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How not to be a Professor

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Sheikh Isa Ali Pantami

 

Abdulgaffar Amoka

The press release from ASUU after the Unilag NEC meeting that directed all ASUU branches not to recognize Dr. Pantami as a Professor opened up another discussion on his appointment by FUTO as a Professor of Cyber Security in 2021. Some people that are lazy to even read the press release are questioning the right ASUU has got to withdraw the appointment.

Dear lazy and misinformed fellows, ASUU did not withdraw any appointment and this was the statement. “NEC hereby rejects in its entity the purported appointment of Dr. Isah Ali Ibrahim Pantami as a professor of cybersecurity. From the evidence available to us, Dr. Pantami was not qualified, and the said appointment violated the established procedure for the appointment of professors in the university”.

You and the VC of FUTO can address him as a Professor, but the ASUU NEC directed all members and branches of our union across the nation not to recognize, accord, or treat Dr. Isah Ali Ibrahim Pantami as a professor of cybersecurity under any guise. That statement should not be too difficult to comprehend.

As the argument on the ASUU position was ongoing, a hilarious trending piece titled “Where was ASUU?” was on social media. Of course, ASUU was there and still there. Dr. Jerry Gana was a Reader in ABU before he got into politics in1983 on leave of absence from the University. From the university rules and regulations, staff on leave of absence is entitled to his next promotion. That qualified Dr. Jerry Gana to become Prof. Jerry Gana in 1985 while holding a political appointment. The same happened to Ngozi Osarenren, Abdul-Rasheed Kunle Lawal, Misbau Babatunde, etc, mentioned on the list that held political appointments. They were promoted by the same university they left on leave of absence for a political appointment. Pantami’s case was not the same and not even close.

Pantami; Now that you are a Professor!

The name that got me to laugh loud was that of Wole Soyinka. How can you mention the name of a Nobel laureate in this kind of situation? A Nobel laureate fa? Unbelievable? They should have put every other name but not Wole Soyinka. Haba! Ignorance is not an excuse to be stupid. It made the compiler look stupid. Meanwhile, as of the time Wole Soyinka was appointed as a Professor, PhD was not a criterion to becoming a Professor, his scholarly contribution was just enough. Until recently, you don’t even need a PhD to become a Senior Lecturer. But now you can’t be a Senior Lecturer without a PhD. So, the rules keep changing.

Pantami is a great Islamic scholar, was great as the DG of NITDA, and doing well as a minister. If I were him, I would have focused more on my responsibilities to complement my existing achievements and carve a niche for myself. But he wants the title of a Professor. This looks like a case of a man desperate to kill two birds with one stone. I still ask myself what is the big deal on that title that some people want at all costs.

Meanwhile, his PhD and the nearly 3 years post qualification experience in Saudi Arabia was in Information science. Not sure if cyber security is embedded in his information science. So, if it is, what are his scholarly contributions to cyber security? One of the FUTO’s criteria was web presence but we could not find that record of his presence on the web. The hailers should be telling us where to find the record and not emotional blackmail.

Some people brought religious colouration to create sympathy. His hailers were on it, passing fatwa, and MURIC Director nailed it. Note that the criticism of the appointment has no religious dimension else the first critics of the appointment would not have been Muslims. Farooq Kperogi and some Professors from the North were among the first people to write about it. MURIC felt that some branches of ASUU in the North may not heed to ASUU NEC directive. MURIC Director doesn’t seem to know ASUU well. Dear sir, every single branch is in agreement with the directive from NEC and will heed to it.

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Another person that claimed to be a Professor from IBBU brought in the triple helix model. The triple helix model of innovation refers to a set of interactions between academia, industry, and government, to foster economic and social development. It is a brilliant idea and we need it in our society for national development. I had a triple helix experience. The project that I did a postdoc on at NTNU Trondheim was funded by the industry and the Norwegian government. During the project work, we had meetings that consists of us (the project team) in the academia, the industrial partners, and the government representative. We are also currently working on a project that involved TETFund, ABU, and TCN/Kaduna Electric. That is a triple helix. How Pantami’s controversial professorial appointment fits into the triple helix model is what I am trying to understand. Was his appointment a purposeful hiring to execute a triple helix project? Which cyber security project was he employed to handle at FUTO? Who is he representing? It can’t be the industry because he is not in the industry and has never worked in one.

He had all the opportunities to develop a career in academics to the highest rank but left as Assistant Professor to pick up a political appointment. If he was so passionate to teach and FUTO is so in need of his expertise and experiences, the VC should have appointed him as a visiting professor. That is a lesser evil and there won’t be much noise. But a fresh tenured professor for a serving minister whose last academic position was an Assistant Professor? Haba VC! Let’s even forget about the fact that his last position in academia was Assistant Professor. Visit the FUTO’s website for the advert for the vacancy. His about 3 years post qualification experience in academia has knocked him out since 12 years post qualification experience was a criterion on the FUTO vacancy advert and not 3 years.

He has been addressed as Professor even before he started lecturing there. Most people are beginning to think that the appointment may possibly not be about his experience or service to the university but the title for him and the opening of opportunities to explore for the university or the VC. He possibly wants the title “Prof” on his name like most of us also want. The race for the acquisition of titles in Nigeria has shifted base to academia.

Let’s be honest with ourselves, what experience has he got in cyber security as the DG of NITDA and now a minister that qualified him to be a Professor? Such appointments are more of an administrative job to coordinate the activities (technical and non-technical) and the people doing the job. A DG or a Minister won’t be in the lab to develop codes for cyber security. He does not have time for that even if he wants to. He is not involved in any technical department doing the real lab work or fieldwork.

For example, a Chemist is appointed as the Director of the Equipment maintenance and development centre of a university for a period of 4 years. He will coordinate the activities of the Engineers at the centre to get the job done toward achieving their mandate. Does that suddenly qualify him to be a professor of equipment maintenance?

I have no problem with people that insist that he is qualified for the fresh academic position even as a serving minister. But what I want to read is not emotions and blackmails but information on what qualified him for an elevation from the last position of an Assistant professor in information science to a Professor in a field he never did his PhD or have hands-on experience while In academia. What cyber security problem has he solved? What are his breakthroughs in cyber security? What cyber security system has he developed? Has he got any patent? Where are his scholarly contributions to cyber security? How many MSc or PhD theses has he supervised in cyber security? In which university? Who are the students? Why does FUTO want him?

We have discussed the reckless promotion to the rank of Professor in Nigerian universities that is making some people become uncomfortable having “Prof” with their name. A respected senior colleague once said that we have two classes of professors in the university. I look at the profiles of the likes of Prof. Ibrahim Gambari, Prof. Deborah Ajakaiye, Prof. S.B. Ojo, etc, and I still wonder if as an academic I will ever be truly qualified to be called a Professor.

We’ve got several issues to deal with in the university. Adding a ridiculous appointment of politicians to the rank of Professor to our numerous problems in the Universities is like adding salt to injury. You definitely don’t want to open that door in public universities. The Nigerian university system is already messed up and some of us still wonder how we can regain the lost glory. We need to ensure that it is not further messed up by politicians or some self-serving university management.

To Dr. Pantami, you are still relatively young and will be done as a minister in about a year from now. If the appointment is not about the “title” to add to your name but “service” to FUTO and Nigeria, If I were you, I will honorably let go of the controversial appointment and pick up the academic job after my tenure as a minister.

To the hailing hailers that have got no idea how the university works and the difference between Assistant, Associate Professor, and Professor but arguing left-center-right, ignorance is not an excuse to be stupid.

©Amoka

Opinion

Between Sabotage and Scepticism: Why Nigeria’s Oil Dream Keeps Stalling

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Halima Aminu

 

By Halima Aminu

Governments do not only govern, they communicate governance. And in Nigeria’s oil and gas sector, the distance between what the government says it is doing and what its strategies are actually delivering has become one of the most consequential communication failures in the country’s recent economic history. Evaluating the Nigerian government’s strategies to increase oil and gas production is therefore not merely a matter of counting barrels. It is a matter of examining how those strategies are framed, how credibly they are communicated to critical stakeholders, and whether the outward narrative is supported by institutional reality on the ground.

The government’s dominant communication frame around oil and gas recovery has been one of triumphant reversal. Official figures show that national crude output, which had collapsed to dangerously low levels around 960,000 barrels per day in 2022 among the worst in Nigeria’s recent production history has climbed back to an average of approximately 1.71 million barrels per day in 2025, with peaks approaching 1.84 million barrels per day. As a communication strategy, this frame is deliberately constructed to project momentum, competence, and institutional control three attributes any government managing a resource-dependent economy urgently needs its investors and citizens to associate with its leadership.

The problem with this framing is not that the numbers are fabricated. The problem is that production recovery, presented in isolation, is a selective narrative. It tells the audience what improved without adequately explaining what remains structurally broken. Strategic communication theory draws a clear distinction between impression management projecting a preferred image and genuine credibility-building, which demands alignment between message and demonstrable reality. Nigeria’s government is currently far more invested in the former than the latter, and sophisticated investors, who are the primary audience for this messaging, are professionally trained to detect that gap.

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The Petroleum Industry Act of 2021 represents the most structurally significant legislative intervention in Nigeria’s energy sector in decades, and its potential is genuine. Its gas fiscal incentives have begun attracting new production-sharing arrangements with international partners. Its Host Community Development Trust framework had channelled substantial funding into hundreds of community projects across the Niger Delta by late 2025 a structural attempt to address the root communication breakdown between oil-producing communities and the Nigerian state, rather than merely managing its symptoms.

Yet even here, the government’s communication strategy reveals a persistent weakness. Five years after the PIA’s enactment, the law has succeeded in restructuring institutional forms creating new regulatory bodies, new oversight frameworks, new corporate structures. What it has not yet succeeded in doing is restructuring institutional culture. Rules exist on paper that are not consistently enforced in practice. Transparency mechanisms are in place that are not routinely populated with verifiable data. Approval processes have been reformed structurally but remain administratively slow in execution.

Nigeria’s oil is real. Its gas reserves, among the largest in the world, are real. Its production recovery, partial and structurally fragile as it remains, is real. What is not yet real not convincingly, not sustainably is the institutional framework that would make those assets fully and rationally investable at the scale the country requires. And what is equally not yet real is a government communication strategy sophisticated enough to build the credibility that framework needs to be believed.

Until Nigeria’s government understands that the long-term persuasiveness of its oil and gas strategy depends as much on how it communicates as on what it does and that impression management is not a substitute for institutional accountability the oil dream will continue to do what it has always done: inspire at the announcement stage, disappoint at the delivery stage, and leave Nigeria perpetually situated between sabotage on the ground and scepticism in the boardrooms of the investors it cannot afford to keep losing.

Aminu Halima
Department of Development and Strategic Communication
200 Level

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Opinion

962 Forfeited Homes: Why Aliyu’s ICPC Is Beginning To Redefine What Asset Recovery Means

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By Mahmoud Ibrahim Kwari

WHEN corruption assets are recovered, the real question is not simply how much was seized, how many properties were forfeited or how many cases were filed. The more important question is what happens to those assets afterwards. In the Kaba District of Abuja, the answer is beginning to take a more meaningful shape: land linked to an alleged $65 million housing project, covering about 27.92 hectares, is now back in public hands with the prospect of delivering 962 housing units to Nigerian families.

The Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC), under its Chairman, Dr. Musa Adamu Aliyu, SAN, formally handed over the forfeited landed properties at Kaba District to the Federal Mortgage Bank of Nigeria (FMBN), following a final forfeiture order of the Federal High Court. Beyond the ceremony itself, the development offers an opportunity to examine a bigger question: what should integrity and progress look like in Nigeria’s anti-corruption campaign?

The answer, perhaps, lies in the transformation of recovered assets from symbols of corruption into instruments of public good.

The handover took place on Tuesday, the twenty first of July, 2026 at the site of the Goodluck Jonathan Estate in Kaba District, Abuja, with Dr. Aliyu leading the ICPC delegation and the Managing Director and Chief Executive Officer of FMBN, Mr. Shehu Usman Osidi, alongside senior officials of both institutions, witnessing the event.

For Dr. Aliyu, the occasion was more than an administrative transfer of land. It represented what asset recovery should ultimately accomplish in a country where the public has often watched recovered properties remain locked in legal, administrative or bureaucratic limbo.

The ICPC chairman made a particularly important point: asset recovery without proper management is incomplete.

That principle deserves attention.

For years, Nigeria’s anti-corruption conversation has largely revolved around arrests, investigations, prosecutions, convictions and forfeitures. Those are important components of accountability. But the public benefit of anti-corruption efforts becomes much more tangible when an asset recovered from an alleged unlawful activity is returned to productive use.

The Kaba project therefore provides an interesting test case.

The land was originally part of a housing project conceived by FMBN in 2012. The project was financed through a $65 million loan facility secured by Good Earth Power Nigeria Limited in partnership with an American firm and was intended to produce 962 housing units.

According to the ICPC, investigations established that the loan was completely diverted, with no housing units constructed, while some of the funds were allegedly routed through Bureaux de Change and taken outside the country.

That story is sadly familiar in Nigeria: a project is conceived for the public good, financing is secured, expectations are raised, but somewhere along the line, the purpose for which the money was provided disappears.

What makes the Kaba development different is the possibility that the story could now end differently.

Instead of the land remaining abandoned, the Federal High Court has directed that it be returned to FMBN, the institution identified as the victim of the alleged unlawful activity. More importantly, the court directed ICPC and FMBN to monitor and supervise the construction of the proposed 962 housing units to completion and ensure their allocation to the intended end users.

That is where the real significance of the development lies.

The court’s order, granted on December 11, 2025, by Justice M. G. Umar of the Federal High Court, Abuja Judicial Division, in Suit No. FHC/ABJ/CS/1124/2025, ordered the final forfeiture of two plots in Cadastral Zone D12, Kaba District.

One of the plots measures approximately 122,015.80 square metres, while the other measures about 157,198.30 square metres. Together, they constitute the land on which the housing project is expected to rise.

The court also directed the Federal Republic of Nigeria, through ICPC, to facilitate the handover of the properties to FMBN and mandated the two institutions to supervise the development of the housing estate.

A joint committee is expected to oversee the process, with ICPC’s Constituency and Executive Project Tracking Division representing the Commission.

This is where the leadership style of Dr. Aliyu becomes relevant.

His emphasis on the productive use of recovered assets reflects an understanding that Nigerians are increasingly interested in outcomes rather than headlines.

The public does not simply want to hear that billions of naira or valuable properties have been recovered. Nigerians want to know what those recoveries eventually mean for ordinary people.

A recovered house should become a house. Recovered land should become productive land. Recovered funds should return to the public through projects that improve lives.

In the case of Kaba, the proposed 962 housing units provide an unusually clear measure of success.

If the homes are completed, properly allocated and occupied by the intended beneficiaries, the project will demonstrate how anti-corruption enforcement can move beyond punishment and become an instrument of development.

It will also provide a powerful answer to those who sometimes question the practical value of asset recovery.

It is against this backdrop that the growing institutional recognition of Dr. Aliyu’s leadership at the ICPC becomes noteworthy.
The recent encounter with some police officers that mounted an illegal check point to extort money from motorists in Abuja, has attested to the integrity of the ICPC’s boss where he has shown practical example of what he preaches as the head of Anti-graft Agency.
The officers extorted N53,000 from him and he followed them very closely, and told someone to send the money to him upon the officers’ demand.
They took the ICPC Chair to a POS, where he paid the charges, while the officers withdrew the money and shared it among themselves, after which he reported them to the police authority.
At a press conference few days after the incidence, the FCT Commissioner of Police confirmed that the suspects carried out the act outside their duty post, and that they converged from various divisions and moved to the Banex Plaza area of Abuja City, where they mounted a checkpoint.
He said the four suspects perpetrated the act and ran away before they were declared wanted and arrested.
“We are going to make sure that they are severely punished, while those to be dismissed will definitely be dismissed. This I can assure you” said the police Commissioner.
This is a great test to personal integrity and commitment to fight corruption by Dr Aliyu, which was reflected and extended to institutional leadership by example.

Prior to this, the Chairman has received commendations from different quarters, including recognition attributed to the Senate Committee on Federal Character and Inter-Governmental Affairs for transparency, accountability and inclusiveness during National Assembly oversight engagements.

The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) has also been associated with commendation of the Commission’s drive in asset recovery, efforts to close systemic loopholes and its attention to accountability at the grassroots and local-government levels.

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There have also been commendations surrounding ICPC’s collaboration with the Federal Road Safety Corps and efforts to introduce integrity-focused reforms and contactless systems in the transport sector, aimed at reducing opportunities for corrupt practices.

But perhaps the most striking feature of Aliyu’s tenure is not necessarily the commendations themselves. It is the apparent effort to connect anti-corruption enforcement with institutional reform.

That distinction matters.

An anti-corruption agency cannot arrest its way out of corruption. It cannot prosecute its way out of corruption either. Sustainable progress requires prevention, institutional strengthening, technology, transparency, accountability and consequences for wrongdoing.

This appears to be one of the areas where Aliyu has sought to leave an imprint.

The Commission has pursued technology-driven prevention mechanisms, including digital scorecards and AI-powered public reporting tools, while the chairman has advocated greater responsibility among judges, lawyers as well as tertiary institutions as moral gatekeepers and drivers of empirical research into illicit financial flows.

These initiatives may not always generate the drama associated with high-profile arrests, but they are potentially more important in the long run.

There is also another aspect of Aliyu’s leadership that deserves consideration.

During his inaugural press briefing in Abuja, the ICPC chairman made an unusual commitment. He said he would personally participate in the prosecution of major cases.

“I will lead by example,” he said, pledging to personally appear in ICPC cases in court.

He described the commitment as an effort to demonstrate that integrity, accountability and transparency must become part of the fabric of Nigerian society.

He subsequently fulfilled that pledge by personally appearing at a High Court in Kano in a case involving allegations of fund misappropriation by the Kano State Government through its 44 local government caretaker chairmen.

The significance of that decision was not simply that the chairman appeared in court. It was the message that the head of an anti-corruption institution was willing to put his professional reputation and legal expertise behind the cases being pursued by his organization.

That is what leading from the front means.

The case itself generated considerable legal controversy.

The defendants, including the state Commissioner for Local Government and Deputy Governor, had previously obtained an interim court order restraining ICPC from conducting further investigations, summoning or interrogating individuals involved in the matter.

Their lawyers also challenged the jurisdiction of the Commission and argued that multiple agencies investigating the same matter amounted to “forum shopping” and an “abuse of court process.”

They further alleged that ICPC had breached an earlier injunction by continuing its investigation.

Aliyu, however, challenged the legal standing of the caretaker chairmen, relying on a Supreme Court position concerning the legality of appointing caretaker chairmen in place of democratically elected local government officials.

The chairman’s argument was straightforward: those holding positions whose legality was itself under challenge could not, in his view, use the legal system as a shield against accountability.

The allegations remain subject to judicial determination, and the courts will ultimately decide the substantive issues.

Yet the episode demonstrated Aliyu’s willingness to personally engage with difficult institutional and legal questions rather than leave everything to subordinates.

This brings us back to Kaba.

The 962-unit housing project could become one of the clearest demonstrations of what successful asset recovery should look like.

The land, according to the ICPC, had remained unutilised after the original housing project failed to materialise. FMBN’s Managing Director, Shehu Osidi, acknowledged this when he thanked ICPC for recovering and handing over the property for its intended purpose.

He noted that the land had been abandoned and left unused for some time, describing the ICPC’s intervention as evidence of a commitment to protecting public assets and ensuring that forfeited properties are put to productive use for Nigerians.

That is a powerful endorsement because it speaks to the ultimate purpose of recovery.

The ICPC chairman’s position that the success of the Kaba intervention should be judged by the completion and fair allocation of the homes is therefore particularly important.

The project should not be allowed to become another abandoned estate.

The land has been recovered. The court has provided the legal framework. FMBN has taken possession for the intended purpose. ICPC has been mandated to monitor the process.

The next stage is delivery. And delivery is where integrity is ultimately tested.

There is a temptation in public life to measure leaders by the number of arrests they make, the value of properties they recover or the number of high-profile cases they announce.

Those figures matter, but they are not the whole story.

The deeper measure is whether institutions become stronger under their leadership and whether ordinary Nigerians can eventually feel the impact of their work.

For Aliyu, the Kaba project presents precisely such an opportunity.

If 962 families eventually move into homes built on land recovered through an anti-corruption process, the story will no longer be merely about forfeiture.

It will be about restitution.

It will be about taking something allegedly diverted from its original purpose and restoring it to the purpose for which it was intended.

It will also demonstrate that the fight against corruption does not have to end in a courtroom.

It can end in a school, a hospital, a road, a factory or, in this case, a home.

That is why the Kaba District development deserves to be followed closely.

The responsibility now falls on both ICPC and FMBN to ensure that the process remains transparent, properly supervised and insulated from the very abuses that necessitated the recovery in the first place.

The joint committee must do more than exist on paper. It must track progress, identify obstacles, ensure compliance and provide Nigerians with credible information about the development.

The intended beneficiaries must also remain at the centre of the process.

A housing estate recovered for the public must ultimately serve the public.

The broader lesson is that integrity in public office should not be defined merely by the absence of personal corruption.

Integrity should also mean doing the right thing with public power.

It should mean recovering what belongs to the people and ensuring that it is not lost again through bureaucratic neglect.

It should mean prosecuting cases fairly, strengthening institutions, closing loopholes, embracing technology and ensuring that recovered assets deliver measurable benefits.

This is why the Kaba handover represents more than another event in the calendar of the ICPC.

It offers a practical illustration of the intersection between integrity and progress.

Dr. Musa Adamu Aliyu’s leadership will ultimately be judged not by the rhetoric surrounding his tenure but by what remains after it.

If the 962 homes rise from the Kaba landscape, if they are completed to the required standards, if they reach the families for whom they were intended, and if the process remains transparent from beginning to end, then the ICPC would have achieved something more significant than recovering land.

It would have shown Nigerians what recovered public wealth can become.

And that may be one of the most persuasive forms of anti-corruption advocacy possible: not merely telling Nigerians that corruption has consequences, but showing them that accountability can produce progress.

For News Point Nigeria, that is the bigger story behind Kaba not simply the land that was forfeited, but the homes that could rise from it; not simply the alleged wrongdoing that led to the forfeiture, but the public good that should emerge from the recovery.

The true victory will be when Nigerians can look at the completed 962-unit estate and say: this is what recovered public assets are supposed to do.

Kwari, a journalist writes from Abuja.

 

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Opinion

The Weight of a School Bag Is Not the Weight of Knowledge

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By IBRAHIM ONYINOYI SALIMAT

The final school bell rings, and twelve-year-old Tunde begins the long walk home with a school bag heavy enough to bend his shoulders. Inside are textbooks, notebooks, and a pile of assignments due the very next morning. After a full day of lessons, he hurriedly eats his meal and spends the rest of the evening racing against time, driven not by the joy of learning but by the fear of punishment for an incomplete assignment. By the time he is done, his mind is too exhausted to read ahead, explore ideas beyond the classroom, or simply enjoy the childhood every child deserves with friends and family. The next morning, he returns to school with neatly completed assignments, yet perhaps with little or no genuine understanding of what he is said to have learned.

If this routine has become our definition of academic success, then Nigeria must ask itself a difficult question: Are we raising critical thinkers and innovators, or are we merely producing children who complete tasks to avoid punishment, earn their teachers’ praise, and pass the next examination?

Behind the walls of many Nigerian classrooms lies a silent crisis that is often mistaken for academic excellence. The education system has gradually become more concerned with how much students can memorize than with how well they understand, analyze, and apply knowledge. Success is frequently measured by examination scores, completed assignments, and neatly copied notes rather than by problem-solving ability and intellectual curiosity.

Some educators argue that homework develops discipline and reinforces classroom learning. This is true when homework is purposeful and reasonably assigned. However, excessive academic workload often defeats its own purpose by leaving students with little time for rest, reflection, independent reading, or meaningful engagement with what they have learned. Instead of inspiring curiosity, it encourages students to work against the clock simply to avoid punishment or criticism.

This concern is supported by evidence. According to , millions of children continue to face learning challenges despite increased school attendance, demonstrating that time spent in school alone does not guarantee quality learning. Similarly, findings from the have consistently shown that effective education depends more on the quality of teaching and students’ understanding than on excessive academic workload.

Another challenge is that many classrooms still promote one-way communication, where the teacher speaks and the students listen. Learners are expected to accept information without questioning, exploring alternative ideas, or engaging in meaningful discussions. Over time, this weakens confidence, suppresses curiosity, and produces graduates who can recall information but struggle to think independently or solve practical problems.

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The consequences extend far beyond the classroom. Students gradually begin to associate education with stress rather than discovery, fear rather than confidence, and obedience rather than initiative. As these learners become graduates, many find it difficult to adapt their knowledge to real-life challenges, contribute fresh ideas, or compete effectively in an increasingly knowledge-driven global economy.

Ultimately, the quality of a nation’s education determines the quality of its workforce, leadership, and national development. When an education system produces individuals who are trained primarily to pass examinations rather than solve problems, society bears the consequences through reduced productivity, limited innovation, and slower progress. By contrast, an education system that encourages critical thinking, ethical values, creativity, and effective communication is more likely to produce responsible citizens, competent professionals, and accountable leaders.

Addressing these challenges requires more than minor adjustments; it demands a bold rethinking of what education should achieve in Nigeria. The goal should no longer be to produce students who merely excel in examinations but to nurture individuals who can think independently, communicate effectively, solve problems creatively, and contribute meaningfully to society.

The first step is to invest in continuous teacher development. Teachers should be equipped not only with subject knowledge but also with modern teaching methods that encourage discussion, collaboration, and active participation. Classrooms should become spaces where students feel confident to ask questions, express opinions, and learn from their mistakes without fear of humiliation or intimidation.

Equally important is the need to make classroom learning more engaging and practical while reducing excessive homework. If students spend most of their day in school, then the classroom should remain the primary environment for meaningful learning. Lessons should incorporate experiments, projects, debates, presentations, case studies, and problem-solving activities that help students understand concepts rather than memorize facts. Homework should reinforce classroom learning, not replace it.

Schools should also recognize that leisure is an essential part of education, not a distraction from it. Sports, reading, music, drama, debate, and other extracurricular activities help students develop confidence, leadership, teamwork, emotional resilience, and creativity qualities that are just as important as academic achievement in today’s world.

Furthermore, assessment methods should shift from rewarding rote memorization to evaluating students’ ability to analyze, apply knowledge, and develop practical solutions to real-world challenges. Such an approach will prepare learners not only for examinations but also for higher education, employment, and responsible citizenship.

Finally, sustainable educational reform depends on effective strategic communication. Government agencies, school administrators, teachers, parents, students, and communities must communicate openly and work together to ensure that educational policies are clearly understood and effectively implemented. When stakeholders share a common vision, reforms become more practical, transparent, and sustainable.

Nigeria’s future will not be determined solely by the number of schools it builds or the number of students who pass examinations. It will be shaped by the quality of minds nurtured within those schools. A nation that values curiosity over fear, understanding over memorization, and innovation over routine is preparing its young people not merely to earn certificates but to transform society.

The weight of a school bag should never be mistaken for the weight of knowledge. True education is measured not by how much students carry home, but by how much they understand, question, create, and contribute.

IBRAHIM ONYINOYI SALIMAT
200 LEVEL DEVELOPMENT AND STRATEGIC COMMUNICATION STUDENT, UNIVERSITY OF ABUJA.

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