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More Clarifications Ahead of 2023-Amir Abdul Aziz

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By: Amir Abdulazeez

 

When President Obasanjo carelessly picked Goodluck Jonathan to serve as ‘Yaradua’s potential Vice President in 2007, little did we know that the politics of picking running mates will later become complex and problematic. The death of Ummaru, ascension of Jonathan, surprise emergence of Namadi Sambo and Patrick Yakowa becoming the first Christian Civilian Governor of Kaduna State would all combine to later add more relevance to the politics of running mate selection. In 2014, APC had more headache in picking a presidential running mate than the presidential candidate himself. It took them so much time and effort that one thought they will organize a fresh convention for that purpose.

Today, the Muslim-Muslim ticket debacle is the bane of Nigerian political discourse. While clamouring for fairness and balance which are needed for a fragile system like Nigeria’s, we should also remember that from 1999 to date, no religion can claim any net gain from this Nigerian version of democracy. Ordinary followers of all religions have been victims of bad governance, even pagans. We have suffered so much so that if a pagan/pagan ticket will eradicate insecurity, fix the economy and bring development while being fair to all interests and affiliations, we should allow it. Therefore, the choice is between searching for solutions and satisfying sentiments; we seem to favour the latter.

A section of public commentators and spectators are already suggesting a walkover for Atiku Abubakar in the 2023 polls. That is the biggest complacency I have ever seen in contemporary Nigerian politics. How can you be facing a ruling party with almost 65% of political stakeholdership in the country and be expecting to have a walkover? Atiku is an institution but his successes in the last two PDP primaries is more of financial supremacy than political dominance. That aside, barring a Buhari-like scenario, Atiku will definitely make a good president. He is perhaps the only fully independent candidate with a clear and accessible blueprint since 2007. In 2011, he had a better manifesto and approach than President Goodluck Jonathan; he only lost the PDP primaries to the power of incumbency. By the way, what happened to the Jonathan 2023 candidacy?

2023 Presidential Election Should be Cancelled; It’s Already Predetermined
From 1992, this is Atiku’s 7th attempt at the Presidency with 2019 being his closest to success. Many believe 2023 is his year and so many obvious factors call for optimism in his camp. However, there are two fundamental things that may haunt Waziri; (in)consistency and (un)popularity. Buhari and Tinubu are successfully reaping the harvests of consistency and perseverance; they sticked to opposition politics all their lives. Atiku shouldve remained in opposition when he decamped to Action Congress in 2007 or shouldve remained in the ruling PDP when he decamped back in 2011. Ambition had kept him running from one place to another making him neither establishment nor anti-establishment. The second question is whether there is a single state in Nigeria which Atiku can secure one million votes or more in 2023? I hope we all remember Dr. Rabi’u Kwankwaso’s 3-K States theory?

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Tinubu’s boast in Ogun State over his role in the emergence of Buhari as President needs some revisiting and clarification. For the avoidance of doubt, Muhammadu Buhari did not lose the 2003 presidential elections, it was brutally rigged to return Obasanjo for a second term. 2003 will easily enter the list of the worst elections in modern world history. In 2007, the presidential elections results were simply written, so we cant even call that election not to talk of who won or lost. I have never relied on 2003 and 2007 election figures for any research or serious analysis, because they are largely fabricated. The 2011 elections were relatively fair but at least 40% of the vote was rigged, written or simply inflated especially in the South-South and South-East.

In circumstances like these, we cannot comfortably declare Buhari a loser of all the previous elections he contested and only became a winner when he met Tinubu. It is true that 2015 was the weakest version of political Buhari, it was true that he had lost hope and that the APC merger spearheaded by Tinubu was what brought him back to life. But it is also true that so many other factors other than Tinubu contributed crucially to Buhari’s victory, one major one was the abysmal performance of Goodluck Jonathan. One thing that is however certain is that, without Tinubu’s support, it wouldve been near impossible for Buhari to emerge APC flagbearer against the financial powerhouses in Kwankwaso and Atiku.

This brings us to the argument of access to public funds as the reason why some candidates (not aspirants) are stronger than others. Supporters of a particular presidential candidate even claimed that if their man had equal access to public funds, he would be better than certain candidates. This is laughable; a debate like this will take us nowhere. Just campaign for your candidate and persuade people to vote for him. If we are talking about the abuse of peoples trust and the utilization of our commonwealth for personal political development, none of the major politicians in Nigeria will come out clean. So, let us not deceive ourselves and others.

Where are our smaller political parties who had spent most of their last four years fighting INEC over deregistration? This is a good amount of time they wouldve spent in coming together to form a strong bloc. In case we dont know, 74 of them were deregistered for failing to meet the requirements to continue to exist as political parties. Probably about 10 to 15 of the currently existing will be due for deregistration by this time next year. Instead of them to consider merging to form a decent alternative, theyll rather hang on only to be fighting a legal survival battle with INEC next year. As the strongest and largest intellectual organization in West Africa, I dont even know why ASUU is yet to form a political party or adopt any of the smaller parties to set up a path towards satisfying their own demands all by themselves instead for waiting and hoping for a hopeless Federal Government.

Why is nobody talking about the enormous task ahead of the next president whom credible international reports suggest will have to use 100% of his revenue in servicing (not repaying) debts by 2024? To execute projects or even pay salaries, the next government may have to borrow further. Nigeria is in trouble, we are drowning in the ocean of foreign debts, meanwhile we are concerned over the religion of a presidential candidate more than his ability to bring us out of this mess. Buhari has failed because Jonathan had built a solid foundation for that failure. Now he has built a worse foundation for his successor. Ladies and gentlemen, the possibility and danger of the next president irrespective of his affiliation and preparedness to economically be worse than Buhari is imminent. May God help us.

All of the political dynamics of today are closely related to that of 1999, some a bit earlier. If you have not directly experienced Nigerian political development from 1999 with a mix of some pre-1999 historical knowledge, you will find it difficult if not impossible to connect certain dots that you see today. Extensive and intensive reading may help, but politely interacting with veterans will do better. Social media where most of the political debates occur is dominated by youths who knew little or nothing pre-2011 and dont invest significant time in reading but trying to engage or even confront the same veterans that wouldve been their best opportunity at understanding the genesis of the current situation.
There are some visible changes in Nigeria’s socio-political spaces, although not new but have taken a different twist from the previous. The renewed order is the attempt to criminalize certain political choices against others. Between 2014 to 2018, discourses were dominated by hate, campaigns of calumny, fabrications and outright abuse. Today, political promoters are trying hard to make it appear that only their candidates are good enough and any other choice is treason. This is extremism, lets be careful, everything is a matter of opinion and everyone is entitled to his.

Twitter: @AmirAbdulazeez

Politics

Emerging Story from Gov. Abba’s Meeting with President Tinubu 

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By Yusuf Danjuma Yunusa

Kano State Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s speculated defection from the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP) to the All Progressives Congress (APC), is reportedly a step away from reality following a decisive meeting with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu at the Presidential Villa today, sources familiar with the discussions have confirmed.

According to insider reports, the governor’s team expressed renewed confidence after the private talks, which appear to have resolved weeks of political uncertainty. A senior APC figure from the North-West told Politics Digest that President Tinubu’s intervention has provided Governor Yusuf with the necessary assurances to proceed with his planned move to the ruling party.

While no official statement has been released, the source indicated that the president addressed a major obstacle in the negotiations—the governor’s eligibility for an automatic APC gubernatorial ticket in the 2027 election.

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“The path is now clearer,” the source stated. “The president has assured Governor Yusuf that his second-term ambition under the APC will be protected, provided he manages the internal political dynamics in Kano with care.”

Despite this progress, the presidency reportedly advised the governor against relying solely on top-level backing. He has been urged to continue consultations with key APC stakeholders in Kano to prevent potential internal friction.

This caution comes amid existing tensions within the state’s APC structure, involving factions loyal to Deputy Senate President Barau Jibrin and other influential figures with strong interests in Kano’s political future.

The mood within the governor’s camp marks a shift from earlier reports of hesitation from the APC leadership, which had been reluctant to offer written guarantees regarding an automatic ticket.

Governor Yusuf’s recent symbolic gestures—such as presiding over a state executive meeting in Abuja while wearing the red cap associated with the Kwankwasiyya movement—may soon give way to a formal declaration. The meeting with President Tinubu is understood to have been the final step before a public announcement that could reshape the political landscape of the North-West.

A significant unresolved factor remains the governor’s relationship with his political mentor, Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso. As Governor Yusuf moves closer to the APC, Kwankwaso is reportedly exploring alternative political alignments.

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Politics

Freedom of Choice in Democracy: Why Kano Must Come First

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By Dr. Mukhtar Bello Maisudan

At the heart of any functioning democracy lies a core principle: freedom of choice. This is not simply a slogan; it is a fundamental democratic value upheld by scholars and practitioners alike. From Robert Dahl’s classical theories of polyarchy to Adam Przeworski’s work on democratic accountability, the ability of citizens—and their elected leaders—to reassess alliances and make independent political choices is central to democratic life. It is through this lens that the anticipated/planned decision by the Governor of Kano State to join the All Progressives Congress (APC) must be understood not as betrayal or disloyalty, but as an exercise of democratic agency in pursuit of service to the people of Kano.
Political theorist Robert Dahl argued that democracy is best understood as a system in which citizens have the continuing opportunity to influence decisions by choosing among alternative leaders and policies. In “Democracy and Its Critics,” Dahl emphasizes that political competition, realignment, and choice are not flaws in a system—they are signs of a healthy, responsive democracy. If democratic governance is to live up to its ideals, it must allow its actors the freedom to rethink, reassess, and reorient. This academic foundation supports the view that a political decision like the governor’s intended move is not a violation of democratic norms, but rather a legitimation of them.

Scholar Adam Przeworski, in his work on democratic accountability, stresses that leaders in a democracy are accountable first to the electorate, and not to permanent political patrons or ideological loyalties. Przeworski writes that democracy “requires leaders to be responsive to the preferences of their constituents over time,” implying that flexibility in political alignment is part of responsiveness, not defiance. In this context, the governor’s anticipated decision to join the APC can be seen as an attempt to align Kano State more effectively with federal structures to secure resources, representation, and political leverage for the state. Such a recalibration is not self-serving in itself; it is consistent with the demands of democratic accountability that prioritize public interest.

Kano State is not a laboratory for personal loyalties. It is a large, diverse, and dynamic state with pressing developmental needs—needs that transcend party labels. Political scientist Larry Diamond argues in “Developing Democracy” that the essence of democratic leadership is the capacity to deliver effective governance and improve citizens’ welfare. By this measure, the legitimacy of political decisions must ultimately be judged by their impact on the lives of citizens. Consider key areas where Kano State’s government has demonstrated focus and progress:
Infrastructure development: Sustained investment in road networks to improve transportation and commerce across urban and rural areas.
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Education reforms: Efforts to improve learning outcomes, enhance school environments, and provide opportunities for Kano’s youth.

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Healthcare delivery: Expanding community health services and strengthening public health institutions.

Urban renewal and sanitation: Upholding the dignity of public spaces and improving living conditions in towns and cities.
Economic empowerment: Programs aimed at supporting small businesses, traders, and vulnerable populations.

These are pragmatic governance actions that speak to a vision of development beyond political rhetoric.

Critics may label the governor’s anticipated decision a “betrayal” of Dr. Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso. However, such a framing collapses complex political dynamics into oversimplified moral judgments. Political scientists Hana Bäck and Patrick Dumont point out in their research on party systems that politics is inherently dynamic and rooted in strategic considerations, not static allegiances.

Kwankwaso himself is engaged in political navigation and future planning—an entirely legitimate democratic pursuit. If political motivation is acceptable for one leader, it cannot be disallowed for another without creating a double standard that undermines democratic equity.

Democracy thrives in environments of tolerance, dialogue, and mutual respect. Political scientist Benjamin Barber, in “Strong Democracy,” highlights the importance of civic engagement based on deliberation rather than confrontation.

When politics devolves into bitterness, vendettas, and personal attacks, society suffers—not just the political actors involved. It is the people who pay the price. Kano has always been politically vibrant. It must now demonstrate political maturity—showing that disagreements can exist without descending into hostility, and that diverse opinions do not have to fracture communal harmony.

The governor’s anticipated decision—and the public debate surrounding it—presents a test for Kano’s democratic culture. Will we default to partisan outrage, or will we embrace a more reflective understanding of politics as a shared effort to improve human well-being? Democracy is more than a transient contest of power; it is a system of freedom, responsibility, and mutual tolerance. As the Nigerian scholar Claude Ake reminded us, democracy must be rooted in citizens’ everyday lives, not in elite posturing. Kano State must remain above the politics of bitterness and vengeance. Let us focus on inclusive development, respectful disagreement, and collective advancement. Let us celebrate democratic choice and reject divisions that weaken the bonds of community. In the end, history will not remember who switched party cards. It will remember who delivered good governance, served the people earnestly, and strengthened the bonds of unity in diversity. That is the standard Kano deserves—and that is the standard democracy demands.

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Abba Kabir Yusuf and the Politics of Strategic Realignment: Why the APC Option Makes Sense

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By Comrade Najeeb Nasir Ibrahim
Kano Concern Citizens for Good Governance

In politics, leadership is measured not by emotional loyalty to platforms, but by the courage to make strategic decisions that protect stability, relevance, and the collective interest of the people. Recent reports indicating that the Executive Governor of Kano State, Abba Kabir Yusuf, may defect from the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP) to the All Progressives Congress (APC) should therefore be assessed with political maturity rather than sentiment.

Kano State, Nigeria’s most populous state, occupies a critical position in national politics. Any political decision taken by its governor has implications far beyond party structures—it directly affects governance, development, and Kano’s bargaining power at the federal level.

The Political Reality Behind the Decision

Governor Yusuf emerged under the NNPP, largely supported by the Kwankwasiyya movement. However, evolving political realities—particularly internal divisions within the NNPP and increasing national realignments—have made the status quo difficult to sustain.

The open invitation extended by the APC, reportedly backed by key party stakeholders, reflects recognition of Governor Yusuf’s political weight. More significantly, indications that a large majority of NNPP lawmakers in the Kano State House of Assembly may follow him suggest that this is not an isolated ambition but a calculated collective shift.

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Why the APC Alignment Is a Wise Decision

First, alignment with the ruling party at the federal level enhances access to national resources, infrastructure funding, and policy collaboration. In Nigeria’s political system, federal-state harmony often determines the pace and scale of development. Kano cannot afford isolation at the centre.

Second, internal crises within the NNPP have increasingly become a distraction to governance. Political stability is essential for effective leadership. A move to the APC could consolidate political forces, reduce factional conflicts, and allow the governor to focus squarely on service delivery.

Third, with the 2027 general elections approaching, political foresight is essential. The APC’s nationwide structure, institutional depth, and electoral machinery offer a broader and more sustainable platform than a fragmented opposition party. This positioning strengthens both the governor’s future prospects and Kano’s influence in national decision-making.

Fourth, the move could contribute to building a wider northern political coalition—an important factor in shaping national leadership and policy outcomes in Nigeria.

Responding to the Critics

Critics frame the potential defection as a betrayal of loyalty to the Kwankwasiyya movement. While loyalty has its place, governance must always come before political sentiment. Political movements are vehicles for progress, not permanent constraints.

Others raise concerns about ideological inconsistency. However, Nigerian politics has long been shaped by strategic realignments. What ultimately matters is not party branding, but the ability to deliver dividends of democracy to the people.

Implications for Kano Politics

This moment represents a turning point in Kano’s political history. It signals a possible fragmentation of the Kwankwasiyya structure, a redefinition of long-standing political alliances, and a reshaping of opposition strength within the state. More importantly, it underscores early preparations for the decisive 2027 elections.

Conclusion

Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s reported move toward the APC should be seen as a strategic and forward-looking political decision, driven by the need for stability, development, and relevance in national politics. While the decision carries political risks, leadership often demands difficult choices.

History will ultimately judge this decision by its outcomes. If Kano secures greater development, stronger federal collaboration, and political stability, then this move will stand as a wise and timely decision made in the best interest of the people.

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