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Opinion

My Vision for Jigawa State (IV)

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Mustafa Sule Lamido

 

By: Mustapha Sule Lamido

As usual, I want to start by thanking all the people of Jigawa State for their show of support. By carefully taking time to articulate and communicate my vision for Jigawa State, I have so far proven to be fully equipped and well-prepared for the job. I want to make it very clear that we have the strong will, dedication and partnerships to implement this vision to the very best of our ability. I call on all the good people of Jigawa state to give us their votes in March 2023 and Insha Allah, they will not regret it.

This segment will be my second and last on education. Achieving our vision for education will require the input of all stakeholders, public and private. As a result, we have been having wide consultations with groups and professional bodies of students, parents, teachers, lecturers and administrators. These groups will help provide inputs that will shape our vision and they will also help us in its implementation if we succeed in the elections. Therefore, carrying them along from the beginning will go a long way towards integrating our efforts for effective service delivery.

Kano contributed 2 point 5 billion naira for the completion of Dala Inland Dry Port-Gawuna

If we are given the chance, God-willing the Almajiri system will be remodeled to make it better, efficient and more conducive. First, we will take inventory of all Almajiri schools and Tsangayas and have a census of the students and alarammas. We will then form a technical committee that will include the alarammas, ministry of education staff and some experts. This committee will come up with a sound and sustainable policy for the Tsangaya system. Already, we have some existing ideas and structures developed by ex-president Goodluck Jonathan which states like Sokoto have built upon. Internationally, I have personally studied the Malaysian remodeled Almajiri system which have been working excellently; we also have some remodeled systems in some parts of West Africa. I will feed the policy formulation committee with some of these findings, so that our aim of having a reformed, rebranded, working and sustainable Almajiri system can be achieved.

We have plans for tertiary education. As at today, there are 14 tertiary institutions in the state, two federal owned universities, one state owned and one private owned. There are three polytechnics, one college of education, one Information technology institute, four health institutions and one college of legal and Islamic studies. All those owned by state government will receive adequate funding as far as the economic situation permits and will be encouraged to seek linkages and explore initiatives that will attract grants and external funding. Research partnerships will be established between Jigawa state government and all universities within the state.

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Insha Allah Scholarships will be paid to students of special and professional programmes like medicine, engineering, law and other key programmes. Students of other non-professional programmes will receive scholarships based on academic performance. First class graduates will be considered for automatic employment and masters degree scholarships within and outside Nigeria. Ph.D students of Jigawa origin whose researches may directly or indirectly provide solutions to some of the state’s socio-economic challenges will receive government funding and patronage.

Different national and international reports place the general literacy level in Jigawa State at between 25-30% (Adult literacy is 38.3%) making it the fourth worst state above Taraba, Katsina and Borno. As controversial as this ranking may be, we must aspire to be in the top 10 of most literate states by whatever criteria used for future rankings, or at least reach the national average literacy rate of 50.6% in the next five years or less. In terms of education accessibility, Jigawa is ranked 32nd out of 36 states and FCT while we are 30th in terms of school attendance. About 60% of all Jigawans have no any form of educational qualification at all. These are scaring figures we need to change rapidly.

There have been previous efforts to change the negative picture of education in the state. Between 2007-2015, 56 Habbane centers for Fulani women education were built in addition to 172 Nomadic schools. Over the same period, 1,350 adult and mass literacy centers were built. Two special schools, Jigawa State Academy for the gifted and talented, Bamaina and Jigawa State School for the blind Dutse were also established. Our current assessment confirms that the Habbane centers have been abandoned, the Dutse school of the blind is also abandoned. However, we are glad that the mass education centers have been increased to 1,917 and the Nomadic schools to 418. However, they are facing serious manpower challenges which we hope to address if given the opportunity Insha Allah.

The current economic realities may not allow for the diligent implementation of complete free education no matter how much we want to do it. But we have plans to provide free girl child education up to secondary school across the whole of Jigawa. Girls that are orphans will have their sponsorships extended up to tertiary institutions. Disabled people and their children will also be considered for free or subsidized education.

Teachers welfare will be a top-most priority for our administration, we will improve the condition of service for education personnel. We will study and review the teachers salaries with the hope of increasing it to the highest amount possible and permissible by the economic situation. God willing, we will create allowances to motivate them and create a reward system to appreciate the best and most dedicated teachers in the state. We will train and retrain them to further their education while making the necessary learning tools and equipment available for their utilization Insha Allah. We shall create an avenue for periodic teacher-government engagement where operational successes and challenges of education will be discussed. We will use information in such engagements to take swift action where necessary and make adequate plans where applicable.

We will initiate the Jigawa State Annual Education Summit where stakeholders and the general public will meet for a whole week to discuss education. This summit will attract attendance from all over the country and beyond. In the next 35 years, we hope Jigawa will enter the list of top five most educated and developed states in Nigeria in line with our long-term development plan.

Gobe ta Allah ce
©Santurakin Dutse

Opinion

Dr Bello Matwallle: Why Dialogue Still Matters in the Fight Against Insecurity

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By Musa Iliyasu Kwankwaso

In the history of leadership, force may be loud, but wisdom delivers results. This is why security experts agree that while military action can suppress violence temporarily, dialogue is what permanently closes the door to conflict. It is a lesson the world has learned through blood, loss, and painful experience.

When Dr. Bello Matawalle, as Governor of Zamfara State, chose dialogue and reconciliation, it was not a sign of weakness. It was a different kind of courage one that placed the lives of ordinary citizens above political applause. A wise leader measures success not by bullets fired, but by lives saved.

Across conflict zones, history has consistently shown that force alone does not end insecurity. Guns may damage bodies, but they do not eliminate the roots of violence. This understanding forms the basis of what experts call the non-kinetic approach conflict resolution through dialogue, reconciliation, justice, and social reform.

When Matawalle assumed office, Zamfara was deeply troubled. Roads were closed, markets shut down, farmers and herders operated in fear, and citizens lived under constant threat. Faced with this reality, only two options existed: rely solely on military force or combine security operations with dialogue. Matawalle chose the path widely accepted across the world security reinforced by dialogue not out of sympathy for criminals, but to protect innocent lives.

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This approach was not unique to Zamfara. In Katsina State, Governor Aminu Bello Masari led peace engagements with armed groups. In Maiduguri granted amnesty to repentant offenders of Boko Haram, In Sokoto, dialogue was also pursued to reduce bloodshed. These precedents raise a simple question: if dialogue is acceptable elsewhere, why is Matawalle singled out?

At the federal level, the same logic applies. Through Operation Safe Corridor, the Federal Government received Boko Haram members who surrendered, offered rehabilitation and reintegration, and continued military action against those who refused to lay down arms. This balance
rehabilitation for those who repent and force against those who persist is the core of the non-kinetic approach.

Security experts globally affirm that military force contributes only 20 to 30 percent of sustainable solutions to insurgency. The remaining 70 to 80 percent lies in dialogue, justice, economic reform, and addressing poverty and unemployment. Even the United Nations states clearly: “You cannot kill your way out of an insurgency.”

During Matawalle’s tenure, several roads reopened, cattle markets revived, and daily life began to normalize. If insecurity later resurfaced, the question is not whether dialogue was wrong, but whether broader coordination failed.

Today, critics attempt to recast past security strategies as crimes. Yet history is not blind, and truth does not disappear. Matawalle’s actions were rooted in expert advice, national precedent, and global best practice.

The position of Sheikh Ahmad Gumi, who publicly affirmed that Matawalle’s approach was appropriate and that military force accounts for only about 25 percent of counterinsurgency success, further reinforces this reality. Such views cannot be purchased or manufactured; they reflect established security thinking.

In the end, dialogue is not a betrayal of justice it is often its foundation. And no amount of political noise can overturn decisions grounded in evidence, experience, and the priority of human life.

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Opinion

Matawalle: The Northern Anchor of Loyalty in Tinubu’s Administration

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By Adebayor Adetunji, PhD

In the broad and competitive terrain of Nigerian politics, loyalty is often spoken of, yet rarely sustained with consistency, courage and visible action. But within the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, one Northern appointee has demonstrated this quality not as a slogan, but as a lifestyle, as a political principle and as a national duty — Hon. (Dr.) Bello Muhammad Matawalle, Minister of State for Defence.

Since his appointment, Matawalle has stood out as one of the most loyal, outspoken and dependable pillars of support for the Tinubu administration in the North. He has never hesitated, not for a moment, to stand firmly behind the President. At every turn of controversy, in moments of public misunderstanding, and at times when political alliances waver, Matawalle has continued to speak boldly in defence of the government he serves. For him, loyalty is not an occasional gesture — it is a commitment evidenced through voice, alignment, and sacrifice.

Observers within and outside the ruling party recall numerous occasions where the former Zamfara State Governor took the front line in defending the government’s policies, actions and direction, even when others chose neutrality or silence. His interventions, always direct and clear, reflect not just loyalty to a leader, but faith in the future the President is building, a future anchored on economic reform, security revival, institutional strengthening and renewed national unity.

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But Matawalle’s value to the administration does not stop at loyalty. In performance, visibility and active delivery of duty, he stands among the most engaged ministers currently serving in the federal cabinet. His portfolio, centred on defence and security, one of the most sensitive sectors in the country, demands expertise, availability and unbroken presence. Matawalle has not only embraced this responsibility, he has carried it with remarkable energy.

From high-level security meetings within Nigeria to strategic engagements across foreign capitals, Matawalle has represented the nation with clarity and confidence. His participation in defence summits, international cooperation talks, and regional security collaborations has positioned Nigeria as a voice of influence in global security discourse once again. At home, his involvement in military policy evaluation, counter-terrorism discussions and national defence restructuring reflects a minister who understands the urgency of Nigeria’s security needs, and shows up to work daily to address them.

Away from partisan battles, Matawalle has proven to be a bridge — between North and South, civilian leadership and military institutions, Nigeria and the wider world. His presence in government offers a mix of loyalty, performance and deep grounding in national interest, the type of partnership every President needs in turbulent times.

This is why calls, campaigns and whisperings aimed at undermining or isolating him must be resisted. Nigeria cannot afford to discourage its best-performing public servants, nor tighten the atmosphere for those who stand firmly for unity and national progress. The nation must learn to applaud where there is performance, support where there is loyalty, and encourage where there is commitment.

Hon. Bello Matawalle deserves commendation, not suspicion. Support — not sabotage. Encouragement, not exclusion from political strategy or power alignment due to narrow interests.

History does not forget those who stood when it mattered. Matawalle stands today for President Tinubu, for security, for loyalty, for national service. And in that place, he has earned a space not only in the present political equation, but in the future judgment of posterity.

Nigeria needs more leaders like him. And Nigeria must say so openly.

Adebayor Adetunji, PhD
A communication strategist and public commentator
Write from Akure, Ondo State, Nigeria

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Opinion

Drug Abuse Among People With Disabilities: The Hidden Crisis Nigeria Is Yet to Address

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By Abdulaziz Ibrahim

Statistically Invisible, Persons with Disabilities feel shut out of Nigeria’s drug abuse war as a report from Adamawa reveals lacks data and tailored support needed, forcing a vulnerable group to battle addiction alone.

In Adamawa State, the fight against drug abuse is gaining attention, but for many people living with disabilities (PWDs), their struggles remain largely unseen. A new report has uncovered deep gaps in support, treatment, and data tracking for PWDs battling addiction despite official claims of equal access.

For nearly three decades, Mallam Aliyu Hammawa, a visually impaired resident of Yola, navigated a world increasingly shrouded by drug dependency. He first encountered psychoactive substances through friends, and what began as casual use quickly escalated into long-term addiction.

“I used cannabis, tramadol, tablets, shooters everything I could get my hands on,” he recalled. “These drugs affected my behaviour and my relationship with the people close to me.”

Family members say his addiction changed him entirely. His friend, Hussaini Usman, described feeling “sad and worried” when he realized Aliyu had fallen into drug use.

Aliyu eventually made the decision to quit. It was marriage and the fear of hurting his wife that finally forced him to seek a new path. “Whenever I took the drugs, I felt normal. But my wife was confused about my behaviour,” he said. “I decided I had to stop before she discovered the full truth of what I was taking.”

A National Problem With Missing Data

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Nigeria has one of the highest drug-use rates in West Africa, according to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). Over 14 million Nigerians between the ages of 15 and 64 use psychoactive substances. Yet, within that massive user base, PWDs are statistically invisible.

There is almost no national data on drug abuse among persons with disabilitiesa critical gap that experts warn makes it impossible to design effective, inclusive rehabilitation programmes.

Ibrahim Idris Kochifa, the Secretary of the Adamawa State Association of Persons with Physical Disability, told this reporter that PWDs face unique, systemic pressures that intensify their vulnerability to drug abuse, specifically citing poverty, unemployment, isolation, and social discrimination.

“Whenever a person with disability is caught with drugs, the common decision is to seize the drugs and let him go,” Kochifa said, speaking on behalf of the disabled community leadership. “But if they consult us, we have advice to offer on how they can be treated and rehabilitated. Without involving us, no programme will fully benefit people with disabilities.”

NDLEA Responds

At the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) Command in Adamawa, officials insist their services are open to everyone without discrimination.

Mrs. Ibraham Nachafia, the Head of Media and Advocacy for the NDLEA Adamawa State Command, said during an interview, “Our rehabilitation centre is open to all. There is no discrimination. Anyone including persons with disabilities can access treatment.”

While the official position suggests inclusiveness, disability advocates call it “tokenistic.” They argue that equal access on paper does not translate to tailored support in practice. True rehabilitation for PWDs requires specialized counselling that understands their unique traumas, physically accessible facilities, and significantly stronger community engagement to prevent relapse.

A Call for More Inclusive Action

Advocates are now urging the Nigerian government and drug-control agencies to build a response framework that recognizes PWDs as a vulnerable group in need of targeted support.

The advocate Goodness Fedrick warns that until rehabilitation and prevention programmes reflect the realities faced by people with disabilities, Nigeria’s battle against drug abuse will remain incomplete.

For people like Aliyu Hammawa, who managed to recover without structured support, the message is clear: many others may not be as fortunate.

This story highlights the urgent need for inclusive, data-driven, and community-supported approaches in Nigeria’s fight against drug addiction. Until the nation sees and serves this ‘hidden crisis,’ its overall battle against addiction will continue to be fought with one hand tied behind its back.

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