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How not to be a Professor

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Sheikh Isa Ali Pantami

 

Abdulgaffar Amoka

The press release from ASUU after the Unilag NEC meeting that directed all ASUU branches not to recognize Dr. Pantami as a Professor opened up another discussion on his appointment by FUTO as a Professor of Cyber Security in 2021. Some people that are lazy to even read the press release are questioning the right ASUU has got to withdraw the appointment.

Dear lazy and misinformed fellows, ASUU did not withdraw any appointment and this was the statement. “NEC hereby rejects in its entity the purported appointment of Dr. Isah Ali Ibrahim Pantami as a professor of cybersecurity. From the evidence available to us, Dr. Pantami was not qualified, and the said appointment violated the established procedure for the appointment of professors in the university”.

You and the VC of FUTO can address him as a Professor, but the ASUU NEC directed all members and branches of our union across the nation not to recognize, accord, or treat Dr. Isah Ali Ibrahim Pantami as a professor of cybersecurity under any guise. That statement should not be too difficult to comprehend.

As the argument on the ASUU position was ongoing, a hilarious trending piece titled “Where was ASUU?” was on social media. Of course, ASUU was there and still there. Dr. Jerry Gana was a Reader in ABU before he got into politics in1983 on leave of absence from the University. From the university rules and regulations, staff on leave of absence is entitled to his next promotion. That qualified Dr. Jerry Gana to become Prof. Jerry Gana in 1985 while holding a political appointment. The same happened to Ngozi Osarenren, Abdul-Rasheed Kunle Lawal, Misbau Babatunde, etc, mentioned on the list that held political appointments. They were promoted by the same university they left on leave of absence for a political appointment. Pantami’s case was not the same and not even close.

Pantami; Now that you are a Professor!

The name that got me to laugh loud was that of Wole Soyinka. How can you mention the name of a Nobel laureate in this kind of situation? A Nobel laureate fa? Unbelievable? They should have put every other name but not Wole Soyinka. Haba! Ignorance is not an excuse to be stupid. It made the compiler look stupid. Meanwhile, as of the time Wole Soyinka was appointed as a Professor, PhD was not a criterion to becoming a Professor, his scholarly contribution was just enough. Until recently, you don’t even need a PhD to become a Senior Lecturer. But now you can’t be a Senior Lecturer without a PhD. So, the rules keep changing.

Pantami is a great Islamic scholar, was great as the DG of NITDA, and doing well as a minister. If I were him, I would have focused more on my responsibilities to complement my existing achievements and carve a niche for myself. But he wants the title of a Professor. This looks like a case of a man desperate to kill two birds with one stone. I still ask myself what is the big deal on that title that some people want at all costs.

Meanwhile, his PhD and the nearly 3 years post qualification experience in Saudi Arabia was in Information science. Not sure if cyber security is embedded in his information science. So, if it is, what are his scholarly contributions to cyber security? One of the FUTO’s criteria was web presence but we could not find that record of his presence on the web. The hailers should be telling us where to find the record and not emotional blackmail.

Some people brought religious colouration to create sympathy. His hailers were on it, passing fatwa, and MURIC Director nailed it. Note that the criticism of the appointment has no religious dimension else the first critics of the appointment would not have been Muslims. Farooq Kperogi and some Professors from the North were among the first people to write about it. MURIC felt that some branches of ASUU in the North may not heed to ASUU NEC directive. MURIC Director doesn’t seem to know ASUU well. Dear sir, every single branch is in agreement with the directive from NEC and will heed to it.

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Another person that claimed to be a Professor from IBBU brought in the triple helix model. The triple helix model of innovation refers to a set of interactions between academia, industry, and government, to foster economic and social development. It is a brilliant idea and we need it in our society for national development. I had a triple helix experience. The project that I did a postdoc on at NTNU Trondheim was funded by the industry and the Norwegian government. During the project work, we had meetings that consists of us (the project team) in the academia, the industrial partners, and the government representative. We are also currently working on a project that involved TETFund, ABU, and TCN/Kaduna Electric. That is a triple helix. How Pantami’s controversial professorial appointment fits into the triple helix model is what I am trying to understand. Was his appointment a purposeful hiring to execute a triple helix project? Which cyber security project was he employed to handle at FUTO? Who is he representing? It can’t be the industry because he is not in the industry and has never worked in one.

He had all the opportunities to develop a career in academics to the highest rank but left as Assistant Professor to pick up a political appointment. If he was so passionate to teach and FUTO is so in need of his expertise and experiences, the VC should have appointed him as a visiting professor. That is a lesser evil and there won’t be much noise. But a fresh tenured professor for a serving minister whose last academic position was an Assistant Professor? Haba VC! Let’s even forget about the fact that his last position in academia was Assistant Professor. Visit the FUTO’s website for the advert for the vacancy. His about 3 years post qualification experience in academia has knocked him out since 12 years post qualification experience was a criterion on the FUTO vacancy advert and not 3 years.

He has been addressed as Professor even before he started lecturing there. Most people are beginning to think that the appointment may possibly not be about his experience or service to the university but the title for him and the opening of opportunities to explore for the university or the VC. He possibly wants the title “Prof” on his name like most of us also want. The race for the acquisition of titles in Nigeria has shifted base to academia.

Let’s be honest with ourselves, what experience has he got in cyber security as the DG of NITDA and now a minister that qualified him to be a Professor? Such appointments are more of an administrative job to coordinate the activities (technical and non-technical) and the people doing the job. A DG or a Minister won’t be in the lab to develop codes for cyber security. He does not have time for that even if he wants to. He is not involved in any technical department doing the real lab work or fieldwork.

For example, a Chemist is appointed as the Director of the Equipment maintenance and development centre of a university for a period of 4 years. He will coordinate the activities of the Engineers at the centre to get the job done toward achieving their mandate. Does that suddenly qualify him to be a professor of equipment maintenance?

I have no problem with people that insist that he is qualified for the fresh academic position even as a serving minister. But what I want to read is not emotions and blackmails but information on what qualified him for an elevation from the last position of an Assistant professor in information science to a Professor in a field he never did his PhD or have hands-on experience while In academia. What cyber security problem has he solved? What are his breakthroughs in cyber security? What cyber security system has he developed? Has he got any patent? Where are his scholarly contributions to cyber security? How many MSc or PhD theses has he supervised in cyber security? In which university? Who are the students? Why does FUTO want him?

We have discussed the reckless promotion to the rank of Professor in Nigerian universities that is making some people become uncomfortable having “Prof” with their name. A respected senior colleague once said that we have two classes of professors in the university. I look at the profiles of the likes of Prof. Ibrahim Gambari, Prof. Deborah Ajakaiye, Prof. S.B. Ojo, etc, and I still wonder if as an academic I will ever be truly qualified to be called a Professor.

We’ve got several issues to deal with in the university. Adding a ridiculous appointment of politicians to the rank of Professor to our numerous problems in the Universities is like adding salt to injury. You definitely don’t want to open that door in public universities. The Nigerian university system is already messed up and some of us still wonder how we can regain the lost glory. We need to ensure that it is not further messed up by politicians or some self-serving university management.

To Dr. Pantami, you are still relatively young and will be done as a minister in about a year from now. If the appointment is not about the “title” to add to your name but “service” to FUTO and Nigeria, If I were you, I will honorably let go of the controversial appointment and pick up the academic job after my tenure as a minister.

To the hailing hailers that have got no idea how the university works and the difference between Assistant, Associate Professor, and Professor but arguing left-center-right, ignorance is not an excuse to be stupid.

©Amoka

Opinion

Dr Bello Matwallle: Why Dialogue Still Matters in the Fight Against Insecurity

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By Musa Iliyasu Kwankwaso

In the history of leadership, force may be loud, but wisdom delivers results. This is why security experts agree that while military action can suppress violence temporarily, dialogue is what permanently closes the door to conflict. It is a lesson the world has learned through blood, loss, and painful experience.

When Dr. Bello Matawalle, as Governor of Zamfara State, chose dialogue and reconciliation, it was not a sign of weakness. It was a different kind of courage one that placed the lives of ordinary citizens above political applause. A wise leader measures success not by bullets fired, but by lives saved.

Across conflict zones, history has consistently shown that force alone does not end insecurity. Guns may damage bodies, but they do not eliminate the roots of violence. This understanding forms the basis of what experts call the non-kinetic approach conflict resolution through dialogue, reconciliation, justice, and social reform.

When Matawalle assumed office, Zamfara was deeply troubled. Roads were closed, markets shut down, farmers and herders operated in fear, and citizens lived under constant threat. Faced with this reality, only two options existed: rely solely on military force or combine security operations with dialogue. Matawalle chose the path widely accepted across the world security reinforced by dialogue not out of sympathy for criminals, but to protect innocent lives.

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This approach was not unique to Zamfara. In Katsina State, Governor Aminu Bello Masari led peace engagements with armed groups. In Maiduguri granted amnesty to repentant offenders of Boko Haram, In Sokoto, dialogue was also pursued to reduce bloodshed. These precedents raise a simple question: if dialogue is acceptable elsewhere, why is Matawalle singled out?

At the federal level, the same logic applies. Through Operation Safe Corridor, the Federal Government received Boko Haram members who surrendered, offered rehabilitation and reintegration, and continued military action against those who refused to lay down arms. This balance
rehabilitation for those who repent and force against those who persist is the core of the non-kinetic approach.

Security experts globally affirm that military force contributes only 20 to 30 percent of sustainable solutions to insurgency. The remaining 70 to 80 percent lies in dialogue, justice, economic reform, and addressing poverty and unemployment. Even the United Nations states clearly: “You cannot kill your way out of an insurgency.”

During Matawalle’s tenure, several roads reopened, cattle markets revived, and daily life began to normalize. If insecurity later resurfaced, the question is not whether dialogue was wrong, but whether broader coordination failed.

Today, critics attempt to recast past security strategies as crimes. Yet history is not blind, and truth does not disappear. Matawalle’s actions were rooted in expert advice, national precedent, and global best practice.

The position of Sheikh Ahmad Gumi, who publicly affirmed that Matawalle’s approach was appropriate and that military force accounts for only about 25 percent of counterinsurgency success, further reinforces this reality. Such views cannot be purchased or manufactured; they reflect established security thinking.

In the end, dialogue is not a betrayal of justice it is often its foundation. And no amount of political noise can overturn decisions grounded in evidence, experience, and the priority of human life.

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Opinion

Matawalle: The Northern Anchor of Loyalty in Tinubu’s Administration

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By Adebayor Adetunji, PhD

In the broad and competitive terrain of Nigerian politics, loyalty is often spoken of, yet rarely sustained with consistency, courage and visible action. But within the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, one Northern appointee has demonstrated this quality not as a slogan, but as a lifestyle, as a political principle and as a national duty — Hon. (Dr.) Bello Muhammad Matawalle, Minister of State for Defence.

Since his appointment, Matawalle has stood out as one of the most loyal, outspoken and dependable pillars of support for the Tinubu administration in the North. He has never hesitated, not for a moment, to stand firmly behind the President. At every turn of controversy, in moments of public misunderstanding, and at times when political alliances waver, Matawalle has continued to speak boldly in defence of the government he serves. For him, loyalty is not an occasional gesture — it is a commitment evidenced through voice, alignment, and sacrifice.

Observers within and outside the ruling party recall numerous occasions where the former Zamfara State Governor took the front line in defending the government’s policies, actions and direction, even when others chose neutrality or silence. His interventions, always direct and clear, reflect not just loyalty to a leader, but faith in the future the President is building, a future anchored on economic reform, security revival, institutional strengthening and renewed national unity.

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But Matawalle’s value to the administration does not stop at loyalty. In performance, visibility and active delivery of duty, he stands among the most engaged ministers currently serving in the federal cabinet. His portfolio, centred on defence and security, one of the most sensitive sectors in the country, demands expertise, availability and unbroken presence. Matawalle has not only embraced this responsibility, he has carried it with remarkable energy.

From high-level security meetings within Nigeria to strategic engagements across foreign capitals, Matawalle has represented the nation with clarity and confidence. His participation in defence summits, international cooperation talks, and regional security collaborations has positioned Nigeria as a voice of influence in global security discourse once again. At home, his involvement in military policy evaluation, counter-terrorism discussions and national defence restructuring reflects a minister who understands the urgency of Nigeria’s security needs, and shows up to work daily to address them.

Away from partisan battles, Matawalle has proven to be a bridge — between North and South, civilian leadership and military institutions, Nigeria and the wider world. His presence in government offers a mix of loyalty, performance and deep grounding in national interest, the type of partnership every President needs in turbulent times.

This is why calls, campaigns and whisperings aimed at undermining or isolating him must be resisted. Nigeria cannot afford to discourage its best-performing public servants, nor tighten the atmosphere for those who stand firmly for unity and national progress. The nation must learn to applaud where there is performance, support where there is loyalty, and encourage where there is commitment.

Hon. Bello Matawalle deserves commendation, not suspicion. Support — not sabotage. Encouragement, not exclusion from political strategy or power alignment due to narrow interests.

History does not forget those who stood when it mattered. Matawalle stands today for President Tinubu, for security, for loyalty, for national service. And in that place, he has earned a space not only in the present political equation, but in the future judgment of posterity.

Nigeria needs more leaders like him. And Nigeria must say so openly.

Adebayor Adetunji, PhD
A communication strategist and public commentator
Write from Akure, Ondo State, Nigeria

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Opinion

Drug Abuse Among People With Disabilities: The Hidden Crisis Nigeria Is Yet to Address

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By Abdulaziz Ibrahim

Statistically Invisible, Persons with Disabilities feel shut out of Nigeria’s drug abuse war as a report from Adamawa reveals lacks data and tailored support needed, forcing a vulnerable group to battle addiction alone.

In Adamawa State, the fight against drug abuse is gaining attention, but for many people living with disabilities (PWDs), their struggles remain largely unseen. A new report has uncovered deep gaps in support, treatment, and data tracking for PWDs battling addiction despite official claims of equal access.

For nearly three decades, Mallam Aliyu Hammawa, a visually impaired resident of Yola, navigated a world increasingly shrouded by drug dependency. He first encountered psychoactive substances through friends, and what began as casual use quickly escalated into long-term addiction.

“I used cannabis, tramadol, tablets, shooters everything I could get my hands on,” he recalled. “These drugs affected my behaviour and my relationship with the people close to me.”

Family members say his addiction changed him entirely. His friend, Hussaini Usman, described feeling “sad and worried” when he realized Aliyu had fallen into drug use.

Aliyu eventually made the decision to quit. It was marriage and the fear of hurting his wife that finally forced him to seek a new path. “Whenever I took the drugs, I felt normal. But my wife was confused about my behaviour,” he said. “I decided I had to stop before she discovered the full truth of what I was taking.”

A National Problem With Missing Data

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Nigeria has one of the highest drug-use rates in West Africa, according to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). Over 14 million Nigerians between the ages of 15 and 64 use psychoactive substances. Yet, within that massive user base, PWDs are statistically invisible.

There is almost no national data on drug abuse among persons with disabilitiesa critical gap that experts warn makes it impossible to design effective, inclusive rehabilitation programmes.

Ibrahim Idris Kochifa, the Secretary of the Adamawa State Association of Persons with Physical Disability, told this reporter that PWDs face unique, systemic pressures that intensify their vulnerability to drug abuse, specifically citing poverty, unemployment, isolation, and social discrimination.

“Whenever a person with disability is caught with drugs, the common decision is to seize the drugs and let him go,” Kochifa said, speaking on behalf of the disabled community leadership. “But if they consult us, we have advice to offer on how they can be treated and rehabilitated. Without involving us, no programme will fully benefit people with disabilities.”

NDLEA Responds

At the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) Command in Adamawa, officials insist their services are open to everyone without discrimination.

Mrs. Ibraham Nachafia, the Head of Media and Advocacy for the NDLEA Adamawa State Command, said during an interview, “Our rehabilitation centre is open to all. There is no discrimination. Anyone including persons with disabilities can access treatment.”

While the official position suggests inclusiveness, disability advocates call it “tokenistic.” They argue that equal access on paper does not translate to tailored support in practice. True rehabilitation for PWDs requires specialized counselling that understands their unique traumas, physically accessible facilities, and significantly stronger community engagement to prevent relapse.

A Call for More Inclusive Action

Advocates are now urging the Nigerian government and drug-control agencies to build a response framework that recognizes PWDs as a vulnerable group in need of targeted support.

The advocate Goodness Fedrick warns that until rehabilitation and prevention programmes reflect the realities faced by people with disabilities, Nigeria’s battle against drug abuse will remain incomplete.

For people like Aliyu Hammawa, who managed to recover without structured support, the message is clear: many others may not be as fortunate.

This story highlights the urgent need for inclusive, data-driven, and community-supported approaches in Nigeria’s fight against drug addiction. Until the nation sees and serves this ‘hidden crisis,’ its overall battle against addiction will continue to be fought with one hand tied behind its back.

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