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Opinion

Electoral Act 2022:The Dilemma Of Withdrawal Of Candidates-Abdu Fagge

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Barrister Abdul Fagge

 

INTRODUCTION:

The Electoral Act, 2022 came into force on the 25th February, 2022 to regulate conduct of Political Parties activities, primaries election, and general Election among others. I commend the National assembly and President Federal Republic of Nigeria for passing and assenting same respectively. The Act provides certain innovations as well as new provisions which can only be clearly and perfectly understood through the instrumentality of Judicial pronouncements.
From 20th August, 2022, when the wind of rumor starts escalating for defection of distinguished Senator Ibrahim Shekarau from NNPP to PDP to the 29th August, 2022 when he formally defected and up to today the 1st of September, 2022, I received and I am still receiving phone calls from some Honourable Attorneys General, the legal practitioners, Excellencies, Right Honorable Members, members of National and State Assemblies, Key Stake Holders of different Political Parties, Politicians, Proprietors of some National dailies and general public seeking my opinion on whether NNPP and PDP can submit names of other candidates to INEC and upon such submission INEC is obliged to accept.
The above nagging question requires not Yes or No answer. In my candid opinion, the answer can only be proffered from x-raying Sections 29(1), 31, 32(1) and 33 of the Electoral Act, 2022 vis-a-vis Section 78 and paragraph 15 of the 3rd Schedule to the 1999 Constitution Federal Republic of Nigeria (as altered) and Section 28(1) of the Electoral Act, 2022, Judicial authorities and other enabling laws.

Relevant Sections of the Electoral Act:

Section 28.—(1) The Commission shall, not later than 360 days before the day appointed for holding of an election under this Act, publish a notice in each State of the Federation and the Federal Capital Territory —

(a) stating the date of the election; and
(b) appointing the place at which nomination papers are to be delivered.

Section 29.— (1) Every political party shall, not later than 180 days before the date appointed for a general election under this Act, submit to the Commission, in the prescribed Forms, the list of the candidates the party proposes to sponsor at the elections, who must have emerged from valid primaries conducted by the political party.

Section 31. A candidate may withdraw his or her candidature by notice in writing signed by him and delivered personally by the candidate to the political party that nominated him for the election and the political party shall convey such withdrawal to the Commission not later than 90 days to the election.

Section 32(1): the commission shall, at least 150 days before the day of the election, publish by displaying or causing to be displayed at the relevant office or offices of the commission and on the commission’s web site, a statement of the full names and addresses of all candidates standing nominated.

Section 33. A political party shall not be allowed to change or substitute its candidate whose name has been submitted under section 29 of this Act, except in the case of death or withdrawal by the candidate: Provided that in the case of such withdrawal or death of a candidate, the political party affected shall, within 14 days of the occurrence of the event, hold a fresh primary election to produce and submit a fresh candidate to the Commission for the election concerned.

CONSTITUTION FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF NIGERIA 1999 (AS ALTERED):
Section 78. The registration of voters and the conduct of elections shall be subject to the direction and supervision of Independent National Electoral Commission.

From the above cited provisions, INEC has unfettered powers to issue guidelines, time table and schedule of activities for 2023 General Election, and it is on this premise it issued time table, schedule of its activities on the 26th day of February, 2022 to regulate all the political parties activities including last day for replacement of the withdrawn candidates.

2023:INEC Commences Distribution Of Over 77 Thousand PVC’S In Kano

Therefore, I am of the firm view that INEC time table, Guidelines and schedule of activities have same force with any enabling law and they run pari – pasu and all political parties are under obligation to comply with the said Time Table, Guidelines, and schedule of activities and it is in that regard all political parties sold their nomination forms, conducted primaries and forwarded the names of their candidates to INEC all within the stipulated period provided by the time table. The submission above is supported by the case of N.D.P. VS. I.N.E.C. (2012) 14 NWLR Part 1319 at page 176 particularly page 197 para D – F.
“The Time Table is Guideline with force of law; this is because any action taken outside the published time table is fatal to the political party involved. The activities and time schedule set out in the Time Table published are not directory”.

Based on the above decision and other relevant laws cited, it is beyond doubt that INEC Time Table is not an instruction or guide but a command which all Political parties must comply with.

Therefore it is an affront to the established principle of law for political parties to even contemplate substitution or replacement of their candidates after the expiration of the last day provided by INEC in its time table and schedule of activities for 2023 General Election and for INEC to accept such substitution or replacement.

The most amazing part of the Electoral Act which I find most interesting are Sections 31, 32(1) and 33 dealing with withdrawal of candidates, date of final display of candidates and changing candidates respectively. These three sections are key to the issue under discussion and it is against that background I devoted time to carefully and painstakingly read them, and in the end my understanding reveals that there is nowhere the “last day” is stated for replacement or changing of the withdrawn candidate. Section 31 squarely deals with notification of withdrawal to INEC while Section 33 pertains to conduct of Fresh primaries.

The sections of the law were reproduced at pages 1 and 2 for ease of reference.

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While rubbing mind on these issues, Two very senior lawyers whom I respect much and are my mentors, principals and still working under them argued that the 90 days period for notification of withdrawal also applies to replacement, I told them that with respect, I’m imbued with contrary position, reason being that had the law makers intended that time to apply for replacement same should have been stated.

Secondly, I asked what if Notice of withdrawal is forwarded to INEC at the anniversary of the 90 days, which is still within the ambit of law for political parties to convey such letter of withdrawal to INEC, can the political parties still organize and conduct primaries to substitute candidate less than 90 days before the day of the general election, because section 31 states categorically that “Not later than 90 days the political parties shall convey such letter of withdrawal to INEC. This will as well give another room to argue that replacement or changing of candidates can be made less than 90 days before the date of the general election on the strength of submission of withdrawal letter at the anniversary of 90 days, because the party needs to arrange and conduct primaries thereafter then the window for replacement cannot be 90 days because section 33 empowered political parties to conduct fresh primaries within 14 days of the occurrence of the event.

It is apparent that drawing 14 days out of 90 days one can safely conclude that it will certainly be less than 90 days. It is a known fact in the entire Electoral Act, there is nowhere the “last day” for replacement of withdrawn candidate is stated.

Lastly, Section 32 (2) of the Electoral Act, 2022 mandates INEC to make final display of Names and Addresses of candidates of political parties at least 150 days before the date of General Election. It is therefore, my understanding that 90 days as contained in section 31 of the Act, cannot by all canon of interpretation be the last day for substitution or replacement of withdrawn candidate, reason being that it run contrary to the intendment of the legislature, and the whole essence of interpretation is to discover the meaning and intendment of the law makers taking the entire provisions in to consideration.

It is long settled principle of law that you cannot import into law that which is not stated. See the Supreme Court decision: in NDOMA EGBA V. CHUKWUOGOR (2004) 6 NWLR Part 869 page 382 particularly page 430 Paras F – H.

“……….There is no doubt that to use the common law principle of presumption of regularity to interpret entrenched constitutional right may be inappropriate. It is however erroneous to read into a clear and unambiguous constitutional provision what its does not embrace. The provision has to be interpreted strictly in accordance with the ordinary meaning of the word use without it being adorned, as it were, with ornamental words not therein to make it attractive to wider interpretation……..”

See also EBOIGBE V. N.N.P.C. (1994) 5 NWLR (Part 347) page 649.

Section 32(1) of the Electoral Act, 2022 mandates INEC to make final publication of full names and addresses of all candidates standing nominated at least 150 days before the election.

It is clear from the above provision that INEC is required to make final publication of candidates in its offices and its website at least 150 days to the election and it was against that background INEC made about two publications in their offices of 36 States, its Headquarters and in its website before the 15th July, 2022 and 12th August, 2022 respectively so as to allow political parties to change and substitute their candidates where necessary before the final day for replacement.

Had the drafters of the Electoral Act, 2022 intended 90 days to be the last day for substitution or replacement they would not have stated at least 150 days to be the last day of final display of names and addresses of candidates in section 32(1).

It is long settled principle of law that to appreciate and have a fuller meaning of the law the statute shall be given community reading rather than isolated reading.

On this principle of law See the Supreme Court Decision in BELLO V. A.G. OYO STATE 1986 5 NWLR part 45 page 828 particularly 832.

“…….. in construing the provisions of an enactment, although it is the particular section that is being considered that should be the primary concern, the whole enactment should be construed as a whole…..”

Flowing from the above, It is palpably wrong to hold the view that political parties can substitute or replace their candidates at least 90 days to the election placing reliance on section 31 of the Electoral Act, 2022.

I have read extensively the Electoral Act, 2022 particularly Section 29, 31, 32, 33 and 34 and I found no clear and unambiguous provisions relating to last day of substitution or replacement of political parties candidate(s) and having no clear and specific date the wordings of the statutes should be given their ordinary meaning.

On this principle of law see OGBEBOR V. DANJUMA (2003) 15 NWLR Part 843 page 403 particularly paras D–G.

“it is the duty of Court to interpret the word of the law makers as used.”

I therefore, have no hesitation in coming to the conclusion that INEC has unfettered power to stipulate in its schedule of activities and Guidelines the last day for substitution/replacement of candidates as issued in its Time Table dated 26th day of February, 2022.

To sum it up I am of the firm view that INEC by section 78 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria as altered and paragraph 15 of Third schedule to the said Constitution has unfettered power to issue Guidelines, Time Table and Schedule of Activities for 2023 General Election including stipulating last day for replacement or substitution of withdrawn candidate(s) of political parties.

It cannot be right to say that column 6 of INEC Time Table and schedule of Activities for 2023 General Election which fixes 15th July, 2022 as last day for replacement of Presidential and National Assembly Political Parties candidates and 12th of August, 2022 as last day for replacement of Governorship and State Houses of Assembly Political Parties candidates are in conflict with Electoral Act, 2022 or 1999 Constitution of Federal Republic of Nigeria as altered as there is nowhere the last day for replacement is specifically stated either in the Constitution or Electoral Act. Therefore, INEC by Section 78 and Paragraph 15 of 3rd Schedule to the 1999 Constitution of FRN has unfettered Power to organize and direct how the elections shall be conducted and it is on that strength INEC issued the said Time Table. See N.D.P VS. I.N.E.C supra.

Conclusion/Recommendation:

I will now therefore, without much ado answer that the window for replacement or substitution of Political parties’ candidates is deemed closed since the 15th July, 2022 and 12th August, 2022 respectively.

It is therefore, my humble advise that the National Assembly whenever the need arise for making further amendment, the “Last Day” for substitution or replacement of candidate(s) by Political parties be clearly and specifically spelt out in the Act.

Most obliged.

Abdul Adamu Fagge Esq., ACArb.
(Head of Chambers)
BASHIR, NASIRU (SAN) & CO.
(Member, Common Wealth Lawyers Association)
(Former Member National Executive Council Nigerian Bar Association),
(Former Chairman, Nigerian Bar Association, Kano Branch)
08032846588
Abdulfagge57@gmail.com

Opinion

Muhuyi Raided Our Area: Encomiums, Prayers and Solidarity Trail Operation

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Muhuyi Magaji

 

By Abba Anwar

A few days ago, Sheikh Salga Street, the stretch from Goron Dutse to Jakara, was a haven for Yandaba and drug addicts. They terrorized residents in broad daylight without fear, and at night, it was even worse. The Jakara Divisional Police did their best to curb the menace, but the challenge was beyond a single station.

The real game-changer came when the Inter-Agency Task Force Against Drug Abuse and Other Related Crimes, under the fearless Barrister Muhuyi Magaji Rimingado, stormed the area. It was a thorough, house-to-house operation that combed every nook and cranny.

This is my area. I was born and raised in Bakinruwa quarters, and I have friends across all the adjoining neighborhoods. When Barrister Rimingado led his men in a Rambo-style raid, calls started coming in. Many residents told me that this single operation alone has convinced every right-thinking person in the area to vote for the present administration under His Excellency, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, in the 2027 election.

Interestingly, a greater percentage of those I spoke to do not belong to the ruling party, the All Progressives Congress, APC. Yet they insisted that this intervention is the best thing that has happened to them in recent times. They promised to pay back with their votes in 2027.

Politics aside, when these criminal elements forced people to run for their lives, they did not ask whether you wereAPC, ADC or any other party. Several people were severely injured. Some were alleged to have lost their lives.

What made this raid more strategic and successful was how the Task Force worked hand-in-hand with traditional community leaders, the Masu Unguwa. These are leaders who know the suspects by name, who know their parents, their houses and their hideouts. That is why the operation succeeded.

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This is a smart application of community policing. Beyond intelligence from security agencies, bringing in community leaders was a vital, creative and strategic move by the Chairman of the Task Force.

The raid was not a one-day show. It continued up to yesterday. Coincidentally, there was a Maulud gathering on the road between Durumin Kaigama and Yar Kasuwa. I learnt that immediately after the Maulud, a special prayer session was held. They prayed for Governor Yusuf to secure another term, and they prayed for Allah’s protection and guidance for Barrister Rimingado and his dedicated team.

What the Task Force did was appreciated by thousands of residents. From what I gathered, some youth have even started organizing a movement to support Governor Yusuf’s re-election bid. The movement, I learnt, has nothing to do with party affiliation.

I was briefed that youth from all walks of life are involved – students, artisans, members of community-based organizations, business people, women groups and civil servants.

What Barrister Rimingado did has opened the eyes of many apolitical people. These are hundreds of people who do not belong to any political party, but who have now resolved to do everything possible to ensure Governor Yusuf returns in 2027.

This vindicates what I wrote earlier, that politics aside, if properly handled, the activities of the Task Force could be one of the most fundamental efforts capable of giving APC more votes in Kano in all elections, especially the gubernatorial contest.

Alhamdulillah, rules of engagement were professionally adhered to during the raid. About 80 suspected criminals were arrested. Some fled out of the state, but I was reliably informed they will be trailed to wherever they hide. This is what we call patriotic commitment.

Let me use this platform to convey the thank-you message of our people to the Governor of Kano State and the Task Force under Barrister Rimingado for this timely intervention and show of concern and seriousness.

One Malam Ahmad Dahawi, who leads an umbrella body of community associations in the area with thousands of members, confirmed that peace has now returned to the affected areas. He assured that although their umbrella body comprises people across different political parties, they have resolved to support Governor Yusuf in 2027, while members are free to vote for whoever they like in other elections.

More grease to your elbow, the people’s Governor. More courage and fearlessness to Barrister Rimingado and his unwavering team. With this kind of teamwork and community support, the days of these criminals are numbered.

What is most interesting is the political will of the Governor and his unwavering support for cleansing our state of criminal activities.

I suggest other areas within the metropolis and rural communities, should copy from our people in supporting the operation of the all-important Task Force. It is for the good of all of us.

Anwar writes from Kano
Saturday, 3rd October, 2026

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Opinion

Muhuyi and the Fight for Kano’s Future-Ismail Auwal

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By Ismail Auwal

I knew Muhuyi Magaji Rimin Gado had capacity. His work at Kano’s Public Complaints and Anti-Corruption Commission had established that much. But watching the pace of his present assignment, I have had to revise my expectations upward. I did not imagine he would bring this much energy to the task.
The operations have kept coming: arrests, investigations and court proceedings. Alongside them are plans for rehabilitation and skills training. What has emerged is a public official taking responsibility for an assignment whose consequences reach far beyond his office and into the homes and neighbourhoods of Kano.
Within 45 days, the task force reportedly conducted more than 200 raids and secured more than 200 convictions, with four mobile courts handling the cases. Those figures remain reported results. They nevertheless describe an early pace of enforcement that deserves attention, and the leadership sustaining it deserves recognition.
Consider the work behind an operation. Information arrives and must be assessed. Someone decides what requires investigation and brings the relevant agencies together. Officers are deployed, evidence is gathered and records are prepared. After an arrest, the responsibility continues through the preparation and handling of a case.
Maintaining that effort across repeated operations requires organisation and follow-through. This is where Muhuyi’s energy becomes significant. He has taken on a responsibility that demands sustained attention, and the accounts emerging from Kano suggest he is giving the assignment precisely that.
The arrests sit at the centre of this effort because they make government action visible. For residents who have reported suspected criminal activity, an operation can show that their information reached someone prepared to respond. It can begin to restore a connection between public complaints and public action.
That connection matters. When people believe a complaint will go nowhere, they may stop making it. They find ways to live around the problem, avoid certain places or carry their concerns privately. An institution that responds gives them a reason to participate again and demonstrates that their knowledge of their community has value.
Muhuyi’s task force has an opportunity to strengthen that relationship with every operation properly investigated and every case properly followed. His leadership deserves commendation for pursuing the work through institutions, bringing enforcement and court proceedings into the same understanding of public responsibility.
For Kano, the stakes are personal. A family dealing with harmful drug use may find its plans gradually displaced by the next crisis. Schooling is interrupted, money intended for other needs goes towards seeking help, and relationships come under strain. Parents try to understand what is happening while worrying about what might happen next.
These are the lives behind the assignment. A response that reaches them can change what they expect from government. It can provide somewhere to seek assistance and a reason to believe that the burden they have been carrying is receiving attention beyond the household.
That is why I have followed Muhuyi’s work with growing interest. The task force is addressing a problem whose effects can spread through generations. Protecting a young person’s opportunity to learn, work and contribute has consequences for an entire family. It also influences the kind of Kano that will emerge in the years ahead.
Muhuyi brings experience suited to these demands. At the Public Complaints and Anti-Corruption Commission, he worked where citizens’ grievances met the machinery of government. Complaints had to be received, records examined and investigations pursued. Public expectations had to be translated into administrative and legal action.
His contribution included work on the institution itself. In April 2025, the commission published an account of commendations from the Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Centre. CISLAC recognised developments under his leadership, including an anticorruption strategy, operating guidelines for government institutions and offices across Kano’s 44 local government areas.
There is substance in that record. Extending an institution’s presence makes it easier for people to approach it. Establishing procedures gives staff a framework for handling complaints. Setting a strategy helps work continue across competing demands. These are foundations on which visible results depend.
For a resident seeking assistance, the difference can be practical: an office within reach, a process that can be understood and an official assigned to follow the matter. Such arrangements give public service a form people can use. Muhuyi’s experience developing them is an asset to his present responsibility.
The commission’s engagement with CISLAC also involved cooperation on asset tracking and recovery. That experience points to another quality relevant to the task force: understanding that institutions can accomplish more when they combine expertise and establish clear arrangements for working together.
Drug enforcement brings together responsibilities held by different bodies. Reporting on the task force’s maiden meeting described participation by the NDLEA, police, Department of State Services and other public institutions. Their involvement provides a basis for coordinated work, while leadership keeps that cooperation active after the meeting ends.
Information must move to those able to assess it. Evidence must reach those preparing proceedings. Responsibilities must be understood well enough to prevent a case from losing momentum between institutions. Muhuyi’s role is to help make these connections work, and the reported activity gives reason to recognise his commitment.
Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf also deserves credit for establishing the platform and giving the assignment political backing. Placing an experienced official at its head was a consequential decision. Muhuyi’s response has given that decision operational meaning through the task force’s reported activities and developing partnerships.
The governor’s support and the chairman’s drive can reinforce each other. Public backing enables institutions to commit resources, while operational leadership directs those resources towards the work. Kano benefits when both remain focused on the people the assignment is meant to serve.
The effort has attracted recognition from other institutions. Reports of an August visit said the NDLEA’s Zone 5 Command named Muhuyi a War Against Drug Abuse ambassador, citing cooperation, awareness and community mobilisation. In September, the North-West Development Commission also commended the task force and expressed interest in collaboration.
Such recognition can open opportunities for assistance and shared expertise. It also encourages the personnel carrying out the work. Officers, investigators and administrative staff all contribute to the results associated with a chairman’s name. Their effort deserves recognition alongside the leadership coordinating it.
The ambition to help people rebuild their lives after enforcement is equally important. Muhuyi has reportedly outlined plans for skills training reaching 10,000 people, with a role envisaged for the Kiru Reformation Centre. That number is a proposed target, and its direction is encouraging: rehabilitation has a place in how he understands the assignment.
A young person returning home may need treatment, an opportunity to resume education or help acquiring a skill. The family may also need guidance. Recovery can involve a series of steps, each requiring someone to remain involved after the immediate crisis has passed.
Including rehabilitation recognises that public responsibility continues through those steps. It gives the campaign a purpose that families can understand: helping a person regain the ability to participate in everyday life. That ambition deserves support because its benefits can extend well beyond the individual receiving assistance.
A young person who resumes school recovers an opportunity to prepare for adulthood. Someone who acquires a useful skill has a basis for pursuing a livelihood. A household that receives help can begin making plans again. Through these changes, an intervention becomes an investment in Kano’s future.
The support of religious scholars, Friday mosque imams and Hisbah can strengthen this effort. These institutions have relationships with communities that government agencies can work alongside. Their participation can encourage discussion, prevention and assistance in places where families already seek guidance.
Muhuyi deserves credit for leading an assignment that is developing these connections. Public engagement helps build the cooperation on which sustained progress depends. Families need to know where to seek help, and communities need to understand how they can contribute to protecting young people.
The task force’s developing approach brings these responsibilities into the same conversation. Operations address suspected offences, court proceedings carry cases forward, rehabilitation plans look towards recovery, and community partnerships create opportunities for prevention and support. Together, they provide a basis for recognising the leadership behind the effort.
I have followed Muhuyi’s work with an existing appreciation of his capacity. What I now appreciate more fully is his willingness to apply it with urgency. He has brought energy to an assignment that requires people to keep showing up, keep coordinating and keep following the work. That commitment deserves commendation.
Kano’s future will be shaped partly by what happens to its young people today. Every opportunity preserved, every family assisted and every community able to obtain a response contributes to that future. Muhuyi has taken on a responsibility that reaches directly into those possibilities.
The arrests have made the effort visible, and his leadership is giving it momentum. With sustained support, the work can leave its strongest record in the lives of people who find a way forward: young people returning to education and employment, families receiving assistance and communities gaining confidence in the institutions serving them.

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Opinion

Dry Taps Gone, Kano Flows Again: The Abba Yusuf Water Comeback By Abba Anwar

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By Abba Anwar

It is evidently clear and on record to understand that Kano thirsty decade is ending, as how His Excellency the Governor of Kano State, Eng Abba Kabir Yusuf is turning 95 years of ruin into a N21.3 Billion revival. This is leadership, commitment, display of patriotic political will and understanding of complexities and peculiarities of human existence.

What Kano is experiencing now, in terms of redirecting the water industry into human face, calls for global gist and account. For example in Cape Town, they called perennial shortage of water Day Zero – the day the taps would run dry.

In Flint, Michigan, history tells us that it was a lead poisoning crisis that shocked America. While in Kano, Africa’s most populous city, situated in Northern Nigeria, it was slower, quieter, and more painful. Very pathetic and heartbreaking, for over ten years, the taps simply stopped. No announcement. No Day Zero. Just air.

The history of Kano water sector reveals that the city needs 700 million litres of water every single day to survive. Until last year, it was getting less than 300 million. A deficit of 400 million litres. That is not a shortage; it is a systemic collapse. Mothers woke up at 4 a.m. to queue at boreholes. Children trekked kilometres with jerry cans. Industries shut down. Cholera whispered in the background.

Identification of problem didn’t match with problem diagnosis. For years, successive administrations applied plaster to a cancer. The current administration of Governor Yusuf has chosen to perform open-heart surgery. A better and neater option. Surgical operation not plaster application. Which catches and punches the right button.
And the heart is now beating again as the Governor means business and genuine service delivery.

Kano’s 95-year-old legacy, which I term as The Soul of a City, is a deliberate presentation for proper
understanding of the magnitude of what is happening now. Hence we must understand what was lost.

Kano’s water story did not start yesterday. It started in 1927, when the British colonial administration, under Emir Abdullahi Bayero, broke ground for what would become the first waterworks in Northern Nigeria – the Challawa Water Works. Completed in 1930, with a modest 20 million litres per day, it was an engineering marvel of its time. It supplied Dorayi, Kabuga, Kofar Fanfo, Jan Bulo, Rijiyar Zaki, and even the Army Barracks in Janguza. It ran non-stop for 86 years.

Then came its younger brothers. The Old Tamburawa in 1986 – 9.6 million litres, later upgraded to 20 million. Then the New Tamburawa, a behemoth with a 150 million litre per day capacity. And anchoring them all, the legendary Goron Dutse reservoirs – five massive underground and surface reservoirs built between 1930 and 1974, with a combined storage of over 40 million litres. They were the lungs of Kano’s distribution.

By whatever standard and estimation this was a system built by visionaries, with clearly defined vision. But it was, unfortunately, killed by neglect. Year in year out all the donkey years witnessed terrifying reality when city’s lifeline was utterly and irresponsibly looted.

To tell my reader that, that experience was worrying our Governor deeply even before he came on board, before he took the oath of office on May 29, 2023, he set up a powerful Committee of Experts to look into the perennial nature of the water industry. Immediately after he came on board his engineers gave him a report on water that read like a war zone assessment.

Since then, when I discussed the concern with a friend from Darmanawa he quickly commended the effort and called for public support of the entire process and procedures.

It was fundamentally clear that in Challawa, the scene was “pathetic and disheartening,” in the official words of the Ministry. Out of six giant industrial generating sets that power the entire plant when the national grid fails, only two were limping. Water Works No. 1 and No. 2 were dead. No. 3 was gasping at 30% capacity. A call for action at whatever rate.

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Worse than decay was destruction. Raw water pumps were gone. Electrical starters ripped from control rooms. Underground electrical facilities stolen. And in an act that shocked even veteran engineers, a 15-kilometre, 15.6 kilometre underground transmission pipeline – the artery that feeds Challawa – was excavated and stolen. Not vandalised. Stolen. Some individuals even walked into the premises claiming the federal government had sold the waterworks to them. A brazen dishonesty of the highest order.

At Goron Dutse, the story was even more symbolic. The reservoirs that had quenched Kano for nearly a century had not received a single drop of water for over ten years. Ten years! They were dry, cracked, and filled with silt. As bad as economies during conventional wars. Abandonment amid need for attention.

The total cost of decay was put at over N30 billion. An administration in the past had spent N5.6 billion in just 11 months for “maintenance” but it was maintenance without a soul. As pipes were not replaced, reservoirs were not desilted, pumps were not procured. The result? Tamburawa, designed for 150 million litres, was doing 27%. Challawa, designed for 220 million, was doing less than 30%. Together, they should produce 370 million litres. They were producing less than 90 million.

To revive just Challawa, an official told journalists that the state would need $3.5 million, later revised to over $10 million, because the 1930-era machines have to be custom-built in Europe on demand. They are not on any shelf in the world.

This is the rot Governor Yusuf inherited. To me, Governor Yusuf’s political will is doctrinal with no match in sight. Unmatched political will. It is glaring for all to know that great cities are not revived by press releases. They are revived by political will. This is where His Excellency separates himself from every administration in the last decade.

He did not send a committee. He went himself. Since from the start of the good re-engineering touch of the water facilities. For example just yesterday, he and his able Deputy H.E. Murtala Sule Garo alongside other top government functionaries visited water projects that are almost ready for good operations.

In a now-famous inspection tour, Governor Yusuf, in rain boots, walked the length of Challawa and Tamburawa with engineers from CGC Nigeria Limited and CCECC Nigeria Limited – the same Chinese engineering giants building Africa’s biggest dams and railways. He saw the leaking pipes. He saw the obsolete clarifiers. He saw the dead high-lift pumps. And there, on the spot, he made a decision that will define his legacy.

He approved without any hesitation, the sum of N21.29 billion. Wow! the single largest water investment in Kano in 15 years. Leadership by example. Viva our dear Governor Viva.

Not N21.89 billion in rumour. N21.29 billion in signed contracts. With N9.9 billion to CGC Nigeria Limited for the total rehabilitation of Tamburawa Water Treatment Plant and its raw water pump station. The sum of N11.39 billion to CCECC Nigeria Limited for the rehabilitation of Challawa Raw Water Pump Station, its treatment plant, and the total restoration of the Goron Dutse reservoirs. Action! Action!! Action!!!

This is not rehabilitation on paper. This is what is happening on the ground right now, as confirmed by Dr. Dahiru Muhammad Hashim, Acting Commissioner for Water Resources, Environment and Climate Change. That:

1. The critical 15.6-kilometre transmission line to Goron Dutse has been restored with modern ductile steel pipes, replacing the 1970s asbestos pipes that were poisoning the system.

2. Goron Dutse reservoirs have been fully desilted and repaired.

3. Clarifiers, filtration units, manifolds, and high-lift pumps have been restored.

4. Ten high-capacity 110-kilowatt pumps have been procured.

5. A full test run was completed in mid-September.

And beyond the metropolis, the Governor is doing what no one did – reviving the dead. Nine out of Kano’s 19 dormant regional water schemes are under restoration. Guzugu in Kabo is flowing. Joda in Gabasawa is flowing. Wudil Waterworks, dead for years, is alive. For the first time, rural Kano is part of the water equation. Government for all sections of the state.

On September 21, 2026, the Ministry officially announced: expanded distribution of potable water would commence within few days to come. All are waiting patiently Your Excellency Sir!

Why Kano must attract global communities? From London to Lagos, water is politics. The UN says water scarcity will displace 700 million people by 2030. What Governor Yusuf has done is a case study in how to reverse it without World Bank loans, without privatising your heritage.

He did not outsource the problem. He funded the solution. He did not blame the past. He fixed the future. Sometime in the past I spoke to Malam Musa in Tarauni, he was lamenting all over. When asked again, now, he simply smiles that Governor Yusuf is on the top of the situation. This is courageous.

When the taps in Kofar Mata sputter and then gush, when a child in Dala drinks from the tap for the first time in his life, when Goron Dutse reservoirs hold water again after a 10-year drought, Kano will not just be celebrating water. Kano will be celebrating a Governor who proved that a 95-year-old dream, buried under silt, stolen pipes, and failed promises, can still flow.

That is not just governance. That is unmatched and unwavering political will in action.

KANO FLOWS AGAIN UNDER GOVERNOR YUSUF!

Viva Kano. Viva Abba Gida-Gida.

Anwar writes from Kano
Tuesday, 29th September, 2026

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