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The BBC in Nigeria – Between Reporting and Propagating Terror – By Kadaria Ahmed

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Kadaria Ahmad

It has simply gotten out of hand.

Journalists and now a global media organisation of repute, the BBC, which should know better, are becoming a tool for terrorists, even if unwittingly, by amplifying the faces, voices and stories of killers and marauders who are still operating with impunity across Nigeria.

The public interest argument seems to have been misunderstood, some may even say misrepresented, to enable sensationalist reporting that is very unlikely to be allowed on screens in the United Kingdom. By not upholding the same standards as they would uphold in the UK, in their work in Nigeria, the BBC Africa Eye producers in their latest documentary titled ‘The Bandits Warlords of Zamfara’ have provided a global platform to terrorists and can be accused of becoming an accomplice to terror in the name of reporting it.

When Communications Professor at the University of Toronto Mahmoud Eid coined the term Terroredia, in his book Exchanging Terrorism Oxygen for Media Airwaves, Eid argues that there is now a ‘relationship between terrorists and media professionals in which acts of terrorism and media coverage are exchanged, influenced, and fuelled by one another.’ Since it was written 7 years ago, it would appear the case Eid was trying to make is now quite self-evident, especially in Nigeria where increasingly, propaganda videos and statements by terror groups as well as features on terror leaders are finding their way into mainstream media. We can now easily identify, for example, the faces of the major kingpins responsible for the widespread kidnappings and killings that are occurring on a daily basis in the Northern part of Nigeria, no thanks to having their pictures and videos splashed all over the pages of newspapers and on our television screens almost as if they are Nollywood A-listers.

None of this has ‘helped’ our inept government, led by President Muhamadu Buhari, to find and arrest these blood-thirsty criminals. The ‘pressure’ has also not stopped the administration from playing ostrich and finding an effective way of tackling insecurity. These are some of the public interest arguments put forward by those defending the featuring of predatory criminals on national and now international media platforms.

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The arguments also include an assertion that hearing from terrorists helps us better understand the conflicts and therefore come up with solutions. Under the guise of public interest, this is the argument that BBC Africa Eye seems to be presenting, to justify its decision to actively give copious screen time to self-confessed murderers and kidnappers, who are still actively involved in attacking communities, killing, kidnapping, pillaging and generally making life brutish and a living hell for the people of Nigeria’s North-western State of Zamfara and beyond.

The two promotional clips released for the documentary, the Bandits Warlords of Zamfara , feature a marauder who should remain nameless here, confirming that he was part of those who raided Jengebe girls’ secondary school in the state, abducting over 300 students with the attendant horror of these sorts of crimes normally entail, and releasing them, after the payment of ransom. Evidently, the BBC Africa Eye team also had no problem utilising footage that appears to have been shot by these self-confessed criminals because this makes it into the second trailer. No media of repute would take this decision because it is generally understood that these sorts of videos are recorded by terrorists for one thing and one thing only: propaganda.

Reports of the documentary in national newspapers also quote one of the featured criminals boasting, in the documentary, that he only kills, and doesn’t kidnap for ransom. This is the nature of the program that the ‘reputable’ BBC Africa Eye is positioning as having a public interest imperative.

To be clear, the current state of insecurity and all that it entails is the fault of the Federal Government, led by President Muhammadu Buhari, and he must be held responsible for the carnage and state of anarchy engulfing the nation. That does not however mean irresponsible reporting by the media, which after all should champion the common man, should not be challenged.

If terrorists were killing and kidnapping British citizens, especially young children, the BBC would not enable interviews by the perpetrators, particularly if they were still roaming footloose and fancy-free, without an iota of remorse for their crimes and also carrying out many more. The trauma to the psyche of the British public will be unbearable, and the BBC would not be willing to pay that price, or risk the legal consequences sure to ensue.

In the era of the Irish Republican Army, the IRA, for example, the group didn’t make it onto the airwaves of the BBC. Indeed, reporting of the activities of the political party seen as the political arm of the IRA, Sein Fein, was heavily censored. Every time they spoke, the BBC deleted their voices and replaced them with those of actors, in obedience to British Government directives which were put in place because the authorities believed publicity is like air for ‘terrorists’ groups, helping them to grow and thrive. And even though Sein Fein shared what many might argue is only an ideological position with the IRA, they were denied a presence on British airwaves in substantial ways.

Here in Nigeria, concerns about the impact the amplification of terrorists’ voices will have both on victims, their families and the public appear to be a secondary consideration to the BBC’s insistence on hearing from the bandits’ first-hand accounts and justification for their murderous activities.

There is no good argument that can justify the damage this is doing to the public that includes the school girls in Jangebe, who can now in perpetuity, watch the story of their abductions from the mouth of their abductors and relive the attendant trauma of that horrible crime.

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For all of these school girls, victims and their families, the BBC Africa Eye has confirmed their attackers’ invincibility. By documenting and handing over on a platter of gold one of the most respected media brands in the world to justify their actions, the BBC has iconised violent men leading marauding militias that are killing, abducting, maiming and leaving terror in their wake across large sways of Nigeria and who are clearly neither sorry for their crime nor looking to stop anytime soon.

It is hard to see how this will not contribute to deepening fear, mistrust, hopelessness and damage to the national psyche while undoubtedly helping with recruitment, all ingredients that actively contribute to successful outcomes for terror groups.

The public’s right to know is a sacrosanct tenant of journalists who are not and should not be in the job of censoring news. Finding the balance between that and ensuring media platforms do not provide the oxygen of publicity for terrorists and criminals is not easy, but it is at these difficult junctures that good journalism needs to stand its ground.

Recognising the importance of getting it right globally, experts including those at the BBC have taken the trouble to develop guidelines for reporting difficult stories including stories of conflict and terrorism. The German Press Code for example says “in reporting actual and threatened acts of violence, the Press should carefully weigh the public’s interest in information against the interest of victims and other people involved. It should report on such incidents in an independent and authentic way, but not allow itself to be made the tool of criminals. Nor should it undertake independent attempts to mediate between criminals and the police. THERE MUST BE NO INTERVIEWS WITH PERPETRATORS DURING ACTS OF VIOLENCE.’’

The German guidelines are unequivocal about not giving airtime to criminals involved in ongoing criminal activities and for very good reason. The BBC’s editorial guidelines are more watery, perhaps explaining why the BBC Africa Eye team is able to be cavalier about such a critical issue. But even these guidelines say “any proposal to approach an organisation (or an individual member of an organisation) designated a ‘terrorist group’ by the Home Secretary under the Terrorism Acts, and any proposal to approach individuals or organisations responsible for acts of terror, to participate in our output must be referred in advance to Director Editorial Policy and Standard and also any proposal to broadcast content made by perpetrators of a hijacking, kidnapping, hostage-taking or siege must be referred to a senior editorial figure.’’

The questions to answer therefore include: did senior people in London at the BBC fully understood that they were authorizing the recording of terrorists who are still active and who between them have been responsible for the abduction, rape and killings of thousands of people including school children?

There are other questions.

When homeland terrorists committed the inconceivable crime of hacking British soldier Lee Rigby to death in May 2013, would the BBC have considered it in the public interest to interview these terrorists? To compare apples with apples, imagine that hero Rigby’s murderers were never held for their crimes, continued butchering people and collecting seven figure ransoms., would the BBC dare to send reporters to film the murderers gloating about collecting ransom, and then hold Twitter Spaces and bask in views, clicks and likes?
The answer is NO. The BBC would never dare.

Why then is the BBC okay to fund, then publicise the glorification of practicing murderers still butchering hundreds across Nigeria and the Chad Basin? How did this three-year disregard for African lives come about, and why is this acceptable?

By their own admission, the BBC Africa Eye producers claim their reporting occurred over three-years. This is clearly well before the crime against the school girls in Jangebe occurred. These bandits and their factions commit cross-border crimes. Therefore, as a matter of urgent national and regional security, other questions which the BBC must answer publicly, in the actual interest of the public include:

1. In all these years it was conducting these ‘investigations’ of terrorists, did the BBC harbour information on potential criminal or or actual crimes they happened an did the BBC withhold this information from the relevant African security authorities?

2. After the particular interviews in which the murderers admit their collection of ransoms, and committing acts of kidnap, did the BBC hand over any of this footage to the authorities, and do so in a timely manner?

3. What footage and information has the BBC handed over to law enforcement, since the publication of this documentary?

In covering a subset of criminals for three years, the BBC has brazenly admitted that it was shooting criminals before, during and after the commission of dastardly crimes that have destroyed generations present and unborn.

The BBC Africa Eye documentaries series have been designed specifically for release on social media platforms (Facebook and YouTube). Given the programme’s track record of dubious editorial decisions and accusations of unethical behaviour including by local reporters who worked with them, BBC managers in London should also explain if the decision to put this documentary out on social media was designed to ensure its producers are not held to the high global broadcast standards the BBC is known for and which are applicable to content broadcast within the UK?

When BBC Africa Eye did a story on drug addiction in Nigeria, there were attempts by a producer to sensationalize some of the reporting, to make it more gripping. On that occasion, he was working with a seasoned and brave journalist who pushed back.

When they did a story on Sex for Grades, the two reporters responsible for the story ended up trading blame on social media over sex for by-line allegations. Again, the producers didn’t come out smelling of roses.

An investigative report by them on a popular talk show host in Nigeria who is revered by millions saw the journalist who did that reporting flee his home together with his family as a result of threats to his life. The BBC failed in its duty of care to this local journalist and in the end fellow journalists had to rally around to provide him with safe spaces.

In all, the team at BBC Africa Eye appear to be striving to do reporting that would be unacceptable in the UK for being unethical and transparently against public interest.

The problem is they have capitalised on the justified anger of the people and the inconceivable failure of the government, to once again resurrect the ugliest vestiges of colonialism, which one had hoped were long buried.

The unfolding anarchy and violence in Nigeria are serious matters, and every attempt must be made to keep the public informed. A documentary that investigates and examines government failures while centring victims and their families would have done that.

Giving boastful, bloodthirsty criminals a global platform serves only two purposes. It provides free publicity for terror and enables the BBC to push viewership figures on social media.

It does nothing for public service. Even if it does not realise it, the BBC’s reputation for stellar public service journalism is being damaged.

Black lives, their humanity and national security, should matter more than clicks.

Hopefully someone in London will take note.

Kadaria Ahmed was a Senior Producer at the BBC in London and is now CEO at Radio Now 95.3FM Lagos

Opinion

Begging in Northern Nigeria: What Future Are We Preparing for Our Society?

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By: Anas Idris Hassan

Street begging has become an increasingly familiar sight across Northern Nigeria. From busy markets and major roads to public spaces and mosque entrances, children, young people, elderly persons and even able-bodied adults can be seen asking passers-by for money and food. What was once largely associated with extreme hardship and temporary distress is gradually becoming a way of life for some families and communities.

This development raises an important question: What kind of society are we preparing for the next generation if begging becomes a normal means of survival?

This is not an argument against helping the poor or showing compassion to people facing difficult circumstances. Poverty, disability, illness, unemployment and displacement are genuine problems. People experiencing these challenges deserve support, dignity and understanding. However, we must also recognize the danger of allowing street begging to become a permanent occupation, particularly for children and young people who should be in school, learning a trade or developing skills that will help them become independent.

One of the greatest concerns is the effect of prolonged dependence on people’s attitudes towards work, responsibility and self-reliance. A child who grows up watching adults earn money through begging may eventually accept it as a normal way of life. Similarly, a young person who becomes accustomed to receiving daily handouts without access to education, vocational training or employment opportunities may find it increasingly difficult to pursue other means of earning a living.

Over time, this situation can weaken the desire to acquire skills, establish a business, seek employment or take responsibility for one’s future. Not everyone who begs is unwilling to work. Many people are victims of circumstances beyond their control. But when begging becomes normalized among those who could otherwise be supported into productive activities, society must ask whether it is providing solutions or simply allowing dependency to continue.

The situation is particularly troubling when children are involved. Childhood should be a period of learning, protection and development. Yet many children spend their days moving between streets, markets and public places in search of money. This exposes them to abuse, exploitation, physical danger, harmful influences and health risks. It also deprives them of valuable time that should be spent receiving formal education, learning practical skills and developing under proper parental supervision.

No child should be expected to provide for their own upkeep through street begging when parents, guardians and relevant institutions have a responsibility to protect their welfare.

Another concern is the increasing number of young people who appear physically capable of working but depend on begging as their primary means of survival. Northern Nigeria has a large population of energetic and talented young people. Many could develop useful skills in carpentry, welding, tailoring, electrical installation, motorcycle repairs, modern agriculture, construction and digital technology.

Not everyone will secure a government appointment or find employment in a corporate organization. However, the absence of formal employment does not mean there are no other opportunities to earn an honest living. What is needed is greater investment in vocational education, mentorship, access to tools, small-business support and practical training that prepares young people for economic participation.

Governments, private businesses, traditional institutions and community leaders must work together to create these opportunities. Rather than allowing young people to depend indefinitely on charity, we should help them acquire the skills and resources needed to support themselves and their families.

The consequences of ignoring this problem could be serious. Children who grow up without adequate education or vocational skills may struggle to escape poverty and eventually pass the same conditions on to their own children. The economy also loses when large numbers of young people remain outside productive activities. More importantly, a society that fails to prepare its young people for meaningful work risks losing future entrepreneurs, professionals, innovators and community leaders.

Islam offers important guidance on this issue. It encourages honest labour, self-respect, generosity and responsibility towards people in genuine need. The Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) taught that the giving hand is better than the receiving hand and discouraged asking others for assistance without genuine necessity.

In a narration recorded in Sahih Muslim, Hadith 1044, the Prophet (peace be upon him) explained to his Companion Qabisa ibn Mukhariq that seeking assistance is permissible in three particular circumstances: when someone takes on a financial obligation to reconcile a dispute, when a person’s wealth is destroyed by a calamity, and when someone experiences extreme poverty that credible members of the community can confirm.

The lesson is not that society should abandon people who need help. Rather, Islam recognizes genuine hardship while discouraging the exploitation of public generosity. Charity remains an important act of worship, but it should be guided by wisdom and directed towards people who genuinely need it.

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There is also a need to clarify a common misunderstanding surrounding Almajirci in Northern Nigeria. Almajirci and begging are not the same thing. Almajirci is traditionally associated with the pursuit of Qur’anic education under the guidance of an Islamic scholar, while begging involves soliciting money or food from others.

Seeking Qur’anic knowledge is a noble undertaking and should not be treated as a social problem in itself. Many Almajiri students receive proper support from their parents and guardians and do not depend on street begging. Likewise, not every child found begging on the streets is an Almajiri.

The problem arises when children are sent away for religious education without adequate arrangements for their food, clothing, accommodation, healthcare and general welfare. When such children are left to fend for themselves through street begging, the issue becomes one of neglect and child protection.

We must therefore stop blaming the entire Almajiri system for every instance of street begging. At the same time, religious education must never become an excuse for neglecting children’s basic needs.

Parental responsibility is another important part of this discussion, particularly the responsibility of fathers. Fatherhood involves much more than bringing children into the world. It includes providing food, clothing, shelter, healthcare, education and moral guidance.

Allah says in the Qur’an, Surah At-Tahrim, verse 6:

“O you who have believed, protect yourselves and your families from a Fire…”

In Surah Al-Baqarah, verse 233, Allah also emphasizes the father’s responsibility for provision and clothing according to what is reasonable.

These teachings remind us that raising children is a serious responsibility. It is difficult to justify a situation in which an able-bodied father remains idle while his young children spend their days begging on the streets. Similarly, sending a child to a Qur’anic teacher without making arrangements for the child’s basic needs raises serious concerns.

Children should not be made responsible for financing their own upkeep through begging, and money collected by children on the streets should never become a regular source of household income.

Of course, not every struggling parent is irresponsible. Many families face unemployment, rising living costs, illness and other difficult circumstances. Such families deserve understanding and support. However, parents who are capable of providing for their children must not transfer that responsibility to the public.

Addressing street begging requires more than criticism. It requires practical action from governments, parents, religious leaders, traditional rulers, civil society organizations and ordinary citizens.

First, governments in Northern Nigeria should invest more in vocational training centres where young people can learn practical trades and receive the tools and support needed to establish themselves. Training should not end with the acquisition of certificates. Graduates need access to equipment, mentorship, funding and opportunities to earn an income.

Second, authorities and community leaders should establish proper welfare arrangements for Qur’anic students. Such arrangements should guarantee access to food, clothing, safe accommodation, healthcare and protection from exploitation.

Third, local governments, religious institutions and charitable organizations should develop reliable systems for identifying people facing genuine hardship. Orphans, people living with disabilities, elderly persons without support, widows and families experiencing extreme poverty should receive targeted assistance.

Fourth, charitable giving should be better organized. Rather than limiting assistance to handing money to children on the streets, individuals and organizations can sponsor education, support vulnerable families, provide vocational equipment and contribute to properly managed welfare programmes.

Fifth, government agencies must strengthen child protection measures, investigate cases of child exploitation and develop rehabilitation programmes for vulnerable children. Simply removing beggars from major streets without addressing the reasons they are there will not solve the problem.

Religious scholars also have an important role to play. Their influence in Northern Nigerian communities gives them an opportunity to educate people about the dignity of work, parental responsibilities, the proper treatment of children and the Islamic distinction between seeking assistance in genuine hardship and making begging a permanent occupation.

The wider community must also rethink how it supports people in need. Helping the poor is a responsibility we should never abandon. However, our assistance should go beyond temporary relief wherever possible. We should help people acquire education, skills and opportunities that enable them to live with dignity and independence.

Young people must also be encouraged not to surrender their future to dependency. Those who have the ability to learn, work and develop useful skills should be supported to do so. Their circumstances today should not determine the rest of their lives.

Ultimately, the kind of Northern Nigeria we should aspire to is one where children are in classrooms rather than spending their days begging on the streets; where young people acquire skills, establish businesses and create employment; where Qur’anic students receive proper care and education; and where parents take pride in their children’s learning, character and achievements.

We need a society that supports people facing genuine hardship while creating opportunities for those capable of working. These two responsibilities should never be treated as competing priorities.

Begging itself is not the only problem. Our greater challenge is the failure to address the conditions that allow it to become a permanent way of life. We must fight poverty without humiliating the poor, protect children without undermining religious education, and encourage self-reliance while ensuring that genuine opportunities exist.

Northern Nigeria does not need a society that turns its back on the poor. It needs one that protects the vulnerable, educates its children, equips its young people and gives everyone a fair opportunity to earn a living with dignity.

The future of our society will depend on the choices we make today.

Anas Idris Hassan
Kano, Nigeria
Email: binmalikh@gmail.com
Phone: +234 803 414 0637

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Opinion

Kano’s War On Drugs: How Barr. Muhyi’s Taskforce Is Changing The Game

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Muhuyi Magaji

 

By Muhammad Abubakar Suleiman

When Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf declared a public health emergency on drug abuse on July 22, 2026, and inaugurated the Multi-Agency Task Force on Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking, many in Kano saw it as another committee. Three months later, the committee led by Barrister Muhyi Magaji Rimin Gado is dominating security headlines in the state.

The Taskforce was constituted as a multi-agency platform bringing together NDLEA, Police, DSS, Consumer Protection Council, Pharmaceutical Society, Ministry of Health, Anti-Daba Unit and other stakeholders. Dr. Ibrahim Garba Muhammad serves as Secretary.

From Raids to Results: Over 400 Arrests

According to briefings by the Chairman, within the first two months the Taskforce arrested more than 380 suspects and secured over 230 convictions. By September 29, when Barr. Muhyi spoke at the Kano Network of NGOs (KANET) Monthly Lecture at Nasarawa GRA, the figure had risen to over 400 arrests.

Presenting its scorecard to the State Executive Council in late September, the Taskforce reported a 35% reduction in drug-related crimes in the last three months, attributing it to intensified enforcement, seizures and over 500 convictions as of October 22.

Operations have focused on identified hotspots: Race Course, Filin Idi, Filin Mahaha, Tashar Rami, Kawo, Tashar Rimi, Jakara, Madigawa, Yalwa, Sanka, Kul Kul, Dogon Nama and Kukar Bulukiya.

Recoveries include Cannabis Sativa, Tramadol, Diazepam, Pentazocine, Pregabalin, Exol-5 and a Methamphetamine-based designer drug. In one case, 870,000 capsules of Pregabalin were seized from a pharmaceutical company over suspected diversion. Local weapons – knives, daggers, cutlasses and clubs – used by gangs were also recovered.

The Taskforce also recorded high-profile arrests. On August 18, it announced the arrest of a former Chairman of Rogo Local Government for allegedly selling and administering fentanyl injections to youths, after a victim who spent over N2 million on injections identified him.

Latest: Gang Sponsor Tracked to Port Harcourt

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In its most recent operation, the Taskforce announced on October 30 the arrest of a 27-year-old suspected gang violence sponsor, Ishaq Lawan Ibrahim, popularly known as Malam Keya, from Yalwa in Dala LGA.

According to the committee, Malam Keya was allegedly financing violent clashes by rival Daba gangs in Dala that claimed lives. He fled to Port Harcourt, Rivers State, after crackdown intensified, but was tracked and arrested in an operation led by Head of Operations, CSP Bashir Gwadabe, and brought back to Kano. He is now in police custody pending prosecution.

Chairman Muhyi said the arrest outside Kano shows the Taskforce will pursue suspects beyond state boundaries.

Beyond Enforcement: Children, Rehabilitation and Technology

The committee says its mandate is not just enforcement. It reported rescuing 43 underage children allegedly exposed to intoxicants and convicting two dealers – Kabiru Isa and Usman Hamisu – for the offence. About 125 persons were referred to the Kano Reformatory Institute in Kiru for rehabilitation. With Kiru overstretched, government has provided an additional facility in Tofa.

The Taskforce has set an ambitious target of taking 10,000 youths off the streets for rehabilitation, skills acquisition and reintegration.

On August 21, Barr. Muhyi inaugurated nine sub-committees to professionalize the fight: Finance; Media and Publicity; Advocacy and Sensitisation; Licences, Inventory and Verification; Compliance, Inspection and Electronic Tracking; Monitoring and Implementation; Intelligence; Reformative and Traditional Council; and Anti-Drug Coordination.

Tech Turn: AI, 24-Hour Line and NDLEA Support

In the last two weeks, the Taskforce unveiled a new approach. On October 22, Barr. Muhyi, on behalf of Governor Yusuf, donated operational equipment to the NDLEA Kano Strategic Command led by Commander Dahiru Yahaya Lawan, to boost operations.

He also disclosed that Kano is deploying Artificial Intelligence for surveillance and tracking of suspected dealers, and equipping a rapid-response centre with ICT and a 24-hour toll-free line where residents can report and get response within 30 minutes.

At KANET lecture themed “Kano Drugs Crisis: Challenges, the Way Forward and the Role of the Community,” Muhyi stressed community intelligence and called for more rehabilitation to decongest remand homes.

No Sacred Cows

From day one, Barr. Muhyi has maintained a hard line on political interference. “No politician can pressure me to free drug suspects. The only person who can stop me is the Governor, and I know he will never interfere,” he told journalists on July 28.

That stance, coupled with intelligence-led raids, has earned the Taskforce both praise and scrutiny.

The Bigger Picture

Kano Police data cited by the Taskforce indicates about 70% of major crimes in 2025 were linked to drug abuse. The Executive Order outlawing Daba gangs provides a minimum of five years imprisonment under Section 97A of the Kano Penal Code.

Whether the Taskforce can sustain momentum will depend on three tests: securing the drug supply chain from pharmaceutical diversion, expanding rehabilitation beyond Kiru, and maintaining inter-agency cooperation without becoming a parallel enforcement body.

For now, in the markets of Filin Idi and the streets of Dala, residents say the presence of the committee is being felt.

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Opinion

The Reward For Hardwork Is More Work: A Rejoinder To Dr Garba Ubale Danbatta

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By Nworisa Michael

The redeployment of Hon. Comr. Ibrahim Abdullahi Waiya PhD from the Ministry of Information and Internal Affairs to the Ministry of Youth and Sports Development has attracted several reactions. While professional and civic organisations have congratulated him and acknowledged his contributions, Dr Garba Ubale Danbatta, a supposedly veteran journalist, has chosen to use the development to question his performance and professional conduct in his former ministry.

Dr Danbatta is entitled to his opinion. Nobody should be above criticism, especially in public office. However, when criticism is presented as a professional assessment, it should be supported by facts, not merely personal convictions or years of experience.

Before concluding that journalism suffered under Waiya, perhaps we should examine some of the developments recorded during his tenure.

Eight contributions worth considering:

• Grassroots information: Strengthened engagement with Information Officers across Kano’s 44 local government areas and eight zonal offices.

• Capacity building: Supported training programmes for local government Information Officers, alongside interactive engagements with editors and news managers.

• Media policy: Facilitated the inauguration of an 18-member committee to develop a media and information policy framework for Kano State.

• Digital transformation: Established a Digital Multimedia Department to modernise government communication, improve digital engagement and address misinformation.

• Peacebuilding: Advanced the Safe Corridor Project, an initiative focused on rehabilitation, skills development and reintegration of reformed youths.

• Media engagement: Engaged media practitioners, online publishers and political programme presenters on responsible public communication and professional conduct.

• Institutional development: Pursued interventions aimed at strengthening state-owned media institutions and improving the capacity of personnel within the information machinery.

• National recognition: Received the Crisis Communicator of the Year award at the 2026 National Spokespersons Awards in Abuja.

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These developments do not mean that Waiya’s tenure was without shortcomings. They simply demonstrate that there is more to his record than the sweeping conclusion offered by his critic.

There is also something interesting about the public reactions to his redeployment. The Kano State Forum of Information Officers, Northern Youths Assembly and International Peace and Secure Society are among the organisations that have publicly acknowledged his contributions and congratulated him on his new assignment. Their statements may not settle every debate about his tenure, but they show that his work was not viewed negatively by everyone who interacted with his ministry.

Now, to Dr Danbatta’s presentation of his professional experience.

I found it rather curious that a commentary intended to assess another public officer’s performance devoted three of its concluding paragraphs to the author’s own professional journey, positions held and years of experience. One could almost finish reading the piece knowing more about the author’s resume than the evidence behind his criticism of Waiya.

Same individual who has been unable to ensure good working relationship with his staffs at Pyramid Radio Kano where is currently serves as its manager, a station that constantly runs out of diesel and goes off the air, perhaps even he isn’t proud of this hence he left it out from the list of his workplaces listed.

With due respect, professional experience is valuable, but it should strengthen an argument, not become the argument itself. A good product sells itself. A journalist’s professional standing should be reflected in the quality, fairness and depth of their analysis. Thirty years in the profession deserves recognition, but it does not automatically make every opinion conclusive.

If the intention was to assess Waiya’s stewardship, then the more important questions should have been: What did he inherit? What did he change? Which initiatives did he introduce? What measurable outcomes were achieved? And where did he fall short? Those are the questions that give criticism substance.

We can be safe to say that Waiya’s redeployment was a direct reward for his performance in the former ministry. The Governor has publicly explained the cabinet adjustments as part of efforts to strengthen institutions and improve service delivery. What is evident, however, is that Waiya has been entrusted with another important responsibility, and his record in the former ministry remains open to public examination.

The Ministry of Information and Internal Affairs is not beyond criticism, and neither is Dr. Waiya. But fairness requires that we acknowledge the work done alongside the shortcomings alleged.

Frankly the most fitting way to understand this new assignment is captured in the title of this piece: the reward for hard work is more work. His previous assignment is now part of his public record; his new ministry presents another opportunity to serve.

Congratulations, Hon. Comr. Ibrahim Abdullahi Waiya. The expectations continue.

Nworisa Michael is a
Writer, Public Affairs Commentator and writes from nworisamichael1917@gmail.com
1st Nov. 2026

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