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The imperative of a Muslim-Muslim ticket for APC

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Bola Ahmad Tinubu

 

Abdussamad Jibia

The All Progressive Congress (APC) is no doubt a party that brings together some of the most outstanding politicians in Nigeria. However, what makes the APC most attractive is the fact that it is in power. It seized this power from the PDP, a party that ruled Nigeria for 16 years and adjudged to be a failure by majority of Nigerians including their President, Alhaji Muhammadu Buhari. That is why despite all the shortcomings of the APC Federal Government and the economic and security challenges confronting them, Nigerians do not see PDP as the solution.

One manifestation of the interest Nigerians have in the APC is the occupation of social media discussions, radio and television programmes and interpersonal group discussions by the APC Presidential ticket. Last week, Asiwaju Bola Ahmad Tinubu, a devout Muslim from Lagos won the APC Presidential primary election with a landslide to qualify as the party flag bearer in the February 2023 presidential election. As is the tradition, Alhaji Tinubu, a southerner is expected to pick a Northerner as his running mate that shall serve as the Vice President in the event that the party succeeds in winning the presidential elections.

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But there is also another tradition. Christian flagbearers usually pick Muslim running mates and Muslim flagbearers pick Christian running mates. The examples are many. In fact, since the Nigeria’s return to party politics that has been the case. First it was Obasanjo/Atiku, then Yaradua/Jonathan followed by Jonathan/Sambo and now Buhari/Osinbajo. But in all these examples, the Muslims are Northerners and the Christians are southerners. There is no problem, since it can be said with a good degree of accuracy that Christians are the majority in the South and a negligible minority in the North.

Now, should Asiwaju pick a Northern Nigerian Christian as his running mate? I listened to many arguments. The Governor of Kaduna state Mallam Nasiru Elrufai, for example, said religion does not matter in the choice of a running mate. What matters, according to him, is competence. This argument is faulty considering that fact that democracy is about the choice of the majority, a choice characteristically influenced by many factors that include ethnicity, religion, gratifications, etc. in our country. If it is just about merit, candidates would be selected based on their performance in a standard examination on governance organized by my colleagues in Political sciences.

The CAN position is the most uncouth and uncivilized. This group of Nigerians think they have the monopoly of violence and always use threats instead of valid logic. If their position were backed by sound logic all they have to do is to present their arguments to Nigerians including Christians and non-Christians like every other individual and group does and the rest shall be for Nigerians to judge. Again, in politics threat is the language of someone who has no one to influence and it is obvious that Nigerian peace-loving Christians have lost faith in CAN and are no longer influenced by its rantings.

The fact is, any step taken by a political party preparing for an election is carefully taken to attract majority votes from the electorates. This includes choice of its flagbearer and their running mate, its manifesto which unfortunately majority of Nigerian voters do not read, its campaign strategy, etc.

Now, who are the majority voters in Northern Nigeria and what is their relationship with the minority? What would happen to the chances of APC if this majority realizes that the party is succumbing to threats like that of CAN to select its running mate? Is it by force to vote for the ruling party afterall? Can’t they look and vote for an alternative?

Religion was not captured in the 2006 census but we can have a good idea of the Muslim:Christian ratio in the North by considering the ratio of elected politicians in the North. Of the 19 elected governors in the North, 16 are Muslims representing 84.2 % while three are Christians representing 15.8 % in the North and 8 % nationwide. Of the 58 senators from the North, nine are Christians representing 15.5 % in the North and 9 % in the entire country. In the North Central geopolitical zones, there are more Muslims than Christians. Four of the six elected governors in the North Central are Muslims with the other two being Christians.

The meaning of these figures is that Northern Christians are a very small minority compared to their Northern Muslim compatriots. Their number is even much smaller when the country is considered as a whole, and much smaller if we take into cognizance the fact that most Christians in the North would not vote for APC regardless of its flagbearer or his running mate. You may wish to look at the voting pattern of Benue, Taraba and Southern Kaduna.

Over the years, activities of groups like CAN have set Northern Christian minority against the Muslim majority. It is so bad that in any Northern Nigerian community where Christians are the majority, the story is that of hate and violence against Muslims. The examples are many. For example, as I am writing this piece, there is no single Muslim left in Tafawa Balewa, the hometown of the first Nigerian prime minister. The few Muslims who have not been killed have migrated to Bauchi and other places. Incidentally, that is the constituency of Yakubu Dogara, one the Northern Christians being mentioned in the selection of a running mate for the APC flagbearer. In the event Dogara becomes the running mate of Asiwaju, the question every Northern Nigerian Muslim would ask is, is it compulsory for me to vote for my killer?

Other examples of Christian communities known for their violence against Muslims are Plateau state and southern Kaduna. Over the last several decades, whole Muslim communities have been attacked and nearly wiped out in these places. When commissions of enquiry are set up, the grievances of the Northern Christians have always been that they are dominated by emirs, their great grandparents were enslaved, they are not given opportunities, etc.

Muslims have made many overtures in states where they have the majority in order to take Christians along and make them feel at home. An example of this is Kaduna state. It has always been ensured that the Deputy Governor of Kaduna is a Christian even though a Muslim-Muslim ticket can win with a landslide as demonstrated in 2019. To give Christian maximum opportunity, Muslim politicians were once suppressed to allow for a Christian to become the governor. Where in the whole of Christian world has this ever happened? To address their complaints of being traditionally ruled by emirs, chiefdoms were created for them by Makarfi administration. It was after all these overtures that the same people killed over 1000 Muslims on one day in Zonkwa. Those who are saying that appointing a Christian as the running mate of Asiwaju would bring Christians and Muslims closer are probably not aware of this.

Compare the case of Kaduna with that of Plateau. Plateau has a population of Muslims equivalent to the population of Christians in Kaduna state. Yet, a Muslim has never been a Deputy Governor, much less a Governor of that state. Attacks on Muslim communities in Plateau and Southern Kaduna only ceased because of the Fulani herders who, unlike the Hausa, would always revenge when they are attacked. When the intolerant Christians realized that it is a war they cannot win they had to declare peace.

That does not mean Muslim travelers are not intercepted in Plateau and massacred. We are very much aware of the murder of General Idris Alkali by Lafendeg non-Muslims. Somehow, all the suspects arrested have been released due to the influence of the Governor, Simon Bako Lalong. We saw how he was running up and down between the state house and Defence headquarters to make sure that the culprits were not punished and not even a fly of Plateau state has been convicted due to the murder of General Idris, a high profile Muslim General.

Those who are pushing for Lalong to become Asiwaju’s running mate are probably ignorant of this. If Lalong who is only a Governor can successfully follow up to make sure that murderers of Muslims are not punished, what would happen if tomorrow he sits as the Acting President with full control of the security apparatus of the country and a similar thing happens?

Now take Babachir and the more charismatic Boss Mustapha. Both of them are from Adamawa state and were appointed by Mr. President only because he is Buhari, the darling of Northerners. The only question I have here is that do they have the political strength to defeat Atiku in their state. Certainly no. Outside Adamawa, other rules apply.

This writeup is not meant to malign any politician. All the Christian politicians I have mentioned above have APC dear to their heart and wouldn’t like to see it lose at the polls. That is also the intention here.

Northern Nigerian Christians have not adequately prepared themselves for elections at National level due to unnecessary inferiority complex and hate towards their Muslim neighbours. Of course there are very good ones among them as no rule exists without exception. However, collective behaviour of a community is used to assess a people anywhere.

For now, Northern Christians may wish to set their house in order and plan for the future. Elections are not won by threats but by careful planning and building bridges.

Professor Abdussamad Umar Jibia
14/06/2022

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Opinion

The Blending of Segmented Three Stars in Education—Abubakar Musa Umar

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Abubakar Musa Umar

Kano State is blessed with a wealth of individuals with diverse experiences, skills, and contacts across many spheres of life, including religious, cultural, and educational spaces. The likes of Dr. Sheikh Isyaku Rabiu, Sheikh Nasir Kabara, and Sheikh Jaafar Mahmoud Adam are among the few figures to mention, possessing vast Islamic knowledge appreciated worldwide. Recently, Kano State has been blessed with three educational experts with extensive knowledge of education, from its foundational levels to the peak positions of management and decision-making.

Malam Yusuf Kabir was a civil servant for 35 years, retiring in 2014 as Director of Planning, Research, and Statistics at the State Universal Basic Education Board (SUBEB) Kano. He started as a classroom teacher and later became an education secretary in different local governments. Since 2015, he has worked with development partners and achieved remarkable success with the Education Sector Support Program in Nigeria (ESSPIN), the Department for International Development (DFID), PLANE-DAI, and many others. He is currently the Executive Chairman of the State Universal Basic Education Board (SUBEB) Kano.

In the last seventeen months, Malam Yusuf has brought significant changes to basic education in the state. He initiated the first induction training for newly recruited teachers to prepare them for the job. He transformed both the staff and facilities to enhance services and improve job satisfaction.

Malam Haladu Mohammed, an international development expert, started his career as a classroom teacher and later transitioned to higher education, where he rose to the level of senior lecturer in the Department of Geography at the College of Arts, Science, and Remedial Studies (CAS), Kano. Malam Haladu created several educational programs and projects, working as a Team Lead with DFID, OTL, and, most recently, as Chief of Party at USAID Liberia. He is currently the Technical Advisor on Education Reforms to the Executive Governor of Kano State.

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Dr. Yakubu Muhammad Anas, a development expert with more than two decades of track records of accomplishment, was a classroom teacher for years, rising to the rank of Head Teacher before resigning to join development work. He has supported many programs and projects within and outside the country, working with ESSPIN, DFID, KaLMA, and Sesame Square Nigeria. He provides technical support to the Kano State Education Emergency Conference and is currently assisting the Ministry of Education and its agencies in achieving their target goals and objectives.

The three stars worked on the same projects and recorded remarkable success in their respective areas. The stars have now blended again, working with the Kano State Government to revive the education sector.

The recent appointment of Malam Haladu as Technical Advisor to the Executive Governor of Kano, the transformation of basic education under the leadership of Malam Yusuf Kabir, and the technical support provided by Dr. Yakubu Anas to the Ministry of Education and its agencies testify to the government’s commitment to real educational reforms.

Education is currently in the hands of experts whose experience and contributions to the development of education are recognized and appreciated worldwide.

May Almighty Allah (SWT) grant them the wisdom to devise solutions to existing challenges and transform education in Kano State.

Long Live, Kano State

Abubakar Musa Umar is an educationist and a development expert writes this from Kano

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Wearing the Turban, Bearing the Burden: The Enormous Task Before the New Galadiman Kano

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The promotion of Wamban Kano Munir Sanusi as Galadiman Kano today, May 2, 2025, marks an important moment in the history of Kano’s sarauta institution. More than a ceremonial installment, it is the continuation of a title whose symbolic and administrative significance has long anchored the cohesion of Kano; first as a kingdom, and since the nineteenth century, as an emirate. This moment is charged with expectation, arriving at a time Kano Emirate is caught in a vortex of political contestation, juridical uncertainty, and generational transition. It will be the day a man who is both brother and foster son to a former Galadima, and son-in-law to another, assumes such an important office.

The title of Galadima, derived from the Kanuri galdi-ma, meaning “chief of the western front,” emerged during the administrative reforms of Kano’s second Hausa ruler, Sarki Warisi dan Bagauda, in the 11th century. Over time, it evolved into one of the most powerful and most senior princely offices across Hausa land. Until Emir Abdullahi Maje Karofi (1855-1882) appointed his son Yusufu as Galadima, the title had traditionally been reserved for the king’s/emir’s uncle, eldest brother or closest male kin: typically someone older and therefore unlikely to succeed to the throne.

Elsewhere, I have argued that Maje Karofi’s deviation from this established custom was one of the remote causes of the Kano Civil War of 1893. In essence, the appointment of a son to such a crucial position, naturally altered the institutional role of the Galadima, who historically functioned as a check on the emir’s authority. This explains Maje Karofi’s decision to depose his brother Abdulkadir, for expressing growing concern over certain decisions and practices at court the latter deemed inappropriate.

As demonstrated by the reigns of Galadiman Kano Daudu, Atuma, and the Fulani-era Galadimas Maje Karofi and Tijjani Hashim, the office has often wielded influence that paralleled or even eclipsed that of the king/emir. Until the 19th century, titles like Dan Ruwatan Kano were accorded to the kinsman or son of the galadima, while Dan Darman Kano was reserved for his cognatic kinsman. Traditionally, the Galadima served as vizier, head of civil administration, and head of his own mini-palace, independent of the Emir’s court. Court praise-singers aptly describe bearers of the title as Daudu rakumin Kano, the camel that bears the city’s burden; Daudu gatan birni, the protector of the city; and Rumfa sha shirgi, the palace’s dust heap where disputes are deposited and resolved. In recent times, no one embodied such praise and fuction as the late Galadiman Kano Tijjani Hashim.

Widely regarded as the archetype of the modern Galadima, Tijjani Hashim redefined the office in an era when the sarauta was stripped of formal political power. He transformed it into a bastion of accessible influence, strategic mediation, and public service. His residence functioned as a daily court of appeals, open to aristocrats, commoners, and royal slaves alike. He was the man to whom a poor student could turn for a scholarship, a merchant for capital, a civil servant for promotion, a politician for sponsorship, and a broken family for reconciliation.

Tijjani Hashim died in 2014 and was succeeded by the charismatic Abbas Sanusi, whose reign as Galadima was cut short by a protracted illness. Abbas Sanusi was a disciplined and astute administrator, widely respected for his command of the emirate’s bureaucratic machinery. Yet his tenure was constrained by declining health, which limited his capacity to perform some of Galadima’s traditional roles, particularly inter-familial diplomacy. It is from Abbas Sanusi that the title now transitions to his younger brother, Alhaji Munir Sanusi, marking a rare case of intergenerational and intra-familial continuity, even by the standards of Kano’s dynastic politics. Their relationship was not merely fraternal, it was paternal. Abbas raised Munir from infancy, shaping his worldview and instilling in him the refined fadanci he has mastered and discreetly used to his advantage. Adding further symbolic weight is the fact that Munir is married to Hajiya Mariya Tijjani Hashim, daughter of the very man whose name has become synonymous with the Galadima title in recent memory. Thus, the new Galadima stands at the confluence of two great legacies—bound by blood to Abbas, and by marriage to Tijjani.

Born on January 12, 1962, Munir Sanusi Bayero was the last son of Emir Sir Muhammad Sanusi I to be born in the Kano palace. Raised by his late brother, Galadima Abbas Sanusi, he later married his second cousin, Hajiya Mariya, a union that has continued to epitomize royal love and companionship. Alhaji Munir Sanusi received his primary education at Gidan Makama Primary School, and his secondary education at Government Secondary School Dambatta from 1976 to 1981. He later obtained a degree in Mechanical Engineering from the Indian Institute of Technology in New Delhi.

Galadima Munir Sanusi’s career commenced in the Kano State Ministry of Social Welfare, Youth, and Sports, where he served as a Transport Officer from 1989 to 1991. He later joined Daula Enterprises Co. Ltd, Kano, from 1991 to 1993. He currently sits on the board of several companies, including Tri-C3 and Unique Leather Finishing Co. Ltd, the second-largest exporter of leather in West Africa.

In 2014, the Emir of Kano Khalifa Muhammad Sanusi II appointed him as Dan Majen Kano and pioneer Chief of Staff to the Emir in Kano Emirate, He was elevated to the position of Danburam Kano in 2016 and Wamban Kano and district head of Bichi in 2024. Today, he assumes the prestigious title of Galadiman Kano.

Galadima Munir’s loyalty to Emir Muhammadu Sanusi II has earned him considerable admiration within and beyond Kano. When the Emir was deposed in March 2020 and exiled to Loko in Nasarawa State, Munir not only followed him into banishment but remained by his side through Lagos and back to Kano. Now that the Emir has rewarded that loyalty with the emirate’s highest princely office, Munir faces a challenge no less noble than the title he inherits.

For one, loyalty is only one pillar of what I call, “the burdens of the Galadima”. The office demands generosity, accessibility, discretion, and the ability to shoulder the hopes of a people whose faith in the sarauta system is repeatedly tested. Here lies the Galadima’s greatest trial. Like his predecessors, he must cultivate a public image as a patron of the weak, a reconciler of royal, noble amd common feuds, and a figure of last resort to both the high and the low. He must embody _rumfa sha shirgi_ in practice: bearing the burdens of others, not just out of obligation, but with discernment, sincerity, and grace. His word must be his bond, for _zancen Galadima kamar zancen Sarki ne_: the word of the Galadima is expected to be final, unwavering, and free of bitterness.

The task becomes all the more urgent against the backdrop of Kano’s current emirship crisis. While Emir Muhammadu Sanusi II’s return has been celebrated in many quarters, it remains the subject of intense legal and political contestation. In this precarious climate, the Galadima must go beyond ceremonial visibility. He must be the Emirate’s anchor, bridging palace factions and translating the noble project of restoring the sarauta back to its sense to the wider public. Galadima Munir’s early efforts at reconciling estranged branches of the royal family and diffusing internal tensions suggest a promising political instinct. But history demands more than instinct; it demands an ethic of honor and sustained human investment.

To become Galadiman Kano today is not merely to wear a turban. It is to accept a lifetime project of prioritizing the interest of the Sarauta and the talakawa over one’s. It is knowing that one’s home inevitably becomes a revolving court and one’s influence becomes public trust. Any failure to wield it generously, the memory of that failure will linger far longer than any quiet success.

Alhaji Munir Sanusi ascends the title of Galadima with the wind of history at his back and the shadows of giants before him. He is son and brother to a Galadima, and son-in-law to the most revered of them. If he can merge these legacies with his quiet resolve and proven loyalty, he may yet restore the Galadima as the most vital conduit between the emirate and its people.

As the title awaits its meaning, Kano welcomes its new Galadima.

Allah ya kama, Raba musu rana da hazo

Allah ya taya riko, Daudu kwatangwalon giye.

Allah ya taimaki, tomo jiniyar gari

Huzaifa Dokaji writes from New York and can be reached via huzaifadokaji@gmail.com

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Open Letter to the Group Chief Executive Officer, Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL)

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By Kehinde Moshood

Dear Group Chief Executive Officer, Mr Bashir Bayo

I write to you in light of the ongoing investigation into our nation’s refineries, calling for immediate action to ensure transparency and accountability within the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL). It is imperative that the Chief Financial Officer, Adedapo Segun, be suspended pending the outcome of this investigation.

The scandal surrounding the refineries was perpetrated during his time as …was perpetrated during his time/ tenure as GGM Treasury and also involved as EVP Downstream. This raises serious concerns about his potential involvement or oversight regarding financial operations at the time. Suspending him while the investigation is ongoing will not only safeguard its integrity but also demonstrate your administration’s commitment to justice and fairness.

Should he be cleared of any wrongdoing after a thorough and independent review, he may be recalled. However, allowing him to remain in office while the investigation is underway undermines the credibility of the process and may hinder efforts to achieve genuine accountability.

Suspending those responsible for financial control is a necessary step toward achieving meaningful reform. Without holding key financial officers accountable, we risk perpetuating a system where those entrusted with financial oversight escape scrutiny, making true reform unattainable.

One critical question remains:Why has Adedapo Segun been spared? Is it because he was appointed during the tenure of Emmanuel Ibe Kachikwu? If the new leadership is truly committed to transparency, this question must be addressed without hesitation.

Suspending Dapo Segun would send a strong message that your administration will not tolerate any form of impropriety. The new Group Chief Executive Officer has made commitments to transparency, yet allowing an individual allegedly linked to the scandal to remain in office contradicts that mission.

This is an opportunity to reinforce public trust in the NNPCL. Taking the necessary steps now will ensure that the Nigerian people see real commitment to fairness and accountability under your leadership.

I trust you will take the bold and necessary action required at this time.

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