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Kukah’s Easter Message:Another Absurd Agitation From An Anarchist

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Bishop Mathew Kukah

 

By Bala Ibrahim.

For the second time in two consecutive years, the catholic Bishop of Sokoto Diocese, Father Mathew Hassan Kukah is using the pulpit on Easter day, to send insults to President Muhammadu Buhari and the government he supervises. In this year’s Easter message, which he delivered on Sunday,17/04/2022, Bishop Kukah said President Buhari has destroyed every aspect of life in Nigeria, but has allowed corruption to thrive and grow.

“With everything literally broken down, our country has become one big emergency national hospital with full occupancy. Our individual hearts are broken. Our family dreams are broken. Homes are broken. Churches, Mosques, infrastructure are broken. Our educational system is broken. Our children’s lives and future are broken. Our politics is broken. Our economy is broken. Our energy system is broken. Our security system is broken. Our roads and rails are broken. Only corruption is alive and well”- Kukah.

It may be recalled that last year, on a similar Easter, Kukah delivered a similar insult to President Muhammadu Buhari and his government, saying the government had failed and turned the country into a massive killing field.

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I found a particular paragraph in Kukah’s message curious and worthy of compassion, where he said, Buhari has totally destroyed Nigeria, divided citizens, enthroned corruption and Nigerians can no longer recognise their country, which has been battered and buffeted by men and women from the dark womb of time. It is no longer necessary to ask how we got here. The real challenge is how to find the slippery rungs on the ladder of ascent so we can climb out. Yet, we ask, ascend to where?”

Ascent to where? I think Father Kukah needs to be reminded of the past, specifically the PDP years, when the government was using slush funds as political bribery to settle clerics. Now that Buhari has suffocated that channel, insults are his portion from them.

Memories are still fresh about the infamous Dasukigate, where out of the $2.1b that was diverted, N2.2b was allegedly collected by clerics to pray for the nation, in its effort to combat Boko Haram and the incessant killings of innocent citizens.

What did Father Kukah say then? Has he forgotten how we got there, or were we not ever there?

Father Kukah said our security system is broken, but I think it’s the fault of his memory, which seems to have failed him. To reinvigorate that memory of his, I would refer him to an old tweet from the social media aide to President Muhammadu Buhari, Mrs Lauretta Onochie, where in she listed over 50 prominent personalities that were killed under the watch of his PDP benefactors, starting with chief Bola Ige, the former Attorney General of the Federation and minister of justice, who was shot dead in his bedroom in Bodija, Ibadan on December 23, 2001, as number 1.

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2 Similarly, Chief Aminasaoari Dikibo, PDP Deputy National Chairman was ambushed near Asaba in daylight and was murdered in October 22, 2004.
3 The gruesome cold blood murder of Dr. Harry Marshal on March 05, 2003,
4 Janet Oladape, PDP leader in Odigbo LGA clubbed to death by gunmen on August 13, 2002.
5 Alhaji Ahmed Pategi, Kwara State Chairman, PDP, murdered at Aiyetoro, in Kogi State, on the 15th of August, 2002.
6 Barnabas Igwe, Chairman, Nigeria Bar Association (NBA) and his wife, Abigail Igwe, murdered on the 1st of September, 2002.
7 Victor Nwankwo, younger brother of Arthur Nwankwo, founder, Eastern Mandate Union (EMU) assassinated on August 29, 2001.
8 Momoh Lawal, relation of Akaaba, former Chairman, Okene LGA in Kogi killed on March 5, 2001.
9 Odunayo Olagbaju, member, Osun House of Assembly, killed in Ile-Ife on December 21, 2001.
10 Chimere Ikoku, former Vice Chancellor, University of Nigeria, Nsukka, Enugu State, was killed in his residence in on 20th of October 2002.
11 Dele Arojo, PDP guber aspirant, was killed by unknown assailants in Lagos on November 25, 2002.
12 In February, 2003, Chief Ogbonnaya Uche, All Nigerian Peoples Party (ANPP) senatorial candidate in Imo State was assassinated.
13 Theodore Agwatu, Principal Secretary to the Governor of Imo State, was killed in February 2003.
14 Mrs. Emily Omope, an Alliance for Democracy (AD) Woman Leader died in March, 2003 at University College Hospital, Ibadan after an acid attack in December, 2002 by unknown persons.
15 In February 2003, Ogbonnaya Uche, ANPP senatorial candidate for Orlu was killed in his home residence by unknown gunmen. Killers are yet to be found till date.
16 Andrew Agom, A member of PDP Board of Trustees and former boss of Nigeria Airways, was also killed on March 4, 2004. Agom was on the entourage of the former Benue State governor, Senator George Akume, when he was killed.
17 Death moved to the South West on May 15, 2005 with the murder of leading financier of Oronmiyan Group, a socio-political organization, Alabi Okoju, at Gbongan, Osun State by assassins.
18 In July 2006, Lagos PDP gubernatorial aspirant, Funsho Williams was killed at his Dolphin Estate home in Ikoyi.
19 Former World Bank consultant and PDP guber aspirant in Ekiti State, Dr. Ayo Daramola, was also murdered in 2006.
20 Kehinde Fasubaa, a look a-like twin brother of Taye Fasuba, then Ado-Ekiti LG Chairman was killed on January 03, 2009. Taye Fasuba himself escaped death in 2004.
21 Dipo Dina, fell to the bullets of assassins On Monday, January 25, 2010 around Covenant University, Ota. The late Dina was defunct Action Congress (AC) gubernatorial candidate in 2007.

Mrs Onochie went on to list about 30 journalists that were so assassinated, but all those killings did not attract the attention of Father Kukah.

In case Father Kukah has forgotten, Nigerians have not forgotten about how he was contracted by President Olusegun Obasanjo to smuggle shell into Ogoni land, in order to placate the Ogonis to make peace with Shell Petroleum Development Company (SPDC).

The contract failed, only for Buhari to come to the rescue, by initiating and executing a transparent Ogoni clean up, without giving a kobo to Kukah.

It was a huge contract involving enormous amount of money that was expected to put to an end to the many years of strained and bitter relationship between Shell and the Ogonis, after the murder of four Ogoni chiefs and the trial and execution of 11 leaders of the Movement for the Survival of Ogoni People (MASOP), including Ken Saro Wiwa.

As a man of God and in the spirit of Easter, which is the celebration of the death and resurrection of Jesus Christ, clerics like Kukah must preach peace and not tell lies and hatred.

By his utterances, Kukah is absurdly acting like an anarchist, because his agitation is in conformity with the philosophy of anarchism, which is a political philosophy that is sceptical of constituted authorities.

Opinion

Dr Bello Matwallle: Why Dialogue Still Matters in the Fight Against Insecurity

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By Musa Iliyasu Kwankwaso

In the history of leadership, force may be loud, but wisdom delivers results. This is why security experts agree that while military action can suppress violence temporarily, dialogue is what permanently closes the door to conflict. It is a lesson the world has learned through blood, loss, and painful experience.

When Dr. Bello Matawalle, as Governor of Zamfara State, chose dialogue and reconciliation, it was not a sign of weakness. It was a different kind of courage one that placed the lives of ordinary citizens above political applause. A wise leader measures success not by bullets fired, but by lives saved.

Across conflict zones, history has consistently shown that force alone does not end insecurity. Guns may damage bodies, but they do not eliminate the roots of violence. This understanding forms the basis of what experts call the non-kinetic approach conflict resolution through dialogue, reconciliation, justice, and social reform.

When Matawalle assumed office, Zamfara was deeply troubled. Roads were closed, markets shut down, farmers and herders operated in fear, and citizens lived under constant threat. Faced with this reality, only two options existed: rely solely on military force or combine security operations with dialogue. Matawalle chose the path widely accepted across the world security reinforced by dialogue not out of sympathy for criminals, but to protect innocent lives.

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This approach was not unique to Zamfara. In Katsina State, Governor Aminu Bello Masari led peace engagements with armed groups. In Maiduguri granted amnesty to repentant offenders of Boko Haram, In Sokoto, dialogue was also pursued to reduce bloodshed. These precedents raise a simple question: if dialogue is acceptable elsewhere, why is Matawalle singled out?

At the federal level, the same logic applies. Through Operation Safe Corridor, the Federal Government received Boko Haram members who surrendered, offered rehabilitation and reintegration, and continued military action against those who refused to lay down arms. This balance
rehabilitation for those who repent and force against those who persist is the core of the non-kinetic approach.

Security experts globally affirm that military force contributes only 20 to 30 percent of sustainable solutions to insurgency. The remaining 70 to 80 percent lies in dialogue, justice, economic reform, and addressing poverty and unemployment. Even the United Nations states clearly: “You cannot kill your way out of an insurgency.”

During Matawalle’s tenure, several roads reopened, cattle markets revived, and daily life began to normalize. If insecurity later resurfaced, the question is not whether dialogue was wrong, but whether broader coordination failed.

Today, critics attempt to recast past security strategies as crimes. Yet history is not blind, and truth does not disappear. Matawalle’s actions were rooted in expert advice, national precedent, and global best practice.

The position of Sheikh Ahmad Gumi, who publicly affirmed that Matawalle’s approach was appropriate and that military force accounts for only about 25 percent of counterinsurgency success, further reinforces this reality. Such views cannot be purchased or manufactured; they reflect established security thinking.

In the end, dialogue is not a betrayal of justice it is often its foundation. And no amount of political noise can overturn decisions grounded in evidence, experience, and the priority of human life.

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Opinion

Matawalle: The Northern Anchor of Loyalty in Tinubu’s Administration

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By Adebayor Adetunji, PhD

In the broad and competitive terrain of Nigerian politics, loyalty is often spoken of, yet rarely sustained with consistency, courage and visible action. But within the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, one Northern appointee has demonstrated this quality not as a slogan, but as a lifestyle, as a political principle and as a national duty — Hon. (Dr.) Bello Muhammad Matawalle, Minister of State for Defence.

Since his appointment, Matawalle has stood out as one of the most loyal, outspoken and dependable pillars of support for the Tinubu administration in the North. He has never hesitated, not for a moment, to stand firmly behind the President. At every turn of controversy, in moments of public misunderstanding, and at times when political alliances waver, Matawalle has continued to speak boldly in defence of the government he serves. For him, loyalty is not an occasional gesture — it is a commitment evidenced through voice, alignment, and sacrifice.

Observers within and outside the ruling party recall numerous occasions where the former Zamfara State Governor took the front line in defending the government’s policies, actions and direction, even when others chose neutrality or silence. His interventions, always direct and clear, reflect not just loyalty to a leader, but faith in the future the President is building, a future anchored on economic reform, security revival, institutional strengthening and renewed national unity.

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But Matawalle’s value to the administration does not stop at loyalty. In performance, visibility and active delivery of duty, he stands among the most engaged ministers currently serving in the federal cabinet. His portfolio, centred on defence and security, one of the most sensitive sectors in the country, demands expertise, availability and unbroken presence. Matawalle has not only embraced this responsibility, he has carried it with remarkable energy.

From high-level security meetings within Nigeria to strategic engagements across foreign capitals, Matawalle has represented the nation with clarity and confidence. His participation in defence summits, international cooperation talks, and regional security collaborations has positioned Nigeria as a voice of influence in global security discourse once again. At home, his involvement in military policy evaluation, counter-terrorism discussions and national defence restructuring reflects a minister who understands the urgency of Nigeria’s security needs, and shows up to work daily to address them.

Away from partisan battles, Matawalle has proven to be a bridge — between North and South, civilian leadership and military institutions, Nigeria and the wider world. His presence in government offers a mix of loyalty, performance and deep grounding in national interest, the type of partnership every President needs in turbulent times.

This is why calls, campaigns and whisperings aimed at undermining or isolating him must be resisted. Nigeria cannot afford to discourage its best-performing public servants, nor tighten the atmosphere for those who stand firmly for unity and national progress. The nation must learn to applaud where there is performance, support where there is loyalty, and encourage where there is commitment.

Hon. Bello Matawalle deserves commendation, not suspicion. Support — not sabotage. Encouragement, not exclusion from political strategy or power alignment due to narrow interests.

History does not forget those who stood when it mattered. Matawalle stands today for President Tinubu, for security, for loyalty, for national service. And in that place, he has earned a space not only in the present political equation, but in the future judgment of posterity.

Nigeria needs more leaders like him. And Nigeria must say so openly.

Adebayor Adetunji, PhD
A communication strategist and public commentator
Write from Akure, Ondo State, Nigeria

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Opinion

Drug Abuse Among People With Disabilities: The Hidden Crisis Nigeria Is Yet to Address

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By Abdulaziz Ibrahim

Statistically Invisible, Persons with Disabilities feel shut out of Nigeria’s drug abuse war as a report from Adamawa reveals lacks data and tailored support needed, forcing a vulnerable group to battle addiction alone.

In Adamawa State, the fight against drug abuse is gaining attention, but for many people living with disabilities (PWDs), their struggles remain largely unseen. A new report has uncovered deep gaps in support, treatment, and data tracking for PWDs battling addiction despite official claims of equal access.

For nearly three decades, Mallam Aliyu Hammawa, a visually impaired resident of Yola, navigated a world increasingly shrouded by drug dependency. He first encountered psychoactive substances through friends, and what began as casual use quickly escalated into long-term addiction.

“I used cannabis, tramadol, tablets, shooters everything I could get my hands on,” he recalled. “These drugs affected my behaviour and my relationship with the people close to me.”

Family members say his addiction changed him entirely. His friend, Hussaini Usman, described feeling “sad and worried” when he realized Aliyu had fallen into drug use.

Aliyu eventually made the decision to quit. It was marriage and the fear of hurting his wife that finally forced him to seek a new path. “Whenever I took the drugs, I felt normal. But my wife was confused about my behaviour,” he said. “I decided I had to stop before she discovered the full truth of what I was taking.”

A National Problem With Missing Data

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Nigeria has one of the highest drug-use rates in West Africa, according to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). Over 14 million Nigerians between the ages of 15 and 64 use psychoactive substances. Yet, within that massive user base, PWDs are statistically invisible.

There is almost no national data on drug abuse among persons with disabilitiesa critical gap that experts warn makes it impossible to design effective, inclusive rehabilitation programmes.

Ibrahim Idris Kochifa, the Secretary of the Adamawa State Association of Persons with Physical Disability, told this reporter that PWDs face unique, systemic pressures that intensify their vulnerability to drug abuse, specifically citing poverty, unemployment, isolation, and social discrimination.

“Whenever a person with disability is caught with drugs, the common decision is to seize the drugs and let him go,” Kochifa said, speaking on behalf of the disabled community leadership. “But if they consult us, we have advice to offer on how they can be treated and rehabilitated. Without involving us, no programme will fully benefit people with disabilities.”

NDLEA Responds

At the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) Command in Adamawa, officials insist their services are open to everyone without discrimination.

Mrs. Ibraham Nachafia, the Head of Media and Advocacy for the NDLEA Adamawa State Command, said during an interview, “Our rehabilitation centre is open to all. There is no discrimination. Anyone including persons with disabilities can access treatment.”

While the official position suggests inclusiveness, disability advocates call it “tokenistic.” They argue that equal access on paper does not translate to tailored support in practice. True rehabilitation for PWDs requires specialized counselling that understands their unique traumas, physically accessible facilities, and significantly stronger community engagement to prevent relapse.

A Call for More Inclusive Action

Advocates are now urging the Nigerian government and drug-control agencies to build a response framework that recognizes PWDs as a vulnerable group in need of targeted support.

The advocate Goodness Fedrick warns that until rehabilitation and prevention programmes reflect the realities faced by people with disabilities, Nigeria’s battle against drug abuse will remain incomplete.

For people like Aliyu Hammawa, who managed to recover without structured support, the message is clear: many others may not be as fortunate.

This story highlights the urgent need for inclusive, data-driven, and community-supported approaches in Nigeria’s fight against drug addiction. Until the nation sees and serves this ‘hidden crisis,’ its overall battle against addiction will continue to be fought with one hand tied behind its back.

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