report myself with the signal, requesting me to come down to Lagos for defence duty, in my hand. On arrival at the office of the Aide-de-Camp to the President, we greeted, and I told him what happened at the venue of the Special Military Tribunal. He then asked me to go and sit in the waiting room of the President. This was shocking to me because I normally sit in the ADC’s office and have coffee, snacks and groundnuts, while waiting to see the president. That day was strange, and I started thinking I had gotten into a very big problem. I could see and felt the tension in the ADC’s face and indeed the entire office. I went out and turned left into the waiting room. There I waited to be called to go upstairs to see the President. It did not happen for hours. I kept waiting, until I looked up and saw Mr President coming down. I stood up and went close to the open door and saluted. With his beret in his right hand, he looked at me and said ‘Fadile’, then turned right and headed towards the residence. Of course, that was it—the end of the day, and we all followed him to his residence. He sat down in the main living room and removed his shoes. After about five minutes, he stood up and said, “Good day gentlemen” and disappeared into his room.

We all returned to the ADC office. Then he asked, ‘have you finished your research work in London?’ To which I replied in the negative. He then brought out some money and gave it to me. He advised me to proceed to London through Kano airport to finish my research work. He also gave me someone’s number in London to call and said that the person would give me some pounds to spend for the duration of my stay in the city. With thanks to him, and glory to the Mighty One, I went back to Kaduna the following day. A day after I arrived Kaduna, I packed my load and headed to Kano for my flight to London 🤣. That was how I ‘escaped’ possible death by firing squad, just for being picked as a defending officer by four known fellow officers of the Nigerian Army. I was still in London when the news broke on 5 March 1986 that Vatsa and his co-travellers had been found guilty of a coup attempt and executed by firing squad…

As Accused Number One, it is no surprise that the central issue in Bello-Fadile’s memoir is ‘The Enterprise’ as he dubs the 1995 ‘coup’. He provides rare insights as he recounts how he was “handcuffed and chained to a steel cabinet while standing” and how Gwadabe was “tortured almost to the point of death”. Some of the people who played negative roles in that episode, by his account, include Major General Felix Mujakperuo (rtd), who is now the Chairman of Delta State Council of Traditional Rulers and the Orodje of Okpe Kingdom, Major Hamza Al-Mustapha, the all-power Chief Security Officer to the late Abacha, who regularly invited top traditional rulers in the country to watch ‘coup videos’ with hefty envelopes as their ‘pop corns’. He, of course, is now a politician. There were many others within the military establishment at the time and Bello-Fadile named them. But he also remembers with glowing admiration the late Dr Beko Ransome-Kuti whose fax message to London, received by then British Prime Minister, John Major, may have saved him and other convicts from being executed by Abacha.

Overall, Bello-Fadile’s book sheds light on military rule in Nigeria, and it is important for a time like this. Last month, the presidency had an altercation with The Guardian newspaper over a publication deemed to be inciting mutiny against President Bola Tinubu, a charge the newspaper has dismissed. The Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga, had rehashed the story’s introduction which he described as coup-baiting: “Nigerians were exhilarated with the return of democracy in 1999, but 25 years on, the buccaneering nature of politicians, their penchant for poor service delivery, morbid hatred for probity, accountability, and credible/transparent elections, among others, are forcing some flustered citizens to make extreme choices, including calling for military intervention in governance…Deep despondency permeates every facet of the polity consequent upon soaring cost of living.”

The Guardian has defended its October 25 lead story, ‘Misery, harsh policies driving Nigerians to desperate choices’, and I do not see anything in the report that suggests the presidential imputation. Besides, most of the senior people at The Guardian were around during military rule so nobody can lecture them on that. I once shared my own experience. I was arrested at 3am by truckloads of soldiers who were evidently shocked that their victim was just a “small boy” (they told me themselves, because they didn’t even know the crime I was supposed to have committed or what I was doing for a living until I told them, and they became very sympathetic). The bullying and threats by Colonel Frank Omenka in the name of interrogation that lasted five days at the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI) dungeon in Apapa, Lagos still ring in my head. But I was fortunate. Not many people survived DMI to tell their stories while for some, the scars (physical and emotional) of that era will follow them to their graves.

My take-away from Bello-Fadile’s book is the arbitrariness of military rule and that soldiers have no magic solution for dealing with complex socio-political problems. It is also clear that coup d’etats (whether they succeed or fail) are products of the political environment in the country. “Like most human follies, military coups sound good at the time; and always fail” according to a January 2006 edition of the ‘Economist’ magazine, following a coup d’etat that toppled a corrupt civilian leadership in Bangladesh. “They sound good because what they replace is usually bad: riotous civilian leaders, corrupted institutions, stolen elections. They fail because beneath the chaos are political problems that soldiers cannot unpick…”

As I stated last year, I am aware that the only government most Nigerians (given our demographics) have experienced is the current civilian dispensation now 25 years old. But it is important for our young people to understand the danger that comes with coup d’etats. Under a military regime, the first thing to be suspended is the Constitution and the rights and liberties it confers on citizens. Suppression of the media will be automatic, and the courts will lose the limited powers they have to adjudicate over those freedoms. Interestingly, most Nigerian politicians (especially those for whom public office is about ‘eating’) will always find easy accommodation with the military. It is the media and civic space that would be under attack. For more on this, interested readers can download free copies of my book, ‘The Last 100 Days of Abacha’ from my web portal, olusegunadeniyi.com, for glimpses of what transpired when the resources and institutions of state were pressed into the service of one man and his political aspiration.

However, while a military coup offers no solution to socio-economic challenges, our politicians also cannot continue to assume indefinite immunity against the things that provoke such in other countries, especially within the subregion. Nor can they be under any illusion that the tide of violent rejection of substandard governance that we see elsewhere cannot happen here if they continue to live large at the expense of the people. What those in power today must never forget is that such disruptions are never scripted. Nor are they ever advertised ahead. They are usually spontaneous actions that most often result from innocuous things, especially when the people are pushed to the wall. That’s why memoirs like Bello-Fadile’s are another reminder of that time-tested admonition: Those who have ears…

**You can follow me on my X (formerly Twitter) handle, @Olusegunverdict and on www.olusegunadeniyi.com**

Opinion

APC National Convention : How DSP Barau Displays Political Sagacity, Deep Knowledge of Democracy Before President Tinubu, Others

Published

on

Senator Barau

 

By Abba Anwar

As National Convention for the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) kickstarts at the famous Eagle Square, Abuja, in the presence of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, all APC who is who in the country, as well as all delegates from across all the 36 states of the federation, including federal capital territory, Abuja, it was designed that the Deputy Senate President, Barau I Jibrin, CFR, would be amongst the very few, who were selected to move motions for party operations, administration and continuity, during the convention.

The motions moved by big shots like, His Excellency, the Senate President, Godswill Akpabio, GCON and the Right Honorable Speaker, House of Representatives, Tajuddeen Abbas, GCON, ranging from the dissolution of the current national leadership of the party to many other issues surrounding the administrative continuity of the party and so on and so forth.

Under this great recognition and assigned national responsibility, His Excellency Deputy Senate President, was mandated to move an all-important motion for the extension of the tenure of the Caretaker Executive Committees of the party in Ekiti and Osun states.

Our Distinguished Senator, started with the lovely self-introduction, stating and being proud of his root, with passion and feeling of greatness, he said, “My name is Barau I. Jibrin, the member of APC, in Kabo ward in Kabo local government area of Kano state.” With all sense of humility and root-first approach.

The substance of his brief motion statement, hinted to all, how deeply rooted he is in democracy and democratization process. The wordings illuminated, to many, his clear and valued understanding of the ruling party, the APC and its organizational capability within the context of party continuity, at all levels.

Advert

He said, “My motion is as follows : I move this motion of urgent administrative and organizational necessity, concerning the leadership structure of our party in Ekiti and Osun states.

The party now operates through duly constituted Caretaker Executive Committees, at the wards, local governments and state levels, in both Ekiti and Osun states. The tenure of the Committees are due to expire at the end of March, 2026.”

“The Caretaker Committees are within the period of their mandate of maintaining party structure, ensuring operational continuity and stabilizing party affairs in the affected states,” he highlighted.

To tell you that, our dear DSP fully understands the workings and demands of politics and political operations, he stated reasons, as to why the call for the extension of the tenure of the caretaker committees became necessary, he clarified that, “Ongoing development in Ekiti and Osun states, particularly the heightened and tensed environment for the forthcoming gubernatorial elections have created conditions that are presently not conducive for the peaceful and orderly conduct of the wards, local governments and state congresses in the affected states.”

He further maintained the grip of the political realities in those states when he highlighted that, “It is expedient in the overall interest of the party to extend the tenure of the caretaker committees to allow for proper coordination, consolidation and preparation for the conduct of the congresses.”

He cited the provision of the APC Constitution, Article 13(1), which gives that mandate and power for the action.

His motion(s) was four-in-one, unlike other motions moved by other movers. This could be seen when he said, “I hereby move that, this National Convention (i) approve the extension of the tenure of the Caretaker Executive Committees of wards, local governments and states in Ekiti and Osun states, (ii) the said extension shall be for the period of 6 months, commencing from the expiration of their current tenure at the end of the March, 2026, uptill the end of September, 2026, (iii) mandate the relevant organs of the party to utilize the period of their extension to conclude all necessary arrangements for the conduct of wards, local governments and state congresses and (iv) enjoy all members of the party to cooperate with the caretaker committees. This motion is moved in the interest of party unity, administrative continuity and orderly conduct of party process.”

Being one of the critical stakeholders of the ruling party in the country, DSP’s national outings are waxing stronger day in day out. The composure, dexterity and depth in his speech, say a lot as a Distinguished Senator, who believes in democracy and democratic principles. The speech was with all vigor and substance of deeper understanding of party politics.

Kudos to His Excellency, the Deputy Senate President, our pride our focus!

Anwar writes from Kano
Friday, 27th March, 2026

Continue Reading

Opinion

OPINION: Examining the Sanity of Saner Climes

Published

on

 

By: Amir Abdulazeez

Several decades into the global modern era, Africans, Asians and Latin Americans are continued to be held hostage by their colonially indoctrinated inferior mindsets engineered by the blackmail and mythology of western moral supremacy. This error is not in observing western virtues; many of which are real. The error is in the uncritical veneration that renders their vices invisible and their judgements unchallengeable. It is evident from the events of the last three decades alone, that the so-called saner climes of Western Europe and North America are the primary architects of global chaos and instability of nations, all in the name of injecting sanity into ‘less sane’ societies.

The ongoing US-Israel war on Iran, launched in the midst of Ramadan is a typical doctrine of the saner climes, exhibited in its most naked form. Iran’s Foreign Minister had three days before the war declared that a nuclear agreement was ‘within reach’, after a third round of indirect talks had taken place in Geneva. The IAEA itself confirmed there was no evidence of a structured Iranian nuclear weapons programme at the time of the attack. Yet, the surprise assault assassinated Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, killed his family members and damaged schools, hospitals and even UNESCO-recognized cultural heritage sites. This is a typical catalogue of barbaric war crimes for which the West has condemned others across generations.

The Donald Trump administration whose seemingly rude, dishonest and arrogant officials, has offered a menu of rationalizations and a handful conflicting justifications for the war. However, when Amnesty International confirmed that the United States was responsible for a strike that killed at least 160 primary school girls, the US officials chose more arrogance through denials instead of remorse. In fact, the Head of the Federal Communications Commission simultaneously intimidated his own press, threatening the withdrawal of broadcast licenses of American news outlets whose war coverage he deemed unfavourable. Another trademark saner-climes mythology, muzzled in a way only a few non-saner climes can imagine.

Meanwhile, in all these, it is the ‘lunatic’ Iran that is supposed to apologize and do nothing while it is been attacked. The Iranian Regime, branded autocrats on the premise that it compels women to cover their hairs in public are being lectured by leaders of societies whose women go out naked in the name of civilization and whose governments topple, kill and abduct Heads of States of other countries for recklessly greedy reasons. Now imagine if the erratically behaving Donald Trump was the leader of any African Country, the West would’ve since declared him incoherent and unstable to deal with or labelled his citizens stupid for voting him. Worse still, imagine if the Epstein scandal happened in Asia or Latin America. All these contradictions reveal with crystal clarity that Western principles are instruments of convenience.

To understand the foundations to all these, let us revisit some history. Britain’s Industrial Revolution was fertilised by the profits of the transatlantic slave trade and the systematic plunder of India, a country whose share of global GDP fell from about 25% at the onset of colonial rule to barely 4% at independence. France financed much of its republican grandeur on the forced labour of West Africa and the Caribbean. Belgium’s King Leopold II transformed the Congo into a private abattoir, severing the hands of Africans who failed to meet rubber quotas, leaving behind a traumatized country that still bleeds today. To speak of the sanity of these climes without acknowledging that they were partly built from organised insanity inflicted elsewhere is to ignore the background to what we are witnessing today.

In the last fifty years alone, the so-called saner climes have unleashed a level of violence and destabilisation that would shame any regime they have ever deemed fit to condemn. The United States, the self-acclaimed sentinel of the free world, has engineered irrational regime changes in Chile (1973), Iran (1953 and subsequently), Guatemala (1954), Nicaragua, Panama, Libya, Iraq, Afghanistan and Syria, among others. The 1973 CIA-backed coup against a democratically elected socialist president of Chile Salvador Allende, installed Augusto Pinochet, under whose reign thousands were tortured, disappeared, or executed. Henry Kissinger, the American architect of that atrocity, received the Nobel Peace Prize from his fellow saner clime comrades. The French Government, through its notorious Françafrique policy, maintained a neocolonial empire across West and Central Africa long after the 1960s, propping up murderous dictators and conducting military interventions to protect economic interests, with a consistency that made a mockery of every democratic principle France professed to uphold.

Advert

The invasion of Iraq in 2003 by Western Governments is perhaps the most consequential act of manufactured catastrophe of the modern era. The war resulted in the deaths of an estimated 200,000 to one million Iraqi civilians, the obliteration of the country’s infrastructure, the rise of ISIS from the ashes of a disbanded Iraqi army and the triggering of a refugee crisis that continues to destabilise the Middle East. No one was held accountable. George W. Bush and Tony Blair are living happy lives in their saner countries. The International Criminal Court, which has indicted multiple African heads of state on much lesser crimes with considerable alacrity, found no jurisdiction to examine any of them. Meanwhile, the people of Iraq, Syria and Libya who were dismantled in the name of liberation still live in the ruins and pains of what the saner climes call democracy.

While the West was busy bombing the Middle East, Africa, the so-called backward continent, was largely attending to its own affairs of conflict resolution with a remarkable degree of maturity. The African Union mediated crises in Burundi, the Gambia and Lesotho without firing a single bullet. ECOWAS brokered peace agreements in Sierra Leone and Liberia, deployed peacekeeping forces with genuine multilateral mandates without the casual trigger-happiness of Western powers.

Western attitude towards violence is shamelessly selective. When Russia invaded Ukraine in 2022, the Saner Clime’s response was swift, comprehensive and morally unambiguous: sanctions, weapons, diplomatic isolation and a media chorus of civilizational solidarity. This response was appropriate anyway. But the problem is its stark contrast with the Western posture toward other invasions. When Saudi Arabia launched its war on Yemen in 2015, the United States and the United Kingdom did not merely decline to intervene; they allegedly supplied the bombs, refuelled the warplanes and provided intelligence for strikes that killed thousands of Yemeni civilians and engineered one of the worst humanitarian crises on earth.

Many argue that the actions of Western Governments isn’t a true reflection of what their citizens stand for. This is debatable especially when one examines certain incidences. During the Obama presidency, Edward Snowden revealed that the US National Security Agency was conducting mass, warrantless surveillance of American citizens and foreign governments, including the personal telephone of former German Chancellor Angela Merkel in flagrant violation of constitutional protections and international diplomatic norms. The response was not accountability but exile for Snowden and a classification of his revelations as treason. The United States, has the largest prison population on earth both in absolute numbers and per capita administered under a system in which Black Americans are incarcerated at five times the rate of their white counterparts, in conditions that the United Nations has described as cruel. Since 1968, gun violence has claimed more American lives than all of America’s foreign wars combined. One can certainlybe inclined to believe that these are controversies that ordinary western citizens may not approve of.

Climate change is another damning indictment of Western moral authority in the twenty-first century. The Industrial activities enriching Europe and North America still depends on burning carbon at a scale the planet had never experienced. The United States, historically the world’s largest cumulative emitter of greenhouse gases, withdrew from the Paris Climate Agreement under Donald Trump. Australia, another clime reputed to be considerably saner than most, has built its prosperity on coal exports and resisted meaningful emissions reduction. Some Pacific Island nations face sea submersions within this century as a consequence of decisions made in saner capitals. When these nations’ leaders speak at the United Nations with tears in their voices, the saner climes offer symbolic but empty sympathy before later returning to preserving their industrial prerogatives.

The Western Media’s tactical twisting of narratives regarding other climes is another issue. For example, CNN may not run primetime documentaries on the Swiss banking system’s complicity in laundering the proceeds of African kleptocracy, but will rather concentrate on the primary kleptocrats. The BBC does not lead with investigations into the role of British arms dealers in sustaining African conflicts. The New York Times does not dedicate its front page to the tax avoidance schemes through which Western corporations drain billions of dollars annually from African economies (more than the continent receives in foreign aid).

Beside all these, there is something more worrisome. The bulk of support received by these saner climes come from their victims in the third world. In Nigeria for instance, the blind sympathy for religious affiliations drives people to support the brazen oppression and cruel injustices perpetrated by the West. Our solidarities should be among ourselves, not with those who see and treat us as worthless humans and more like animals because of their superior moral hypocrisy. Additionally, our bootlicking governments who are considered close to valueless in the International arena or even insane just like us, must stop intimidating its own citizens who decide to speak up against western double standards. Let’s remember, the phrase “saner climes” is a moral verdict and a devastating condemnation of everywhere else expect Europe and North America. Africans and all peoples of the marginalised world are owed the intellectual inheritance of critical discernment.

The world does not need more or fewer saner climes; it needs a more honest accounting of what sanity actually requires. It requires consistency: the same rules applied to the powerful and the powerless alike. It requires humility: the acknowledgement that no civilisation holds a monopoly on wisdom. And it requires accountability: not the selective justice of indicting the weak and glorifying the mighty, but the universal application of standards that do not bend in the presence of a Security Council veto or the impulse of a self-serving Super power. Until that accounting arrives, the presumption of Western moral authority deserves not deference, but fearless interrogation; the kind that the so-called saner climes have always claimed to celebrate and so rarely been prepared to receive.

23-03-2026

Continue Reading

Opinion

DSP Barau on Global Peace, Nigeria’s Insecurity : A Focused Leadership

Published

on

 

By Abba Anwar

Disturbed by the global price shocks caused by US/Israel-Iran War and the lingering insecurity plaguing our dear nation, the Deputy Senate President, Distinguished Senator Barau Jibrin, CFR, called for consistent prayers for the intervention of The Creator, The Almighty Allah.

It was his major urge for peaceful coexistence in the country, after consistent contributions to the security agencies in the last couple of years, as reflected in his special Eid-el-Fitr message after the completion of the Ramadhan Fasting period.

Part of the statement issued by his Special Adviser, Media and Publicity, Ismail Mudassir, reads, “The Deputy President of the Senate, Senator Barau I. Jibrin, has rejoiced with Muslims in the country on the successful completion of the Ramadan Fast, urging all to sustain prayers for global peace.”

Not only that, DSP Barau, as one of the leading principal officers of the National Assembly, alongside his distinguished senator colleagues, is doing everything possible to restore peace in the land. Sustained peace and tranquility, free from ethnic, political, sectional, or religious crises. His mission is peace, and peace is at the forefront.

His physical contributions to security agencies in his constituency, Kano North and the state in general, are testimonies to his commitment towards everlasting peace and tranquility. Is just like what I always say, not all security interventions need public attention. Because of their nature of high level of secrecy and confidentiality.

Advert

Just recently the Deputy Senate President was involved in many regional and global engagements, with the view to promoting regional and global security through the formulation and implementation of viable economic integration and environment-friendly societies. Across nations of the Economic Community for West African States (ECOWAS), up to the platform under Commonwealth of Nations. He has been visible recently under these fora.

Understanding the fact that, legislation is not enough for bringing peace to the society, he uses his wealth of experience and political maturity, to strengthen an effort, however little, in my own estimation, of the Executive arm, by encouraging the President towards that angle, as the release says, the DSP “Commends Tinubu’s relentless efforts to stabilise Nigeria’s economy, tackle insecurity.”

Commending that, “President Tinubu has been up and doing in the fight against insurgency and banditry in the country. And we must all continue to accord him all the support needed to achieve this.” Further stressing optimism that, “President Tinubu’s directive for Security Chiefs to relocate to Maiduguri, following recent terrorists attacks, would help flush out the criminal elements.”

To add spiritual weight and touch to the entire process, he “… prayed to Allah SWT to accept the supplications, prayers, and good deeds of the Ummah during the blessed Month of Ramadhan.” Urging the, “… the Muslim Ummah to sustain the lessons of the Holy Month and to always reflect them in their daily activities, as enjoined by Prophet Muhammad, Peace Be Upon Him.”

Distinguished Jibrin’s humility and being humane, places him some inch above others. So also his hopeful attachment to the Will of our Creator. Hear him, “Glory be to Allah SWT for the successful completion of this year’s Ramadan, 1447AH. I wish to rejoice with fellow Muslims across the country. This is a period of joy and happiness, as well as a time to show appreciation to Almighty Allah.”

His love for peace and the dire need to spread peace, as against acrimonious relationship, he stresses that, “Let’s spread love and help people in need during and after the festive period.”

Anwar writes from Kano
Sunday, 22nd March, 2026

Continue Reading

Trending