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The BBC in Nigeria – Between Reporting and Propagating Terror – By Kadaria Ahmed

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Kadaria Ahmad

It has simply gotten out of hand.

Journalists and now a global media organisation of repute, the BBC, which should know better, are becoming a tool for terrorists, even if unwittingly, by amplifying the faces, voices and stories of killers and marauders who are still operating with impunity across Nigeria.

The public interest argument seems to have been misunderstood, some may even say misrepresented, to enable sensationalist reporting that is very unlikely to be allowed on screens in the United Kingdom. By not upholding the same standards as they would uphold in the UK, in their work in Nigeria, the BBC Africa Eye producers in their latest documentary titled ‘The Bandits Warlords of Zamfara’ have provided a global platform to terrorists and can be accused of becoming an accomplice to terror in the name of reporting it.

When Communications Professor at the University of Toronto Mahmoud Eid coined the term Terroredia, in his book Exchanging Terrorism Oxygen for Media Airwaves, Eid argues that there is now a ‘relationship between terrorists and media professionals in which acts of terrorism and media coverage are exchanged, influenced, and fuelled by one another.’ Since it was written 7 years ago, it would appear the case Eid was trying to make is now quite self-evident, especially in Nigeria where increasingly, propaganda videos and statements by terror groups as well as features on terror leaders are finding their way into mainstream media. We can now easily identify, for example, the faces of the major kingpins responsible for the widespread kidnappings and killings that are occurring on a daily basis in the Northern part of Nigeria, no thanks to having their pictures and videos splashed all over the pages of newspapers and on our television screens almost as if they are Nollywood A-listers.

None of this has ‘helped’ our inept government, led by President Muhamadu Buhari, to find and arrest these blood-thirsty criminals. The ‘pressure’ has also not stopped the administration from playing ostrich and finding an effective way of tackling insecurity. These are some of the public interest arguments put forward by those defending the featuring of predatory criminals on national and now international media platforms.

2023 Elections: IPAC Rejects Purported Deployment of Yusuf Kolo as Kano CP

The arguments also include an assertion that hearing from terrorists helps us better understand the conflicts and therefore come up with solutions. Under the guise of public interest, this is the argument that BBC Africa Eye seems to be presenting, to justify its decision to actively give copious screen time to self-confessed murderers and kidnappers, who are still actively involved in attacking communities, killing, kidnapping, pillaging and generally making life brutish and a living hell for the people of Nigeria’s North-western State of Zamfara and beyond.

The two promotional clips released for the documentary, the Bandits Warlords of Zamfara , feature a marauder who should remain nameless here, confirming that he was part of those who raided Jengebe girls’ secondary school in the state, abducting over 300 students with the attendant horror of these sorts of crimes normally entail, and releasing them, after the payment of ransom. Evidently, the BBC Africa Eye team also had no problem utilising footage that appears to have been shot by these self-confessed criminals because this makes it into the second trailer. No media of repute would take this decision because it is generally understood that these sorts of videos are recorded by terrorists for one thing and one thing only: propaganda.

Reports of the documentary in national newspapers also quote one of the featured criminals boasting, in the documentary, that he only kills, and doesn’t kidnap for ransom. This is the nature of the program that the ‘reputable’ BBC Africa Eye is positioning as having a public interest imperative.

To be clear, the current state of insecurity and all that it entails is the fault of the Federal Government, led by President Muhammadu Buhari, and he must be held responsible for the carnage and state of anarchy engulfing the nation. That does not however mean irresponsible reporting by the media, which after all should champion the common man, should not be challenged.

If terrorists were killing and kidnapping British citizens, especially young children, the BBC would not enable interviews by the perpetrators, particularly if they were still roaming footloose and fancy-free, without an iota of remorse for their crimes and also carrying out many more. The trauma to the psyche of the British public will be unbearable, and the BBC would not be willing to pay that price, or risk the legal consequences sure to ensue.

In the era of the Irish Republican Army, the IRA, for example, the group didn’t make it onto the airwaves of the BBC. Indeed, reporting of the activities of the political party seen as the political arm of the IRA, Sein Fein, was heavily censored. Every time they spoke, the BBC deleted their voices and replaced them with those of actors, in obedience to British Government directives which were put in place because the authorities believed publicity is like air for ‘terrorists’ groups, helping them to grow and thrive. And even though Sein Fein shared what many might argue is only an ideological position with the IRA, they were denied a presence on British airwaves in substantial ways.

Here in Nigeria, concerns about the impact the amplification of terrorists’ voices will have both on victims, their families and the public appear to be a secondary consideration to the BBC’s insistence on hearing from the bandits’ first-hand accounts and justification for their murderous activities.

There is no good argument that can justify the damage this is doing to the public that includes the school girls in Jangebe, who can now in perpetuity, watch the story of their abductions from the mouth of their abductors and relive the attendant trauma of that horrible crime.

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For all of these school girls, victims and their families, the BBC Africa Eye has confirmed their attackers’ invincibility. By documenting and handing over on a platter of gold one of the most respected media brands in the world to justify their actions, the BBC has iconised violent men leading marauding militias that are killing, abducting, maiming and leaving terror in their wake across large sways of Nigeria and who are clearly neither sorry for their crime nor looking to stop anytime soon.

It is hard to see how this will not contribute to deepening fear, mistrust, hopelessness and damage to the national psyche while undoubtedly helping with recruitment, all ingredients that actively contribute to successful outcomes for terror groups.

The public’s right to know is a sacrosanct tenant of journalists who are not and should not be in the job of censoring news. Finding the balance between that and ensuring media platforms do not provide the oxygen of publicity for terrorists and criminals is not easy, but it is at these difficult junctures that good journalism needs to stand its ground.

Recognising the importance of getting it right globally, experts including those at the BBC have taken the trouble to develop guidelines for reporting difficult stories including stories of conflict and terrorism. The German Press Code for example says “in reporting actual and threatened acts of violence, the Press should carefully weigh the public’s interest in information against the interest of victims and other people involved. It should report on such incidents in an independent and authentic way, but not allow itself to be made the tool of criminals. Nor should it undertake independent attempts to mediate between criminals and the police. THERE MUST BE NO INTERVIEWS WITH PERPETRATORS DURING ACTS OF VIOLENCE.’’

The German guidelines are unequivocal about not giving airtime to criminals involved in ongoing criminal activities and for very good reason. The BBC’s editorial guidelines are more watery, perhaps explaining why the BBC Africa Eye team is able to be cavalier about such a critical issue. But even these guidelines say “any proposal to approach an organisation (or an individual member of an organisation) designated a ‘terrorist group’ by the Home Secretary under the Terrorism Acts, and any proposal to approach individuals or organisations responsible for acts of terror, to participate in our output must be referred in advance to Director Editorial Policy and Standard and also any proposal to broadcast content made by perpetrators of a hijacking, kidnapping, hostage-taking or siege must be referred to a senior editorial figure.’’

The questions to answer therefore include: did senior people in London at the BBC fully understood that they were authorizing the recording of terrorists who are still active and who between them have been responsible for the abduction, rape and killings of thousands of people including school children?

There are other questions.

When homeland terrorists committed the inconceivable crime of hacking British soldier Lee Rigby to death in May 2013, would the BBC have considered it in the public interest to interview these terrorists? To compare apples with apples, imagine that hero Rigby’s murderers were never held for their crimes, continued butchering people and collecting seven figure ransoms., would the BBC dare to send reporters to film the murderers gloating about collecting ransom, and then hold Twitter Spaces and bask in views, clicks and likes?
The answer is NO. The BBC would never dare.

Why then is the BBC okay to fund, then publicise the glorification of practicing murderers still butchering hundreds across Nigeria and the Chad Basin? How did this three-year disregard for African lives come about, and why is this acceptable?

By their own admission, the BBC Africa Eye producers claim their reporting occurred over three-years. This is clearly well before the crime against the school girls in Jangebe occurred. These bandits and their factions commit cross-border crimes. Therefore, as a matter of urgent national and regional security, other questions which the BBC must answer publicly, in the actual interest of the public include:

1. In all these years it was conducting these ‘investigations’ of terrorists, did the BBC harbour information on potential criminal or or actual crimes they happened an did the BBC withhold this information from the relevant African security authorities?

2. After the particular interviews in which the murderers admit their collection of ransoms, and committing acts of kidnap, did the BBC hand over any of this footage to the authorities, and do so in a timely manner?

3. What footage and information has the BBC handed over to law enforcement, since the publication of this documentary?

In covering a subset of criminals for three years, the BBC has brazenly admitted that it was shooting criminals before, during and after the commission of dastardly crimes that have destroyed generations present and unborn.

The BBC Africa Eye documentaries series have been designed specifically for release on social media platforms (Facebook and YouTube). Given the programme’s track record of dubious editorial decisions and accusations of unethical behaviour including by local reporters who worked with them, BBC managers in London should also explain if the decision to put this documentary out on social media was designed to ensure its producers are not held to the high global broadcast standards the BBC is known for and which are applicable to content broadcast within the UK?

When BBC Africa Eye did a story on drug addiction in Nigeria, there were attempts by a producer to sensationalize some of the reporting, to make it more gripping. On that occasion, he was working with a seasoned and brave journalist who pushed back.

When they did a story on Sex for Grades, the two reporters responsible for the story ended up trading blame on social media over sex for by-line allegations. Again, the producers didn’t come out smelling of roses.

An investigative report by them on a popular talk show host in Nigeria who is revered by millions saw the journalist who did that reporting flee his home together with his family as a result of threats to his life. The BBC failed in its duty of care to this local journalist and in the end fellow journalists had to rally around to provide him with safe spaces.

In all, the team at BBC Africa Eye appear to be striving to do reporting that would be unacceptable in the UK for being unethical and transparently against public interest.

The problem is they have capitalised on the justified anger of the people and the inconceivable failure of the government, to once again resurrect the ugliest vestiges of colonialism, which one had hoped were long buried.

The unfolding anarchy and violence in Nigeria are serious matters, and every attempt must be made to keep the public informed. A documentary that investigates and examines government failures while centring victims and their families would have done that.

Giving boastful, bloodthirsty criminals a global platform serves only two purposes. It provides free publicity for terror and enables the BBC to push viewership figures on social media.

It does nothing for public service. Even if it does not realise it, the BBC’s reputation for stellar public service journalism is being damaged.

Black lives, their humanity and national security, should matter more than clicks.

Hopefully someone in London will take note.

Kadaria Ahmed was a Senior Producer at the BBC in London and is now CEO at Radio Now 95.3FM Lagos

Opinion

From Grade Level 03 to Director: Binta Bala’s 35-Year Journey of Resilience, Service and Inclusion

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By Dr Binta Bala

Thirty-five years ago, Binta Bala walked into the Kano State Ministry of Education with little more than an SSCE certificate, determination and a dream of building a meaningful career.

She entered the civil service on 18 August 1991 as a Grade Level 03 Lab Attendant.

On Tuesday, 18 August 2026, exactly 35 years later, she closed that chapter of her life in a position that would have seemed distant at the beginning of her journey: a substantive Director on Grade Level 16, with a PhD, and with responsibility for the Department of Persons with Special Needs under the Kano State Ministry of Women Affairs, Children and Persons with Special Needs.

For Bala, the occasion was more than a retirement. It was a moment of reflection on a journey defined by perseverance, education, public service and an unyielding refusal to allow disability to determine the boundaries of her life.

“Alhamdulillah. Alhamdulillah,” she said as she reflected on the milestone.

Her story is particularly significant because she is a woman living with a physical disability and a survivor of polio. She walks with the support of a walking stick, but over the years, that walking stick became less a symbol of limitation than a reminder of how far she had travelled.

From a Humble Beginning

When Bala joined the civil service in 1991, she could not have known that her career would eventually take her to the highest professional levels of her service.

Her first position was modest: Lab Attendant, Grade Level 03.

But what she lacked in rank, she made up for in ambition and determination.

The years that followed brought professional advancement, further education, new responsibilities and challenges. Step by step, Bala continued to build her career, refusing to allow the barriers associated with disability to define her prospects.

“I resisted. I persevered. I kept moving forward,” she recalled.

Her progress eventually took her from the entry level of the civil service to Grade Level 16, culminating in her appointment as a pioneer Director responsible for Persons with Special Needs.

Along the way, she also attained a PhD, transforming a career that began with an SSCE certificate into one marked by academic achievement and professional leadership.

Disability Was Never the Destination

Perhaps the most compelling aspect of Bala’s story is the way she confronted the expectations often imposed on people living with disabilities.

As a polio survivor with a physical disability, she experienced obstacles that could easily have discouraged her. But she chose to concentrate on what she could accomplish rather than what others might have considered impossible.

“My walking stick may have supported my steps, but faith, determination, courage, education, and resilience carried me much further,” she said.

That philosophy became central to her professional life.

Rather than viewing disability as a barrier to achievement, Bala turned her personal experience into a source of strength and a deeper understanding of the struggles faced by persons with special needs.

Her eventual responsibility for the Department of Persons with Special Needs therefore carried a significance beyond the title of the office. It placed someone who had personally experienced the challenges of disability in a position to advocate for inclusion, accessibility and empowerment.

A Career Built Around Service

For Bala, the measure of a successful career was never simply the position attained.

She believes the real reward was the opportunity to serve people and contribute to improving their lives.

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“My greatest reward has never been the positions I attained, but the opportunity to serve humanity, promote inclusion, challenge barriers, and contribute to the lives of others,” she said.

During her years in public service, she interacted with children, women and persons with special needs whose experiences reinforced her belief that inclusion must go beyond policy statements.

It must be reflected in opportunities, access, dignity and meaningful participation in society.

She said the people whose lives she touched also taught her important lessons about resilience and courage.

“To every child, woman, and person with special needs whose life we have touched, thank you for teaching me resilience, courage, and the true meaning of service,” she said.

Gratitude to Those Who Walked With Her

As she marked the end of her formal civil service career, Bala did not view her achievement as a solitary accomplishment.

She acknowledged the role played by her family, colleagues, mentors, friends and well-wishers throughout the 35-year journey.

She particularly thanked her family for their sacrifices, prayers and unwavering support.

“Thank you for believing in my ability rather than focusing on my disability,” she said.

She also expressed appreciation to colleagues and mentors who made her professional journey easier and more meaningful.

For a career spanning three and a half decades, such relationships were undoubtedly an important part of the story.

A Farewell Without Bitterness

Retirement also gave Bala an opportunity to look back at the difficult moments of her career with honesty and humility.

She acknowledged that, like anyone who has spent decades working with people, there may have been moments when disagreements occurred or people were hurt.

In a gesture of reconciliation, she apologised to anyone she may have offended, disappointed or wronged during her years of service, whether knowingly or unknowingly.

At the same time, she offered forgiveness to those who may have wronged or hurt her.

She said she wanted to leave the past “with a peaceful heart” and move into the next chapter with gratitude, forgiveness and goodwill.

It was perhaps one of the most striking elements of her farewell: after 35 years of navigating the challenges of a public career, she chose not to leave with bitterness, but with peace.

Retirement Is Not the End

Although Bala has retired from active public service, she made it clear that retirement would not mean withdrawing from the cause that has defined much of her professional life.

She pledged to continue supporting Kano State and advocating for the rights, inclusion and empowerment of persons with disabilities.

“Kano will always have my support and goodwill,” she said.

Her message was particularly directed at persons with disabilities who may have been made to feel that their circumstances determine their future.

“Do not give up. Believe in yourself. Keep moving. Your limitation does not have to be the limit of your destiny,” she said.

It is a message rooted not in theory, but in personal experience.

Bala’s own career provides the evidence.

She began as a Grade Level 03 Lab Attendant with an SSCE certificate. Thirty-five years later, she retired as a Grade Level 16 Director with a PhD, having led a department dedicated to the very community whose struggles she understood so deeply.

Passing the Baton

As she stepped away from active government service, Bala described the moment as the closing of one chapter and the beginning of another.

But she also recognised that the work of inclusion cannot rest on one individual.

“My door remains open. The work of safeguarding and empowering PWDs must continue. I hand the baton to you all,” she said.

That statement perhaps best captures the legacy she hopes to leave behind.

Her story is not simply about career progression from Grade Level 03 to Grade Level 16. It is about what can happen when education, faith, resilience and determination meet opportunity.

It is about a woman who entered public service at the lowest levels and rose through the ranks without allowing disability to become the final word on her potential.

And it is about a career that ultimately came full circle: a polio survivor who once had to navigate the world with a walking stick eventually became a senior public servant responsible for advancing the interests of people living with special needs.

After 35 years, Bala leaves active public service with gratitude rather than regret, forgiveness rather than resentment, and a renewed commitment to the cause of inclusion.

Her final words capture the spirit of the journey:

“35 years of service. One remarkable journey. A lifetime of gratitude. Alhamdulillah.”

And with that, Binta Bala closes one chapter — but not the story.

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Opinion

Kano Projects Not Urban-Based: Why Gov Abba Beats All

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By Abba Anwar

From the flyovers of Lagos and Kano to the farm-to-market roads of Yobe and Ebonyi, Nigeria’s 36 state governments have spent the last three years rewriting their strategies for infrastructural development. All in an effort to bridge development gap.

Between 2023 and August 2026, state budgets and projects implementation show a deliberate paradigm shift. As cities get rail lines, hospitals and interchanges, rural communities are finally seeing feeder roads, solar boreholes and more modern schools.

But in Kano, under the able leadership of His Excellency, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, the picture goes beyond that, as the distribution of projects is shared between urban and rural spaces with all sense of humor and fairness. Infrastructural development, among others, is not urban-based.

While 8 metropolitan local government areas (LGAs) have 598 projects across individual LGAs, with a contract sum of N299.36B, 36 rural local government areas (LGAs) have 653 projects across individual LGAs with a contract sum of N287.90B, Kano is still the only state in the federation, to my knowledge, with this scientific categorization, at least in the public eye. As available data indicates. I stand to be corrected.

Also as another category of cross-cutting local government areas (LGAs) boast of 37 projects connecting two or more LGAs together, with a contract sum of N159.50B, and statewide /other have 269 projects, connecting state and LGAs with a contract sum of N249.54B, Governor Yusuf is fast becoming Mr Due Process.

To take my readers deeper in understanding why Kano maintains dozens of miles ahead of other states, this piece examines two states from each of Nigeria’s six geo-political zones, focusing only on projects funded and executed directly by state governments. The picture depicts a scenario of dual priorities — modernize the cities, but don’t leave the villages behind.

In North West zone let me begin with Kano state, though I gave brief highlight above. Under urban projects, we have Kano Metro Light Rail, which is ongoing, Kano Metropolis 5km roads in 8 metropolitan LGAs, upgrade, MRI and CT Scan for Muhammadu Buhari Specialist Hospital and Kano City Flyovers, that are 3 at Tal’udu, Dan Agundi and France Road.

Other urban projects in Kano are Urban Water Expansion and upgrade of Challawa and Tamburawa plants upgrade,
and Kano City Beautification with streetlights, parks, drainage and roads.

For rural projects in the same Kano, there are, among others, LGAs 5km roads across 36 rural LGAs, Rural Schools Renovation which included 1,200 primary schools, Solar Boreholes with 1,000 boreholes across rural communities, Rural Hospitals, upgrade of 5 General Hospitals, Agriculture Access Roads with 150km farm roads in 20 LGAs and Rural Electrification of Solar mini-grids in 50 rural communities.

Under Kaduna state the urban projects include Kaduna Light Rail, which is designed and counterpart,
Kaduna Urban Renewal Phase 2 roads and drainage in Kaduna and Zaria, 1000 Housing units, under Urban Mass Housing project, Leah Sharibu Cancer Center, an urban Specialist Hospital, and Urban Bus Terminals of 4 terminals.

For rural projects under Governor Uba Sani, there are Rural Feeder roads of 300km across 23 LGAs, Rural Education with 150 schools built/rehabilitated, 255 Primary Healthcare Centres (PHCs) Revitalization, at 1 per ward, mostly in rural areas, Rural Water that provided 500 handpumps and solar schemes and Kaduna Agricultural Processing Zones under 3 rural clusters.

It is gratifying to note that the North-West is using urban projects to drive commerce, and rural projects to secure food systems. On top of that, Kano state’s model of simultaneous mega urban projects and statewide rural spread is now being studied by other states. How Governor Yusuf excels.

In North East, Borno state urban projects include Maiduguri 120km roads’ reconstruction and flyovers, Borno State University expansion with new Faculties and hostels, Maiduguri Water Works expansion, and Urban Markets, with the reconstruction of Monday market.

Borno’s rural projects include 480km Rural Access roads in 20 LGAs, 10,000 Housing Units built for Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) in rural LGAs, rebuilt of 15 rural Markets, Rural PHCs where 80 were rebuilt and Irrigation Schemes with 5 rural dams.

In Yobe state under urban projects, we have Damaturu Urban Renewal roads, that include streetlights and drainage and a completed Yobe International Cargo Airport. While under rural projects Yobe can boast of 380km Rural roads that cover 17 LGAs, 178 rural PHCs upgrade, Rural Agric Inputs with Tractors and fertilizer and Solar Streetlights in 10 rural towns.

In North East their main concern is treating infrastructure as a peace-building tool, reconnecting rural communities to urban centres.

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As some states’ major concern is feeder roads construction, upgrade/rehabilitation of PHCs and fertilizer distribution to farmers, of which Kano also considers, but the major concern for Kano is much beyond that. Looking at the nature of Kano’s rural projects and the distribution percentage, one can easily comprehend why the state excels.

Just see the projects distribution of Kano above in the first few paragraphs. As highlighted by the Commissioner for Public Procurement, Projects Monitoring and Evaluation, Comrade Nura Ma’aji Sumaila, in a recent press conference, when he said, “The eight metropolitan LGAs account for approximately N299,36 billion, and 36 rural LGAs account for approximately N287.90 billion, in identifiable single LGA projects.

This demonstrates that the administration’s development agenda extends beyond the metropolitan area and encompasses rural roads, healthcare facilities, schools housing, feeder roads and other essential infrastructure.”

Under North Central, Plateau state’s urban projects include Jos Urban Renewal, Flyovers, Bauchi-Jos dualisation, reconstruction of Jos Main Market and Urban Security Lights. While rural based projects also include a bit over 200 rural Boreholes, 150km Rural Roads at Barikin Ladi, Riyom, Mangu LGAs and rural Agricultural development with Potato value chain centers.

As Niger state can boast of Minna Urban Renewal with Interchanges, drainage and parks, Suleja City roads. As rural projects have 400km Green Economy Farm roads, 100 rural Clinics upgrade and rural Solar Power for 30 rural communities.

For clarity purpose one can say North Central states are treating rural infrastructure as economic infrastructure. As Kano thinks and has many reasons on top of that.

In South Western state of Lagos, urban projects count infrastructure like Lagos Green Line Rail with counterpart funding, Mushin-NNPC-Apapa road, Lagos-Badagry Expressway, Red Line Rail Phase 2 and 2025 Capital, as 70% is urban. Under rural projects there are Ikorodu-Epe-Badagry roads, Rural Health Centers, as10 facilities were upgraded and Rural Jetty Upgrade with 5 riverine jetties.

Another state of South West, Oyo has, as urban based projects, Ibadan Circular road, Section 1, Iwo Road Interchange and Omituntun Bus Terminals 3 terminals in the urban areas. With rural projects like Oyo-Iseyin Road, RAAMP Rural Roads of 200km, upgrade of 100 Rural PHCs and 2025 Capital.

Unlike in many geo-political zones, in South-West state governments use urban revenue to subsidize rural expansion. For Kano similar initiative is visible and welcomed by all. Without any borrowing, either domestic or foreign, Governor Yusuf awarded approximately the sum of N22 billion for prototype mass housing units under the Rural Model City Project, covering all the 36 rural LGAs.

Also the award of another high-value project of approximately N113.19 billion mass housing project at Dawakin Kudu. As both projects are currently awaiting for the establishment of relevant due process procedures.

In Enugu, South Eastern state there are urban projects like, Enugu Smart City roads, Solar Streetlights and Enugu Transport Terminal. As rural projects talk of 260 Smart Green Schools, 100km Rural Roads in 17 LGAs and Rural Water scheme of 150 schemes.

Urban based projects in Ebonyi state have Abakaliki 3 Flyovers, and Abakaliki Ring Road. With Ebonyi Ring road 198km an ongoing, an ongoing Rural Agro roads of 120km and Rural Clinics across 13 LGAs as rural projects.

Delta state from South South has, as urban projects, Warri/Effurun Flyovers, Asaba Urban roads and Urban Drainage systems. As rural projects presented 2025 Rural roads in 25 LGAs, Riverine roads and Jetties and upgrade of 50 Rural PHCs.

Rivers state has the following as urban projects, Port Harcourt Urban Renewal roads and drainage amd Eleme-Onne Road. As rural projects have Bodo-Bonny road with 12 bridges, Rural Electrification, 10 Rural Cottage Hospitals and Rural Water scheme.

Analysis under South-South indicates that geography dictates the project mix — bridges for riverine areas, flyovers for cities. With geography as determining factor in Kano, in a way, “… Kano State government has continued to pursue a broad-based development strategy designed to ensure that government investment is not concentrated solely within the state capital.”

Another interesting thing about the distribution of projects portfolio among urban and rural settlements, is that, it demonstrates investment across all the 44 LGAs, with intervention spanning urban infrastructure, rural development, mass housing, roads, bridges, healthcare, education, climate resilient infrastructure, traffic management and other equally important infrastructure.

Reiterating Governor Yusuf’s commitment to public accountability as a wheel for good governance Comrade Sumaila assured that, “We equally recognize that project delivery is a continuous process and hence, where projects are ongoing, government will continue to monitor implementation, address bottlenecks, strengthen certification processes and ensure that available public resources are deployed responsibly with commensurate value for money.”

Governor Yusuf’s pathway to greater height and to responsible governance maintains that, sustainability of good work with responsive goodwill, leads way to the fast lane of proper and more genuine democracy.

Maintaining the good spirit of Kano state government, Sumaila rejigs that, “Our responsibility is to ensure that every Naira committed to public development is subjected to appropriate procurement procedures, monitoring and accountability. And that projects ultimately deliver tangible value to the good people of Kano state.”

Adieu Governor Yusuf, Adieu!

Anwar writes from Kano
Monday, 17th August, 2026

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Opinion

History Made: Eyamu Oghenenyerovwo Peculiar Emerges as UniAbuja’s First Female SUG President

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By Asodike Miracle

Eyamu Oghenenyerovwo Peculiar has broken a longstanding leadership barrier at the University of Abuja after emerging as the university’s first female President of the Students’ Union Government (SUG). Her election represents more than a change in student leadership; it signals a new moment for female representation, participation and aspirations within the university community.

The University of Abuja 2025/2026 Students’ Union Government election was conducted on June 30, 2026, through the university’s official digital voting platform on the UniAbuja app. Her victory represents a significant moment in the university’s student leadership history and highlights the growing participation of female students in leadership and decision-making. Peculiar won the election with 4,747 votes, defeating her closest contender, Orelope Abdulbaseet Omobolaji, who polled 4,286 votes. Abubakar Babba Dahiru Babba came third with 1,727 votes.

Eyamu Oghenenyerovwo Peculiar is a 300-level student from the Department of Tourism and Hospitality Management. Her manifesto focused on improving academic support, prioritizing student well-being, protecting students fundamental rights within the university system, and promoting a student government that actively listens to and represents all students opinions across various faculties.

Her campaign identity also played a role in communicating her message to the student community. The slogan, “Everything Peculiar, Nothing Is Ordinary,” presented a distinctive campaign identity while positioning her as a candidate offering something different. Her campaign activities, including a jollof festival where meals were distributed to students, also provided opportunities for direct engagement and interaction with the student body.

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Beyond these activities, her campaign mobilized students across different faculties to raise awareness about her candidacy and communicate her vision for the SUG. These efforts demonstrate how campaign communication extends beyond presenting a manifesto; it also involves building visibility, creating connections and making a candidate’s message relatable to the intended audience.

The election’s digital voting process further shaped student participation. Through the UniAbuja app, students were able to cast their votes from their hostels or homes without having to queue at a physical polling point. This reflects the growing role of digital platforms in facilitating participation and connecting students with university processes.

However, the historic victory also comes with expectations. Students will expect the new administration to translate the promises contained in her manifesto into practical initiatives that address academic concerns, welfare, students’ rights and effective representation. As the first female SUG President, she now occupies a symbolic position that carries both opportunity and responsibility. The success of the administration will therefore depend not only on the significance of Peculiar’s emergence but also on how effectively her government communicates with students and responds to their concerns.

This creates a clear relationship between achievement, expectations, performance and reputation. Peculiar’s leadership will be shaped by what her administration does with that opportunity. How effectively it communicates with students, responds to their concerns and delivers on its promises will influence how students assess not only her administration but potentially their perceptions of female leadership within the university.

Reacting to her victory, Peculiar thanked students for believing in her vision , describing her election as a win for every young woman and for leadership built on competence, character and service rather than gender.

Her emergence therefore presents both a breakthrough and a test. It opens a new chapter for female participation in UniAbuja’s student governance while placing greater attention on the responsibilities that accompany leadership. The lasting significance of her election will ultimately be determined not only by being the first female SUG President, but by the quality, responsiveness and accountability of the leadership that follows.

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