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Electoral Act 2022:The Dilemma Of Withdrawal Of Candidates-Abdu Fagge

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Barrister Abdul Fagge

 

INTRODUCTION:

The Electoral Act, 2022 came into force on the 25th February, 2022 to regulate conduct of Political Parties activities, primaries election, and general Election among others. I commend the National assembly and President Federal Republic of Nigeria for passing and assenting same respectively. The Act provides certain innovations as well as new provisions which can only be clearly and perfectly understood through the instrumentality of Judicial pronouncements.
From 20th August, 2022, when the wind of rumor starts escalating for defection of distinguished Senator Ibrahim Shekarau from NNPP to PDP to the 29th August, 2022 when he formally defected and up to today the 1st of September, 2022, I received and I am still receiving phone calls from some Honourable Attorneys General, the legal practitioners, Excellencies, Right Honorable Members, members of National and State Assemblies, Key Stake Holders of different Political Parties, Politicians, Proprietors of some National dailies and general public seeking my opinion on whether NNPP and PDP can submit names of other candidates to INEC and upon such submission INEC is obliged to accept.
The above nagging question requires not Yes or No answer. In my candid opinion, the answer can only be proffered from x-raying Sections 29(1), 31, 32(1) and 33 of the Electoral Act, 2022 vis-a-vis Section 78 and paragraph 15 of the 3rd Schedule to the 1999 Constitution Federal Republic of Nigeria (as altered) and Section 28(1) of the Electoral Act, 2022, Judicial authorities and other enabling laws.

Relevant Sections of the Electoral Act:

Section 28.—(1) The Commission shall, not later than 360 days before the day appointed for holding of an election under this Act, publish a notice in each State of the Federation and the Federal Capital Territory —

(a) stating the date of the election; and
(b) appointing the place at which nomination papers are to be delivered.

Section 29.— (1) Every political party shall, not later than 180 days before the date appointed for a general election under this Act, submit to the Commission, in the prescribed Forms, the list of the candidates the party proposes to sponsor at the elections, who must have emerged from valid primaries conducted by the political party.

Section 31. A candidate may withdraw his or her candidature by notice in writing signed by him and delivered personally by the candidate to the political party that nominated him for the election and the political party shall convey such withdrawal to the Commission not later than 90 days to the election.

Section 32(1): the commission shall, at least 150 days before the day of the election, publish by displaying or causing to be displayed at the relevant office or offices of the commission and on the commission’s web site, a statement of the full names and addresses of all candidates standing nominated.

Section 33. A political party shall not be allowed to change or substitute its candidate whose name has been submitted under section 29 of this Act, except in the case of death or withdrawal by the candidate: Provided that in the case of such withdrawal or death of a candidate, the political party affected shall, within 14 days of the occurrence of the event, hold a fresh primary election to produce and submit a fresh candidate to the Commission for the election concerned.

CONSTITUTION FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF NIGERIA 1999 (AS ALTERED):
Section 78. The registration of voters and the conduct of elections shall be subject to the direction and supervision of Independent National Electoral Commission.

From the above cited provisions, INEC has unfettered powers to issue guidelines, time table and schedule of activities for 2023 General Election, and it is on this premise it issued time table, schedule of its activities on the 26th day of February, 2022 to regulate all the political parties activities including last day for replacement of the withdrawn candidates.

2023:INEC Commences Distribution Of Over 77 Thousand PVC’S In Kano

Therefore, I am of the firm view that INEC time table, Guidelines and schedule of activities have same force with any enabling law and they run pari – pasu and all political parties are under obligation to comply with the said Time Table, Guidelines, and schedule of activities and it is in that regard all political parties sold their nomination forms, conducted primaries and forwarded the names of their candidates to INEC all within the stipulated period provided by the time table. The submission above is supported by the case of N.D.P. VS. I.N.E.C. (2012) 14 NWLR Part 1319 at page 176 particularly page 197 para D – F.
“The Time Table is Guideline with force of law; this is because any action taken outside the published time table is fatal to the political party involved. The activities and time schedule set out in the Time Table published are not directory”.

Based on the above decision and other relevant laws cited, it is beyond doubt that INEC Time Table is not an instruction or guide but a command which all Political parties must comply with.

Therefore it is an affront to the established principle of law for political parties to even contemplate substitution or replacement of their candidates after the expiration of the last day provided by INEC in its time table and schedule of activities for 2023 General Election and for INEC to accept such substitution or replacement.

The most amazing part of the Electoral Act which I find most interesting are Sections 31, 32(1) and 33 dealing with withdrawal of candidates, date of final display of candidates and changing candidates respectively. These three sections are key to the issue under discussion and it is against that background I devoted time to carefully and painstakingly read them, and in the end my understanding reveals that there is nowhere the “last day” is stated for replacement or changing of the withdrawn candidate. Section 31 squarely deals with notification of withdrawal to INEC while Section 33 pertains to conduct of Fresh primaries.

The sections of the law were reproduced at pages 1 and 2 for ease of reference.

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While rubbing mind on these issues, Two very senior lawyers whom I respect much and are my mentors, principals and still working under them argued that the 90 days period for notification of withdrawal also applies to replacement, I told them that with respect, I’m imbued with contrary position, reason being that had the law makers intended that time to apply for replacement same should have been stated.

Secondly, I asked what if Notice of withdrawal is forwarded to INEC at the anniversary of the 90 days, which is still within the ambit of law for political parties to convey such letter of withdrawal to INEC, can the political parties still organize and conduct primaries to substitute candidate less than 90 days before the day of the general election, because section 31 states categorically that “Not later than 90 days the political parties shall convey such letter of withdrawal to INEC. This will as well give another room to argue that replacement or changing of candidates can be made less than 90 days before the date of the general election on the strength of submission of withdrawal letter at the anniversary of 90 days, because the party needs to arrange and conduct primaries thereafter then the window for replacement cannot be 90 days because section 33 empowered political parties to conduct fresh primaries within 14 days of the occurrence of the event.

It is apparent that drawing 14 days out of 90 days one can safely conclude that it will certainly be less than 90 days. It is a known fact in the entire Electoral Act, there is nowhere the “last day” for replacement of withdrawn candidate is stated.

Lastly, Section 32 (2) of the Electoral Act, 2022 mandates INEC to make final display of Names and Addresses of candidates of political parties at least 150 days before the date of General Election. It is therefore, my understanding that 90 days as contained in section 31 of the Act, cannot by all canon of interpretation be the last day for substitution or replacement of withdrawn candidate, reason being that it run contrary to the intendment of the legislature, and the whole essence of interpretation is to discover the meaning and intendment of the law makers taking the entire provisions in to consideration.

It is long settled principle of law that you cannot import into law that which is not stated. See the Supreme Court decision: in NDOMA EGBA V. CHUKWUOGOR (2004) 6 NWLR Part 869 page 382 particularly page 430 Paras F – H.

“……….There is no doubt that to use the common law principle of presumption of regularity to interpret entrenched constitutional right may be inappropriate. It is however erroneous to read into a clear and unambiguous constitutional provision what its does not embrace. The provision has to be interpreted strictly in accordance with the ordinary meaning of the word use without it being adorned, as it were, with ornamental words not therein to make it attractive to wider interpretation……..”

See also EBOIGBE V. N.N.P.C. (1994) 5 NWLR (Part 347) page 649.

Section 32(1) of the Electoral Act, 2022 mandates INEC to make final publication of full names and addresses of all candidates standing nominated at least 150 days before the election.

It is clear from the above provision that INEC is required to make final publication of candidates in its offices and its website at least 150 days to the election and it was against that background INEC made about two publications in their offices of 36 States, its Headquarters and in its website before the 15th July, 2022 and 12th August, 2022 respectively so as to allow political parties to change and substitute their candidates where necessary before the final day for replacement.

Had the drafters of the Electoral Act, 2022 intended 90 days to be the last day for substitution or replacement they would not have stated at least 150 days to be the last day of final display of names and addresses of candidates in section 32(1).

It is long settled principle of law that to appreciate and have a fuller meaning of the law the statute shall be given community reading rather than isolated reading.

On this principle of law See the Supreme Court Decision in BELLO V. A.G. OYO STATE 1986 5 NWLR part 45 page 828 particularly 832.

“…….. in construing the provisions of an enactment, although it is the particular section that is being considered that should be the primary concern, the whole enactment should be construed as a whole…..”

Flowing from the above, It is palpably wrong to hold the view that political parties can substitute or replace their candidates at least 90 days to the election placing reliance on section 31 of the Electoral Act, 2022.

I have read extensively the Electoral Act, 2022 particularly Section 29, 31, 32, 33 and 34 and I found no clear and unambiguous provisions relating to last day of substitution or replacement of political parties candidate(s) and having no clear and specific date the wordings of the statutes should be given their ordinary meaning.

On this principle of law see OGBEBOR V. DANJUMA (2003) 15 NWLR Part 843 page 403 particularly paras D–G.

“it is the duty of Court to interpret the word of the law makers as used.”

I therefore, have no hesitation in coming to the conclusion that INEC has unfettered power to stipulate in its schedule of activities and Guidelines the last day for substitution/replacement of candidates as issued in its Time Table dated 26th day of February, 2022.

To sum it up I am of the firm view that INEC by section 78 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria as altered and paragraph 15 of Third schedule to the said Constitution has unfettered power to issue Guidelines, Time Table and Schedule of Activities for 2023 General Election including stipulating last day for replacement or substitution of withdrawn candidate(s) of political parties.

It cannot be right to say that column 6 of INEC Time Table and schedule of Activities for 2023 General Election which fixes 15th July, 2022 as last day for replacement of Presidential and National Assembly Political Parties candidates and 12th of August, 2022 as last day for replacement of Governorship and State Houses of Assembly Political Parties candidates are in conflict with Electoral Act, 2022 or 1999 Constitution of Federal Republic of Nigeria as altered as there is nowhere the last day for replacement is specifically stated either in the Constitution or Electoral Act. Therefore, INEC by Section 78 and Paragraph 15 of 3rd Schedule to the 1999 Constitution of FRN has unfettered Power to organize and direct how the elections shall be conducted and it is on that strength INEC issued the said Time Table. See N.D.P VS. I.N.E.C supra.

Conclusion/Recommendation:

I will now therefore, without much ado answer that the window for replacement or substitution of Political parties’ candidates is deemed closed since the 15th July, 2022 and 12th August, 2022 respectively.

It is therefore, my humble advise that the National Assembly whenever the need arise for making further amendment, the “Last Day” for substitution or replacement of candidate(s) by Political parties be clearly and specifically spelt out in the Act.

Most obliged.

Abdul Adamu Fagge Esq., ACArb.
(Head of Chambers)
BASHIR, NASIRU (SAN) & CO.
(Member, Common Wealth Lawyers Association)
(Former Member National Executive Council Nigerian Bar Association),
(Former Chairman, Nigerian Bar Association, Kano Branch)
08032846588
Abdulfagge57@gmail.com

Opinion

How Abba Yusuf Is Positioning Kano as the Commercial and Industrial Capital of Northern Nigeria

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Saminu Umar Ph.D, Senior Lecture; Department of Information and Media Studies, Bayero University, Kano surijyarzaki@gmail.com
There is a particular kind of political courage that does not announce itself with drama, does not seek the validation of crowds, and does not wait for the approval of godfathers. It is the kind that sits quietly inside a budget document, inside a policy decision, inside an early morning visit to a dying industrial estate, inside the deliberate and systematic dismantling of decades of economic underperformance. It is the kind of courage that says, not in speeches but in actions, that a great city will not accept a diminished destiny.
That is the story of Kano under Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf. And it is a story that is only just beginning to be fully told. To appreciate what Governor Yusuf is building, one must first confront, honestly and without sentimentality, what Kano had become before he assumed office in May 2023.
Kano was once, without serious dispute, the undisputed commercial and industrial capital of Northern Nigeria and one of the most economically consequential cities on the African continent. Its trans-Saharan trade connections, dating back more than five centuries, made it a terminal point of commerce linking sub-Saharan Africa to North Africa, the Middle East, and Europe. Its groundnut pyramids, towering monuments of agricultural productivity that defined Nigeria’s pre-oil economy, symbolised a city that understood how to convert natural resources into national wealth. Its textile mills, at their peak employing hundreds of thousands of workers, made it one of West Africa’s most productive manufacturing centres. Its leather industry, anchored on the ancient Kofar Mata dye pits that have operated continuously for over 500 years, produced finished goods that travelled to markets in France, Italy, and across the Arab world.
Then came decades of policy neglect, energy poverty, deindustrialisation, and a political culture that prioritised the personal ambitions of powerful individuals over the developmental needs of a city of millions. The groundnut pyramids disappeared. The textile mills fell silent. The industrial estates, Sharada, Bompai, and Challawa, which once hummed with the sound of productive enterprise, became landscapes of rusting machinery, abandoned factory floors, and unfulfilled potential. Kano did not lose its identity overnight. It lost it slowly, painfully, and largely in silence.
Governor Yusuf inherited that silence. He is determined to fill it with something far more enduring.
The most honest and revealing thing any governor can show you is not a speech. It is a budget. Speeches are aspirations. Budgets are commitments. And the budget Governor Yusuf signed into law for 2026, a historic N1.477 trillion appropriation, the largest in Kano’s entire history, is a commitment of extraordinary ambition and clarity.
Of that figure, 68 percent, representing the overwhelming majority of public expenditure, is allocated to capital projects. Infrastructure receives N346.2 billion, education N405.3 billion, and health N212.2 billion. These are not the budget lines of a government managing decline. They are the budget lines of a government engineering a renaissance.
The infrastructure allocation alone signals the governor’s understanding that no city can reclaim commercial and industrial leadership without the physical foundations to support it. Urban road expansions, transformer procurement, solar streetlight installation across the state, housing development initiatives, and market renovation projects spanning all 44 local government areas of the state are not isolated interventions. They are components of a coherent spatial development strategy designed to make Kano physically competitive with any commercial city in West Africa.
The 2025 budget, which preceded this historic 2026 appropriation, recorded over 80 percent implementation performance, a figure that speaks not merely to financial planning but to execution capacity, the rarest and most valuable quality in Nigerian state governance.
No commercial or industrial capital can sustain itself on infrastructure alone. It requires people. Educated, skilled, healthy, and economically empowered people who can drive enterprise, absorb technology, and participate meaningfully in a modern economy. Governor Yusuf understands this with a clarity that is reflected in every major policy decision his administration has taken.
In education, the results are already visible and measurable. Kano ranked first in Nigeria’s 2025 NECO results, a historic achievement for a state that had watched its educational standards erode for years. That ranking did not emerge from luck. It emerged from a state of emergency declared on the education sector, backed by mass classroom renovations, free basic education, payment of NECO fees for students, an expanded scholarship programme, the recruitment of 400 Mathematics teachers, and the establishment of Kano State Polytechnic in Gaya to extend technical and vocational education to the state’s southern corridor.
In healthcare, the administration has invested N149.7 billion in upgrading hospitals across local government areas, launched the Abba Care Scheme to expand health insurance coverage, and partnered with international organisations to strengthen maternal and newborn health services across the North West region.
In women and youth empowerment, over N334 million has been disbursed to 6,680 women across all 44 local government areas, each receiving a monthly stipend of N50,000 to grow their businesses and support their families. More than N800 million has been invested in youth empowerment programmes benefiting over 5,300 young people. Tricycles have been distributed to enable young men and women engage in productive economic activities. These are not welfare gestures. They are deliberate investments in the human capital of a city that intends to lead.
Perhaps the most strategically significant dimension of Governor Yusuf’s industrial vision is his understanding that no state government, regardless of the quality of its internal governance, can fully reposition a city of Kano’s size and complexity without sustained federal partnership. The resources, the regulatory architecture, the trade facilitation frameworks, the innovation infrastructure, and the international connections required to make Kano the commercial and industrial capital of Northern Nigeria exist, in significant measure, at the federal level.
That understanding was at the heart of his historic decision to align Kano with the Federal Government under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Critics characterised the decision in political terms. The governor has consistently characterised it in developmental terms. The distinction matters enormously.
The immediate and most visible fruit of that alignment is the national launch of the Energise Commercialisation Now initiative in Kano from April 23 to 25, 2026, to be flagged off by Her Excellency Senator Oluremi Tinubu, CON, First Lady of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. The programme, designed to identify commercially viable innovations, connect them with investors and manufacturers, and scale them into enterprises that create jobs and generate wealth, is precisely the kind of federal intervention that Kano’s industrial revival requires.
For Kano’s universities, including Bayero University Kano, Kano University of Science and Technology Wudil, and Northwest University Kano, the ECoN initiative creates a structured pipeline from academic research to commercial application. For the innovators and entrepreneurs in Kano’s vibrant informal sector, it creates access to financing, mentorship, and market connections that were previously unavailable. For the industrial estates of Sharada, Bompai, and Challawa, it signals the arrival of the investment mobilisation agenda that could finally reverse decades of industrial decline.
A commercial and industrial capital cannot ignore the productive hinterland that feeds it, supplies its raw materials, and employs the majority of its population. Governor Yusuf has not made that mistake.
His administration has procured 199,000 bags of fertiliser for distribution to farmers across the state, approved 11 mini-dams to support year-round agricultural production, and hired new agricultural extension workers to improve farming practices and productivity. It has revived garment clusters in all 44 local government areas, remodelled major markets, and strengthened SME support structures that connect small producers to larger commercial networks.
On the environment, the administration has planted over 5.5 million trees under its Climate Change Policy, cleared drainage channels across the state, and procured waste management equipment to address the urban environmental challenges that deter investment and reduce quality of life in major commercial cities. These are the actions of a government that understands that sustainable commercial and industrial leadership requires a liveable, well-managed, and environmentally responsible city.
Political analysts tracking Kano’s trajectory have begun to note a pattern that goes beyond routine governance. Governor Yusuf, they observe, has spent the past two years systematically rebuilding Kano’s institutional foundations, redirecting loyalty structures toward Government House, and positioning the state for a new era of political and economic relevance that will define not only the 2027 general elections but the decade beyond them.
The governor himself has been characteristically direct about his intentions. He designated 2026 as the Year of Youth Employment and Peace, a declaration that frames job creation not as a political promise but as a governance priority with a specific timeline and a clear accountability framework. He has engaged members of the National Assembly representing Kano in structured dialogue designed to align state executive priorities with federal legislative action, creating a coordination architecture that maximises the state’s ability to attract and deploy federal resources.
The result of all this is a Kano that is, for the first time in a generation, moving with purpose, direction, and momentum toward the commercial and industrial leadership that its history, its people, and its potential have always demanded.
Kano did not build its legacy in a day. The trans-Saharan traders who made this city a continental commercial crossroads did not do so through speeches or political rallies. They did it through consistent, disciplined, and visionary work across generations. Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf is drawing on that same tradition, applying it to the challenges and opportunities of the 21st century, and doing so with the full weight of a state government that has finally, decisively, and irreversibly placed the interests of its people at the centre of every decision it makes.

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The commercial and industrial capital of Northern Nigeria is not a title to be claimed. It is a status to be earned, sustained, and defended through the quality of governance, the depth of investment, and the courage of leadership.

 

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Opinion

First Lady in Kano: What Senator Oluremi Tinubu’s Visit Tells Us About Abuja’s Commitment to Kano’s Industrial Future

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Saminu Umar Ph.D, Senior Lecture; Department of Information and Media Studies, Bayero University, Kano surijyarzaki@gmail.com

In the entire history of Kano State, few moments have carried the weight of symbolic and substantive significance that April 23, 2026 promises to deliver. On that day, Her Excellency Senator Oluremi Tinubu, CON, First Lady of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, will stand in Nigeria’s most commercially historic city, not as a visitor passing through, but as the personal representative of a presidency that has made a conscious, deliberate, and far-reaching commitment to Kano’s industrial future. For a state that hosts one of West Africa’s busiest and most diverse commercial ecosystems, that accounts for a significant share of Nigeria’s leather, textile, groundnut, and agricultural commodity trade, and that carries within its borders an extraordinary concentration of entrepreneurial talent and industrial heritage, that commitment could not have come at a more critical time.
It is important to establish, from the outset, that Senator Oluremi Tinubu is not a conventional First Lady. In many countries, and indeed in much of Nigeria’s own political history, the office of the First Lady has been largely ceremonial, defined by social welfare appearances, ribbon cuttings, and charitable foundations. Senator Tinubu represents a sharp departure from that tradition. She served as the Senator representing Lagos Central Senatorial District in the National Assembly, accumulating a legislative record that spanned poverty alleviation, women’s rights, child welfare, and economic empowerment. She understands the architecture of governance, the language of policy, and the machinery of federal bureaucracy in ways that most ceremonial First Ladies simply do not.
When the Honourable Minister of Innovation, Science and Technology, Dr. Kingsley Tochukwu Udeh, SAN, personally visited the State House in Abuja in March 2026 to brief Senator Tinubu and formally request her championship of the Energise Commercialisation Now initiative, her acceptance was not the passive endorsement of a spouse lending her name to a government programme. It was the active engagement of a political leader who understood exactly what the programme was designed to achieve, and who brought her own convictions, her own networks, and her own authority to its execution. The First Lady is not merely attending the Kano event. She is championing it, and there is a profound difference between the two.
To understand why Abuja’s commitment to Kano’s industrial future matters so enormously, one must understand what Kano already is, and what it could become with the right federal partnership.
Kano State, with an estimated population of over 20 million people, is the most populous state in Nigeria. Its Kurmi Market, one of the oldest and most historically significant trading centres in West Africa, was once the terminal point of trans-Saharan trade routes that connected sub-Saharan Africa to North Africa, the Middle East, and Europe. The city’s leather industry, centred on the ancient Kofar Mata dye pits, produces finished leather goods that have found markets across Europe and Asia for centuries. Its textile sector, once among the most productive in West Africa, employed hundreds of thousands of workers before decades of policy neglect and energy poverty began eroding its foundations. Its agricultural hinterland, stretching across 44 local government areas, produces groundnuts, sorghum, millet, cowpea, and a range of commodities with enormous value-addition and export potential.
Yet despite this extraordinary economic inheritance, Kano has consistently punched below its weight in the national development conversation, largely because of the political isolation that defined its relationship with the Federal Government for too long. A state in perpetual opposition to the centre is a state that watches federal programmes pass it by. A state whose governor answers to a political godfather rather than to his own people is a state that cannot fully mobilise its own resources in the national interest.
Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s decision to align with the Federal Government under President Tinubu has fundamentally altered that equation. The ECoN national launch in Kano is among the first, most visible, and most consequential expressions of that alteration.
The Energise Commercialisation Now initiative is structured around a three-day programme format that moves from political mobilisation on day one, through innovation discovery and evaluation on day two, to investment and commercialisation facilitation on day three. For Kano, each of those days carries specific and measurable potential.
On day two alone, exhibiting innovators from Kano’s universities, including Bayero University Kano, Kano University of Science and Technology Wudil, and Northwest University Kano, alongside entrepreneurs from the state’s vibrant informal sector, will have the opportunity to present their innovations to a room containing private sector investors, venture capital firms, development finance institutions, and international partners expected to include representatives from the African Development Bank, Afreximbank, WIPO, and global technology platforms. For many of these innovators, it will be the first time in their careers that they will stand before an audience with the financial capacity and institutional authority to take their ideas from concept to commercial scale.
On day three, the deal rooms and industry matchmaking sessions could potentially generate investment commitments that transform Kano’s manufacturing landscape. The state’s existing industrial clusters, including the Sharada Industrial Estate, the Bompai Industrial Area, and the Challawa Industrial Estate, all of which have faced longstanding challenges of energy supply, infrastructure maintenance, and access to capital, stand to benefit directly from the investment mobilisation agenda that ECoN is designed to drive.
The Kano State Government has not been waiting passively for federal programmes to arrive. It has been doing the foundational work that makes federal partnership productive rather than performative.

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The state’s 2026 budget of N1.477 trillion, the largest in its history, allocates N405.3 billion to education, N346.2 billion to infrastructure, and N212.2 billion to health. The administration has trained 2,000 Neighbourhood Watch operatives to strengthen community security, cleared N32 billion in pension backlogs that successive administrations had abandoned, and established Kano State Polytechnic in Gaya to expand technical and vocational education access in the state’s southern corridor. It has planted over 5.5 million trees under its Climate Change Policy, procured 199,000 bags of fertiliser for distribution to farmers, and approved 11 mini-dams to support year-round agricultural production.

These investments create the enabling environment that federal programmes like ECoN require to deliver lasting impact. An innovation commercialisation programme landing in a state with functional schools, rehabilitated hospitals, improved security, and an administration committed to SME development is a programme that has a genuine chance of changing lives. Senator Tinubu is not coming to Kano to commission a programme in a vacuum. She is coming to commission a programme in a state that is ready to receive it, deploy it, and convert it into tangible, lasting prosperity for its people.
Beyond Kano, the First Lady’s visit carries a message for the entire North West geopolitical zone and indeed for every part of Nigeria watching how the Tinubu administration deploys its development programmes. It signals that federal resources follow productive partnership. It signals that states willing to engage constructively with the centre, align with its development agenda, and build their own internal capacity will be rewarded with federal presence, federal investment, and federal attention at the highest levels.
For the governors and First Ladies from across the North West who have been invited to witness the Kano event, the message is unmistakable: this is what constructive federal alignment looks like in practice. This is what it means to place the interests of your people above the dictates of political sentiment.

History does not always announce itself loudly. Sometimes it arrives quietly, in the form of a three-day programme in a city that has waited too long for its moment. When Senator Oluremi Tinubu stands before Kano on April 23, she will not merely be flagging off a federal initiative. She will be opening a chapter in Kano’s industrial story that the state’s millions of people, its traders and craftsmen, its graduates and innovators, its farmers and manufacturers, have every right to read with pride, with hope, and with the quiet, unshakeable confidence that their best days are not behind them.

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Opinion

Amupitan and the Credibility of the 2027 Elections-Salihu Tanko Yakasai

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By Salihu Tanko Yakasai.

In any election, the most important stakeholder is the electoral umpire. Whoever is chosen to lead the electoral body carries a heavy burden, particularly in how key players and observers perceive the independence of that umpire, whether he will be fair and just or take sides with those who appointed him.

Typically, the person appointed to head the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) is expected to ensure a level playing field for all candidates, irrespective of whether they belong to the ruling party or the opposition. Over the years in Nigeria, however, some INEC chairmen have been found wanting in the discharge of their duties.

Maurice Iwu is widely regarded as one of Nigeria’s most controversial INEC chairmen, largely because the 2007 elections under his leadership were heavily criticized for irregularities and lack of credibility. Even Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, who won that election, admitted the process was flawed. While some argue he operated within a weak system, his tenure is still often seen as a low point for electoral integrity in Nigeria.

If you’re looking at credibility, transparency, and public trust, his tenure is often seen as a low point for Nigeria’s electoral process.

But from all indications, the current INEC chairman, Joash Amupitan, seems to be on the verge of becoming even worse than Maurice Iwu, as his tenure has been marked by one controversy after another since his appointment.

1- Religious bias allegation

The current INEC chairman, Amupitan, has faced criticism over a past petition in which he reportedly raised concerns about what he described as “Christian genocide.” This has drawn objections from groups such as the Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs, who argue that such a position raises questions about his neutrality in a religiously diverse country and have called for his removal.

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2- ADC leadership portal controversy

While citing a court order, the INEC chairman reportedly derecognized David Mark and Rauf Aregbesola as Chairman and Secretary of the African Democratic Congress, respectively. This removal from INEC’s official portal could undermine the party’s ability to field candidates. Critics see this as a move that may disadvantage opposition parties in favor of the ruling All Progressives Congress.

3- Voter revalidation exercise concerns

Another major issue was the proposed voter revalidation exercise introduced close to the election timeline, which sparked backlash. Many argued that attempting to revalidate tens of millions of voters within a short period could disenfranchise many Nigerians in the 2027 general elections. Following public pressure, the commission suspended the exercise.

4- Social media partisanship allegation

Questions have been raised about an alleged social media account linked to Amupitan, said to contain posts supportive of the APC and critical of opposition movements such as the “Obidient” movement. Although he denied ownership, some online claims suggest links to personal identifiers such as an email address and phone number, leaving the issue contested.

All these controversies are happening even before the elections. If Maurice Iwu is the yardstick for a poor election umpire, then by all accounts, Amupitan appears to be on track to surpass that record. If he can be perceived as this compromised before the elections, what should be expected on election day?

When the credibility of an election collapses, the consequences go far beyond the ballot box. Voter turnout drops as people begin to feel their votes no longer count, and the legitimacy of whoever emerges as winner is immediately questioned. This often fuels political tension, deepens divisions, and in some cases can trigger unrest. Ultimately, a flawed electoral process does not just produce disputed outcomes, it weakens public trust in democracy itself and makes governance far more difficult.

This is why all well-meaning Nigerians, as well as the international community, must lend their voices to calls for the removal of such a controversial INEC chairman. The credibility of the elections is already being questioned even before they are held. It is like a referee in a football match wearing the jersey of one of the teams, you do not need anyone to tell you that such a referee cannot be neutral.

As Kofi Annan once said, “Credible elections are the cornerstone of democracy.” When that credibility is in doubt, the very foundation of the democratic process is weakened. Nigeria cannot afford to gamble with that foundation in 2027.

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