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Electoral Act 2022:The Dilemma Of Withdrawal Of Candidates-Abdu Fagge

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Barrister Abdul Fagge

 

INTRODUCTION:

The Electoral Act, 2022 came into force on the 25th February, 2022 to regulate conduct of Political Parties activities, primaries election, and general Election among others. I commend the National assembly and President Federal Republic of Nigeria for passing and assenting same respectively. The Act provides certain innovations as well as new provisions which can only be clearly and perfectly understood through the instrumentality of Judicial pronouncements.
From 20th August, 2022, when the wind of rumor starts escalating for defection of distinguished Senator Ibrahim Shekarau from NNPP to PDP to the 29th August, 2022 when he formally defected and up to today the 1st of September, 2022, I received and I am still receiving phone calls from some Honourable Attorneys General, the legal practitioners, Excellencies, Right Honorable Members, members of National and State Assemblies, Key Stake Holders of different Political Parties, Politicians, Proprietors of some National dailies and general public seeking my opinion on whether NNPP and PDP can submit names of other candidates to INEC and upon such submission INEC is obliged to accept.
The above nagging question requires not Yes or No answer. In my candid opinion, the answer can only be proffered from x-raying Sections 29(1), 31, 32(1) and 33 of the Electoral Act, 2022 vis-a-vis Section 78 and paragraph 15 of the 3rd Schedule to the 1999 Constitution Federal Republic of Nigeria (as altered) and Section 28(1) of the Electoral Act, 2022, Judicial authorities and other enabling laws.

Relevant Sections of the Electoral Act:

Section 28.—(1) The Commission shall, not later than 360 days before the day appointed for holding of an election under this Act, publish a notice in each State of the Federation and the Federal Capital Territory —

(a) stating the date of the election; and
(b) appointing the place at which nomination papers are to be delivered.

Section 29.— (1) Every political party shall, not later than 180 days before the date appointed for a general election under this Act, submit to the Commission, in the prescribed Forms, the list of the candidates the party proposes to sponsor at the elections, who must have emerged from valid primaries conducted by the political party.

Section 31. A candidate may withdraw his or her candidature by notice in writing signed by him and delivered personally by the candidate to the political party that nominated him for the election and the political party shall convey such withdrawal to the Commission not later than 90 days to the election.

Section 32(1): the commission shall, at least 150 days before the day of the election, publish by displaying or causing to be displayed at the relevant office or offices of the commission and on the commission’s web site, a statement of the full names and addresses of all candidates standing nominated.

Section 33. A political party shall not be allowed to change or substitute its candidate whose name has been submitted under section 29 of this Act, except in the case of death or withdrawal by the candidate: Provided that in the case of such withdrawal or death of a candidate, the political party affected shall, within 14 days of the occurrence of the event, hold a fresh primary election to produce and submit a fresh candidate to the Commission for the election concerned.

CONSTITUTION FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF NIGERIA 1999 (AS ALTERED):
Section 78. The registration of voters and the conduct of elections shall be subject to the direction and supervision of Independent National Electoral Commission.

From the above cited provisions, INEC has unfettered powers to issue guidelines, time table and schedule of activities for 2023 General Election, and it is on this premise it issued time table, schedule of its activities on the 26th day of February, 2022 to regulate all the political parties activities including last day for replacement of the withdrawn candidates.

2023:INEC Commences Distribution Of Over 77 Thousand PVC’S In Kano

Therefore, I am of the firm view that INEC time table, Guidelines and schedule of activities have same force with any enabling law and they run pari – pasu and all political parties are under obligation to comply with the said Time Table, Guidelines, and schedule of activities and it is in that regard all political parties sold their nomination forms, conducted primaries and forwarded the names of their candidates to INEC all within the stipulated period provided by the time table. The submission above is supported by the case of N.D.P. VS. I.N.E.C. (2012) 14 NWLR Part 1319 at page 176 particularly page 197 para D – F.
“The Time Table is Guideline with force of law; this is because any action taken outside the published time table is fatal to the political party involved. The activities and time schedule set out in the Time Table published are not directory”.

Based on the above decision and other relevant laws cited, it is beyond doubt that INEC Time Table is not an instruction or guide but a command which all Political parties must comply with.

Therefore it is an affront to the established principle of law for political parties to even contemplate substitution or replacement of their candidates after the expiration of the last day provided by INEC in its time table and schedule of activities for 2023 General Election and for INEC to accept such substitution or replacement.

The most amazing part of the Electoral Act which I find most interesting are Sections 31, 32(1) and 33 dealing with withdrawal of candidates, date of final display of candidates and changing candidates respectively. These three sections are key to the issue under discussion and it is against that background I devoted time to carefully and painstakingly read them, and in the end my understanding reveals that there is nowhere the “last day” is stated for replacement or changing of the withdrawn candidate. Section 31 squarely deals with notification of withdrawal to INEC while Section 33 pertains to conduct of Fresh primaries.

The sections of the law were reproduced at pages 1 and 2 for ease of reference.

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While rubbing mind on these issues, Two very senior lawyers whom I respect much and are my mentors, principals and still working under them argued that the 90 days period for notification of withdrawal also applies to replacement, I told them that with respect, I’m imbued with contrary position, reason being that had the law makers intended that time to apply for replacement same should have been stated.

Secondly, I asked what if Notice of withdrawal is forwarded to INEC at the anniversary of the 90 days, which is still within the ambit of law for political parties to convey such letter of withdrawal to INEC, can the political parties still organize and conduct primaries to substitute candidate less than 90 days before the day of the general election, because section 31 states categorically that “Not later than 90 days the political parties shall convey such letter of withdrawal to INEC. This will as well give another room to argue that replacement or changing of candidates can be made less than 90 days before the date of the general election on the strength of submission of withdrawal letter at the anniversary of 90 days, because the party needs to arrange and conduct primaries thereafter then the window for replacement cannot be 90 days because section 33 empowered political parties to conduct fresh primaries within 14 days of the occurrence of the event.

It is apparent that drawing 14 days out of 90 days one can safely conclude that it will certainly be less than 90 days. It is a known fact in the entire Electoral Act, there is nowhere the “last day” for replacement of withdrawn candidate is stated.

Lastly, Section 32 (2) of the Electoral Act, 2022 mandates INEC to make final display of Names and Addresses of candidates of political parties at least 150 days before the date of General Election. It is therefore, my understanding that 90 days as contained in section 31 of the Act, cannot by all canon of interpretation be the last day for substitution or replacement of withdrawn candidate, reason being that it run contrary to the intendment of the legislature, and the whole essence of interpretation is to discover the meaning and intendment of the law makers taking the entire provisions in to consideration.

It is long settled principle of law that you cannot import into law that which is not stated. See the Supreme Court decision: in NDOMA EGBA V. CHUKWUOGOR (2004) 6 NWLR Part 869 page 382 particularly page 430 Paras F – H.

“……….There is no doubt that to use the common law principle of presumption of regularity to interpret entrenched constitutional right may be inappropriate. It is however erroneous to read into a clear and unambiguous constitutional provision what its does not embrace. The provision has to be interpreted strictly in accordance with the ordinary meaning of the word use without it being adorned, as it were, with ornamental words not therein to make it attractive to wider interpretation……..”

See also EBOIGBE V. N.N.P.C. (1994) 5 NWLR (Part 347) page 649.

Section 32(1) of the Electoral Act, 2022 mandates INEC to make final publication of full names and addresses of all candidates standing nominated at least 150 days before the election.

It is clear from the above provision that INEC is required to make final publication of candidates in its offices and its website at least 150 days to the election and it was against that background INEC made about two publications in their offices of 36 States, its Headquarters and in its website before the 15th July, 2022 and 12th August, 2022 respectively so as to allow political parties to change and substitute their candidates where necessary before the final day for replacement.

Had the drafters of the Electoral Act, 2022 intended 90 days to be the last day for substitution or replacement they would not have stated at least 150 days to be the last day of final display of names and addresses of candidates in section 32(1).

It is long settled principle of law that to appreciate and have a fuller meaning of the law the statute shall be given community reading rather than isolated reading.

On this principle of law See the Supreme Court Decision in BELLO V. A.G. OYO STATE 1986 5 NWLR part 45 page 828 particularly 832.

“…….. in construing the provisions of an enactment, although it is the particular section that is being considered that should be the primary concern, the whole enactment should be construed as a whole…..”

Flowing from the above, It is palpably wrong to hold the view that political parties can substitute or replace their candidates at least 90 days to the election placing reliance on section 31 of the Electoral Act, 2022.

I have read extensively the Electoral Act, 2022 particularly Section 29, 31, 32, 33 and 34 and I found no clear and unambiguous provisions relating to last day of substitution or replacement of political parties candidate(s) and having no clear and specific date the wordings of the statutes should be given their ordinary meaning.

On this principle of law see OGBEBOR V. DANJUMA (2003) 15 NWLR Part 843 page 403 particularly paras D–G.

“it is the duty of Court to interpret the word of the law makers as used.”

I therefore, have no hesitation in coming to the conclusion that INEC has unfettered power to stipulate in its schedule of activities and Guidelines the last day for substitution/replacement of candidates as issued in its Time Table dated 26th day of February, 2022.

To sum it up I am of the firm view that INEC by section 78 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria as altered and paragraph 15 of Third schedule to the said Constitution has unfettered power to issue Guidelines, Time Table and Schedule of Activities for 2023 General Election including stipulating last day for replacement or substitution of withdrawn candidate(s) of political parties.

It cannot be right to say that column 6 of INEC Time Table and schedule of Activities for 2023 General Election which fixes 15th July, 2022 as last day for replacement of Presidential and National Assembly Political Parties candidates and 12th of August, 2022 as last day for replacement of Governorship and State Houses of Assembly Political Parties candidates are in conflict with Electoral Act, 2022 or 1999 Constitution of Federal Republic of Nigeria as altered as there is nowhere the last day for replacement is specifically stated either in the Constitution or Electoral Act. Therefore, INEC by Section 78 and Paragraph 15 of 3rd Schedule to the 1999 Constitution of FRN has unfettered Power to organize and direct how the elections shall be conducted and it is on that strength INEC issued the said Time Table. See N.D.P VS. I.N.E.C supra.

Conclusion/Recommendation:

I will now therefore, without much ado answer that the window for replacement or substitution of Political parties’ candidates is deemed closed since the 15th July, 2022 and 12th August, 2022 respectively.

It is therefore, my humble advise that the National Assembly whenever the need arise for making further amendment, the “Last Day” for substitution or replacement of candidate(s) by Political parties be clearly and specifically spelt out in the Act.

Most obliged.

Abdul Adamu Fagge Esq., ACArb.
(Head of Chambers)
BASHIR, NASIRU (SAN) & CO.
(Member, Common Wealth Lawyers Association)
(Former Member National Executive Council Nigerian Bar Association),
(Former Chairman, Nigerian Bar Association, Kano Branch)
08032846588
Abdulfagge57@gmail.com

Opinion

Amnesty International Report and My Questions to Them

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– Sufyan Lawal Kabo

sefjamil3@gmail.com

 

The recent condemnation issued by Amnesty International against the Kano State Government over the alleged killing of five persons during activities surrounding the swearing in of the new Deputy Governor has continued to raise serious concerns among many observers in Kano.

 

While every responsible citizen condemns violence and the loss of innocent lives, many are asking whether Amnesty International acted professionally and fairly before rushing to issue a strong public accusation against the government of Kano State.

 

Amnesty International, can a government that has invested heavily in ending political thuggery and street violence genuinely be accused of sponsoring the same violence it is fighting to eliminate?

 

Would a government that established the Safe Corridor Kano Model, profiled thousands of repentant youths, and committed over six hundred million naira for rehabilitation, empowerment and reintegration of former thugs suddenly turn around to encourage killings and chaos?

 

Can Amnesty International deny the fact that Kano has battled political thuggery and Yan Daba violence for decades, long before the present administration came into office? And among previous administrations, which government confronted the problem more directly than the administration of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf?

 

What political benefit would any serious government gain from encouraging violence against citizens at a time it is working to secure public trust ahead of future elections?

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Before issuing its condemnation, did Amnesty International contact the Kano State Government, the Police, DSS, Civil Defence, or any recognised security agency in Kano to verify the allegation properly? Or has social media content now become sufficient evidence for an international organisation claiming credibility and neutrality?

 

How did Amnesty International arrive at such a sensitive conclusion without presenting verifiable evidence to the public? And how sure are the people of Kano that those supplying information to the organisation are not politically biased individuals determined to damage the image of the present administration?

 

Is it professional for a respected international body to release emotionally charged reports involving deaths and violence without balanced investigation, fair hearing, or proper engagement with relevant authorities?

 

Can Amnesty International also deny the visible security efforts of the Kano State Government under Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, including stronger collaboration with security agencies, community security initiatives, deployment of operational support, and consistent public warnings against political violence and hooliganism?

 

If the government’s objective was violence, why would it continue investing public resources into youth rehabilitation, anti thuggery programmes and community peace initiatives?

 

The truth remains that Kano State Government has already condemned every act of violence connected to the incident and security agencies are reportedly investigating the matter. The government has also maintained its commitment to bringing perpetrators to justice according to law.

 

Amnesty International must therefore understand that careless or poorly verified reports on sensitive matters can create unnecessary tension, damage public confidence and unfairly malign governments making visible efforts to solve difficult social problems.

Kano deserves fairness. The people deserve peace. And organisations claiming international credibility must uphold professionalism, objectivity and thorough investigation before issuing reports capable of inflaming public emotions and damaging institutional reputations.

 

Sefjamil writes from Abuja

 

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Opinion

Evidence First: Why Amnesty International’s Kano Claims Cannot Stand-Mamman Iro

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By Mamman Iro Kano

May 7, 2026

On May 5, 2026, Kano State witnessed a moment of constitutional significance. Alhaji Murtala Sule Garo was formally sworn in as Deputy Governor, completing the executive structure of an administration that has navigated months of political turbulence with a clarity and a purposefulness that its governance record continues to validate. Within hours of that ceremony, Amnesty International released a report alleging that five people had been killed in connection with the event. The Kano State Government, in a formal press statement signed by the Commissioner for Information and Internal Affairs, Ibrahim Abdullahi Waiya, described the claim as misleading, unfounded, and mischievous, stating that active inquiries conducted with relevant security agencies produced no official report or credible evidence to support it, and that no violent incident occurred at the Kano State Government House or its surroundings during the official function. That irreconcilable gap between what Amnesty International alleged and what verified institutional assessments confirm is where this analysis begins, and where the evidence, examined honestly and without partisan filter, must ultimately speak for itself.

Let us be precise about what Amnesty International has alleged, because precision about the nature of an allegation determines the standard of evidence required to sustain it. This is not a vague claim about generalised insecurity in a northern Nigerian state. It is a specific allegation that five human beings were killed in direct connection with a formal state government ceremony, at or near the seat of the Kano State executive. That is among the most serious categories of claim available in the vocabulary of human rights reporting, and it carries a correspondingly heavy evidentiary burden. It attributes to a sitting administration not merely a failure to prevent violence but a direct and operational causal relationship between its own institutional activities and the deaths of five people. The fundamental question this analysis asks is straightforward: does the available evidence meet that burden? On the basis of the documented record, the answer is no.

The government’s rebuttal, issued through Commissioner Waiya on the same day as the Amnesty International report, establishes several institutionally grounded counter-claims that any responsible assessment must engage with seriously rather than dismiss as reflexive political defensiveness. The government states that it conducted active inquiries with relevant security agencies specifically to investigate the alleged incident and found no official report or credible evidence to support it. It states that no violent incident occurred at Government House or its surroundings during the swearing-in ceremony. It further notes that the Nigerian leadership of Amnesty International has, in its assessment, repeatedly demonstrated bias and unprofessional conduct in reports relating to Kano State while overlooking comparable developments elsewhere in the country, and it has called upon the organisation’s international leadership to monitor its Nigerian chapter’s activities in order to protect the organisation’s global integrity. These are specific, falsifiable, and institutionally grounded positions. They deserve the same investigative engagement that Amnesty International’s original allegations received, and the absence of independent forensic confirmation of the alleged deaths from any local security structure, community stakeholder, or civil society organisation with verifiable on-the-ground presence represents a critical and unresolved gap in the evidentiary foundation upon which the international narrative rests.

The methodological questions raised by this incident go beyond the specific facts of May 5, 2026, and engage with a broader and more consequential concern about how international human rights monitoring is conducted in environments as politically complex as Kano State. In today’s digital information environment, allegations circulate at velocities that far outpace the deliberate, forensically grounded verification processes that responsible documentation requires. Video content spreads without verified timestamps, geographic authentication, or editorial context. Short clips are selectively edited and repurposed, constructing plausible-seeming narratives from fragmentary and decontextualised evidence. Responsible human rights reporting, particularly in a state with Kano’s political and security complexity, must demonstrably rise above these limitations. Any attempt to directly implicate a state government in acts of organised violence must be supported by credible forensic evidence establishing verifiable operational linkages between institutional authority and the specific conduct alleged, verified intelligence assessments from recognised security structures, a documented understanding of the longstanding criminal rivalries and territorial disputes operating among youth groups in the affected communities, and independent on-the-ground verification involving community leaders, traditional authorities, and civil society organisations before conclusions are publicly disseminated. The Unifier Project’s considered assessment is that the claims advanced against Kano State on May 7, 2026, do not demonstrably meet these standards.

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Beyond the specific facts of May 5, the broader institutional record of the Kano State Government presents a body of documented evidence that fundamentally complicates the narrative of state-sponsored violence. The administration’s Safe Corridor Kano Model, its flagship rehabilitative intervention targeting youth restiveness and street violence, has already profiled over 2,030 repentant youths for enrollment into its structured rehabilitation and reintegration programme. More than six hundred million naira has been approved for the first phase alone, targeting one thousand beneficiaries through vocational training, psychosocial support, and community reintegration pathways. These are not aspirational policy commitments. They are quantified, budgeted, and operationally active institutional investments in dismantling the conditions that produce youth violence. The logical incompatibility between an administration that has committed over N600 million to youth rehabilitation and an administration simultaneously accused of orchestrating the killing of citizens at its own official functions is not a rhetorical flourish. It is a substantive evidentiary consideration that any responsible investigation is obligated to address directly and honestly before reaching the conclusions that Amnesty International has chosen to advance.

The full governance record of this administration further deepens that incompatibility. Kano State is implementing a N1.477 trillion budget for 2026, the largest in its history, with 68 percent directed at capital projects. It has invested over N800 million in youth empowerment programmes benefiting more than 5,300 young people, disbursed over N334 million directly to 6,680 women entrepreneurs across all 44 local government areas, and deployed 2,000 trained Neighbourhood Watch operatives as a community-centred security intervention designed to reduce violent confrontations at the grassroots level. Kano ranked first in Nigeria’s 2025 NECO results. Its hospitals are being upgraded. Its roads are being rebuilt. Its farmers are receiving fertiliser, its dams are being constructed, and its young people are being empowered with tools, capital, and opportunity. This is the operational context within which any characterisation of this administration’s relationship to the welfare and safety of its citizens must be situated. It is a context that demands engagement rather than dismissal from any monitoring body that claims to be conducting evidence-based human rights assessment.

There is a further dimension to this controversy that must be named clearly and without diplomatic evasion. The perception, held by a growing number of informed observers within Kano’s civic and political communities, that Amnesty International applies differential levels of scrutiny to Kano State relative to comparable or more severe situations elsewhere in Nigeria, is not a fringe complaint or a partisan deflection. It is a concern about the institutional evenhandedness that determines whether human rights advocacy functions as a genuine instrument of accountability or as a mechanism of selective narrative construction. When a state government with a documented N600 million rehabilitation investment, a quantified youth empowerment record, and a formal security agency finding of no evidence for the alleged incident is subjected to internationally amplified allegations of organised violence without the forensic verification that such allegations require, the credibility deficit that results belongs not only to the monitoring organisation but to the broader enterprise of international human rights advocacy whose authority depends on its perceived consistency and impartiality. This is a concern that the international leadership of Amnesty International, if it takes its institutional mission seriously, cannot afford to disregard.

The position advanced in this commentary is neither anti-accountability nor pro-impunity. It is, precisely and unambiguously, pro-evidence. Accountability without evidence is not accountability. It is accusation. And accusation, however institutionally prestigious its source, does not become fact through repetition, amplification, or the authority of the body advancing it. It becomes fact through verification, corroboration, and the honest and transparent application of the evidentiary standards that distinguish responsible human rights documentation from the uncritical transmission of unverified claims. Kano State, its government, its institutions, and its 20 million people deserve to be assessed on the basis of verified evidence rather than viral narratives. The international community deserves human rights reporting that it can trust because it has earned that trust through methodological rigour rather than claimed through institutional reputation. And the communities of Kano State, who live with the real and daily consequences of how their home is characterised to the world, deserve nothing less than the truth, told with the honesty, the precision, and the evidentiary integrity that their situation demands. Evidence must come first. It must always come first. And until it does, claims of the gravity advanced against Kano on May 7, 2026, cannot, in good conscience, be allowed to stand unchallenged.

 

 

 

Mamman Iro Kano wrote in from Gwarzo Road, Kano, Kano State.

May 7, 2026

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Opinion

The Unifier Perspective: Unifier Project Formally Contests the Evidentiary Basis of Amnesty International’s Claims Regarding the May 5 Kano Incident

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Issued by the Unifier Project, Kano State

May 7, 2026

The Unifier Project, a strategic grassroots coordination and civic engagement initiative with operational structures across all 44 Local Government Areas of Kano State, has formally and comprehensively contested the evidentiary basis, the methodological framework, and the investigative rigour of the claims recently circulated by Amnesty International regarding the unfortunate events of May 5, 2026. In a statement issued from its State Secretariat in Kano, the organisation expressed serious concern about what it characterises as a pattern of premature conclusion-drawing that privileges the velocity of digital content circulation over the deliberate, community-engaged, and forensically grounded verification processes that responsible human rights documentation demands.

The Unifier Project wishes to state unequivocally that its position in this matter is not one of reflexive institutional defensiveness or partisan political alignment. It is a principled insistence on the application of the same evidentiary standards, the same contextual rigour, and the same methodological discipline that credible human rights advocacy demands of the governments and institutions it monitors. The organisation stands firmly for truth, due process, and the protection of community peace, and it is precisely those values that compel it to challenge characterisations of the May 5 incident that, in its assessment, rely disproportionately on fragmented viral content and speculative interpretive frameworks rather than verified, independently corroborated, and contextually grounded investigative evidence.

The incident of May 5, 2026, as assessed by local security institutions, community stakeholders, and civil society organisations with direct knowledge of the affected communities, involved individuals and groups with longstanding criminal histories, territorial disputes, and inter-factional rivalries whose origins significantly predate the current administration and whose dynamics are embedded in the specific social and geographic conditions of the communities in which they operate. The Unifier Project maintains that any credible and responsible investigation of events in these communities must engage substantively with this documented local context before advancing conclusions about political motivation, institutional complicity, or state-level orchestration. To assign political causation to events whose most proximate and most documented explanation is criminal confrontation, in the absence of forensic evidence establishing direct operational linkages between political decision-making and the conduct alleged, is to substitute analytical convenience for investigative integrity.

The organisation draws particular attention to the documented policy commitments of the Kano State Government as a body of institutional evidence that any serious investigative framework is obligated to engage with rather than treat as irrelevant background. The administration has pursued a structured, programmatically defined, and resource-backed approach to addressing youth restiveness and street violence through the Safe Corridor initiative, a rehabilitative framework explicitly designed to create pathways for the social reintegration, vocational empowerment, and psychosocial recovery of vulnerable young people previously associated with organised criminality and street violence. The internal coherence of any allegation of state-sponsored violence must be evaluated against the totality of a government’s documented institutional behaviour. An administration that has invested public resources, political capital, and programmatic infrastructure in a deescalation framework of this scope cannot credibly be implicated, without compelling forensic evidence, in the simultaneous engineering of the very instability that its own institutional architecture is demonstrably designed to eliminate.

The Unifier Project also draws attention to the broader governance context within which the events of May 5, 2026, must be situated. The Kano State Government is currently implementing its most ambitious development budget in the state’s recorded history, a N1.477 trillion appropriation for 2026 with 68 percent directed at capital expenditure spanning education, infrastructure, healthcare, and social protection. It has invested over N800 million in youth empowerment programmes benefiting more than 5,300 young people across the state, disbursed over N334 million directly to 6,680 women entrepreneurs across all 44 local government areas, and deployed 2,000 trained Neighbourhood Watch operatives as a community-centred security intervention explicitly designed to reduce violent confrontations and strengthen civilian-security cooperation at the grassroots level. These are not abstract policy commitments. They are documented, verifiable, and independently assessable institutional actions that constitute the operational context within which any characterisation of this administration’s relationship to violence and instability must be rigorously evaluated.

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With respect to the methodological concerns that this incident raises for the broader practice of international human rights monitoring, the Unifier Project wishes to articulate clearly the evidentiary standards that it considers non-negotiable for any responsible investigative conclusion regarding events of this nature. These include credible forensic evidence establishing verifiable operational linkages between institutional decision-making authority and the specific conduct alleged, verified intelligence assessments from recognised and accountable security structures with direct knowledge of the affected communities, a demonstrated and documented understanding of the longstanding rivalries, territorial histories, and criminal network dynamics operating among youth groups in the specific localities concerned, and independent on-the-ground verification processes that meaningfully engage traditional authorities, community leaders, civil society organisations, and relevant law enforcement institutions before conclusions are formed and publicly disseminated. Without these foundational standards, investigative outputs risk functioning not as instruments of accountability but as mechanisms of institutional narrative-building that may, whether intentionally or otherwise, distort rather than illuminate the complex realities they purport to document.

The organisation further notes that the long-term credibility and institutional authority of global human rights bodies depend critically on the perceived consistency, proportionality, and methodological evenhandedness of their monitoring activities across different regions, different administrations, and different categories of political actor. Investigative patterns that appear to apply differential evidentiary thresholds or differential levels of scrutiny to different communities generate, among those communities, a perception of selective activism that is difficult to distinguish from politically motivated monitoring, and that ultimately undermines the culture of civic accountability that responsible human rights organisations exist to strengthen rather than selectively deploy. The Unifier Project does not raise this concern to deflect legitimate scrutiny. It raises it because the integrity of international human rights advocacy as a global public good depends on its practitioners holding themselves to the same standards of evidence, consistency, and contextual honesty that they demand of others.

Kano State is a community in active, measurable, and documented transformation. Its urban renewal programmes, governance reforms, public sector modernisation initiatives, and community stabilisation efforts represent a sustained and verifiable commitment to building a safer, more inclusive, and more prosperous society for its more than 20 million residents. The Unifier Project, with its operational presence across all 44 Local Government Areas and its direct engagement with ward-level civic structures throughout the state, is positioned to affirm, from direct community knowledge, that this transformation is real, that it is generating tangible improvements in the daily lives of ordinary citizens, and that it deserves to be assessed on the basis of its documented outcomes rather than characterised through the lens of allegations that remain forensically unsubstantiated and contextually inadequate.

The Unifier Project reaffirms its commitment to civic accountability, community protection, and the defence of due process as foundational values of democratic governance. It respectfully but firmly urges Amnesty International to engage in a more collaborative, locally informed, and forensically rigorous investigative process, one that prioritises direct engagement with community stakeholders, traditional authorities, security institutions, and civil society actors with verifiable local knowledge, before issuing globally amplified conclusions whose reputational, political, and institutional consequences for the communities concerned are significant and lasting. Allegations of the gravity advanced in this instance should carry only one weight, the weight of independently verified, contextually grounded, and forensically corroborated evidence. The Unifier Project will continue to discharge its responsibility to the people of Kano State by ensuring that the state’s story is told with the accuracy, the balance, and the contextual integrity that its communities deserve.

About the Unifier Project: The Unifier Project is a strategic grassroots coordination and civic engagement initiative committed to community mobilisation, administrative transparency, civic participation, and the strengthening of socio-political unity across Kano State. With operational structures spanning all 44 Local Government Areas and active engagement at ward and polling unit levels throughout the state, the organisation serves as a community-anchored platform for informed civic advocacy, responsible public discourse, and the protection of Kano’s social and institutional integrity.

Signed:

Unifier Project, Kano State

Media and Strategic Communications Unit

May 7, 2026

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