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Opinion

That Essay, Cornflakes for Jihad

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By Ibraheem A. Waziri

To most Non Muslims researching and writing about BokoHaram, the problem generally begins with Muslims and Islam in Northern Nigeria and to some degree, across the globe.

To them, BokoHaram is synonymous to the issues of ontology and epistemology of Islam. That is why their narrative of it can encircle, Shehu Dan Fodio, Late Sheikh Gumi or even Ahmadu Bello, the Premiere, Northern Region, during the Nigeria’s first republic. They also do find its bits of ideological nuggets in the earliest of the Islamic literature!

But to the most Muslims ones or their sympathisers, BokoHaram, is a persistent story of a fringe rebellious elements among the larger Muslim population, across history. Who are especially rigid and resistant to any contemporary interpretation of the Islamic canons, that goes with the present circumstances and gives maximum level possible of peace, harmony and cooperation among Muslims; and between them and non-Muslims.

The non Muslim researchers point generally at Islam as the source of the problem. The Muslims point at Khawarijism (rebellion) against any Muslim wide social consensus (like Nigeria as it is presently constituted), at a particular point, as the problem.

The non Muslims argue that the problem is deeply historical and so they travel back the archives and exhume positions, at one time, of individuals, such as Sheikh Daurawa, Sheikh Gumi, Sheikh Dahiru Bauchi, Auwal Albani, Sheikh Jaafar Mahmud, etc, to drive home their points.

While the Muslims are inclined to reject such notion, arguing that social consensus is a transitional thing by nature, and Muslims embody the concept of Transition Personalities most. [Transition person as a concept is sufficiently delineated upon by Stephen Covey, in his, The Seven Habit of Effective People].

That, it is embedded in Muslims traditions and part of their essential social jurisprudence, that what is a norm today may not necessarily be the norm tomorrow; and that the internal problem of the Muslim communities are those fringe elements who do not reflect the power of transition and acknowledge the value of consensus building, with new variables that new situations always present.

The very recent article by a certain David Hundeyin, that is making waves through social media, Cornflakes for Jihad, also reflects the usual sentiments identified with many non Muslims researches about BokoHaram.

Apart from the basic factual errors it contains – which were diligently pointed out by Prof. Abdulbasit – it also concluded with logic barren childish conspiratorial arguments that send us a millennia backward in our struggle searching for the appropriate problem definition, analysis and solution recommendations on the issues of BokoHaram.

Contrary to the essay’s claims against Ahmed Idris Nasiruddeen (NASCO); Nasiruddeen has lived a life of a pious Muslim who was using his wealth to help Muslim friends, associates and organisations.

Of course as any other friend or associate one might have helped, they too are naturally transition personalities (not necessary in the positive sense) living in a transitional world. One can help a person or an organisations, for a certain general reason or objective, only later in life for them to shift their objectives; metamorphosing into something different.

The fact that the NASCO conglomerate is at one time allegedly accused of financing terrorism (by whoever) does not mean it actually intentionally did. The fact that Sheikh Yakubu Musa was once allegedly accused of financing terrorism (by whoever) does not mean he is actually guilty.

Until we begin to look at the ontology and epistemology of issues around BokoHaram in this kind of light, our analysis about it will always leave undesired dangerous result born of misdiagnosis. We may begin to indict people like Dangote and BUA because we are likely to – now or in future – find that the Imams, Mosques or organisations, they have once helped, are enmeshed in terror wave of related accusations. Then we will begin to write warped essays like Cement or Sugar for Jihad.

Writing informed public commentaries or being a sound public intellectual, is beyond the ability to flawlessly and flowerily write essays, making endless references to large swathe of literature and records. No. It requires multidisciplinary insights, great deal of patriotism and deep sense of intuitive social measurement; appreciation of people and cultures from both etic and emic perspectives, history and sound ability in social system projections.

Certainly one cannot have a Nigeria of great value today or in future, if they have a large heart sufficient enough to accommodate Ahmadu Bello, Sheikh Gumi, President Buhari, BokoHaram founder, Muhammad Yusuf and Abubakar Shekau, lumping them as one and the same people, who worked or are working, to turn Nigeria into an absolutely imaginary Islamic state.

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Opinion

The Blending of Segmented Three Stars in Education—Abubakar Musa Umar

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Abubakar Musa Umar

Kano State is blessed with a wealth of individuals with diverse experiences, skills, and contacts across many spheres of life, including religious, cultural, and educational spaces. The likes of Dr. Sheikh Isyaku Rabiu, Sheikh Nasir Kabara, and Sheikh Jaafar Mahmoud Adam are among the few figures to mention, possessing vast Islamic knowledge appreciated worldwide. Recently, Kano State has been blessed with three educational experts with extensive knowledge of education, from its foundational levels to the peak positions of management and decision-making.

Malam Yusuf Kabir was a civil servant for 35 years, retiring in 2014 as Director of Planning, Research, and Statistics at the State Universal Basic Education Board (SUBEB) Kano. He started as a classroom teacher and later became an education secretary in different local governments. Since 2015, he has worked with development partners and achieved remarkable success with the Education Sector Support Program in Nigeria (ESSPIN), the Department for International Development (DFID), PLANE-DAI, and many others. He is currently the Executive Chairman of the State Universal Basic Education Board (SUBEB) Kano.

In the last seventeen months, Malam Yusuf has brought significant changes to basic education in the state. He initiated the first induction training for newly recruited teachers to prepare them for the job. He transformed both the staff and facilities to enhance services and improve job satisfaction.

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Malam Haladu Mohammed, an international development expert, started his career as a classroom teacher and later transitioned to higher education, where he rose to the level of senior lecturer in the Department of Geography at the College of Arts, Science, and Remedial Studies (CAS), Kano. Malam Haladu created several educational programs and projects, working as a Team Lead with DFID, OTL, and, most recently, as Chief of Party at USAID Liberia. He is currently the Technical Advisor on Education Reforms to the Executive Governor of Kano State.

Dr. Yakubu Muhammad Anas, a development expert with more than two decades of track records of accomplishment, was a classroom teacher for years, rising to the rank of Head Teacher before resigning to join development work. He has supported many programs and projects within and outside the country, working with ESSPIN, DFID, KaLMA, and Sesame Square Nigeria. He provides technical support to the Kano State Education Emergency Conference and is currently assisting the Ministry of Education and its agencies in achieving their target goals and objectives.

The three stars worked on the same projects and recorded remarkable success in their respective areas. The stars have now blended again, working with the Kano State Government to revive the education sector.

The recent appointment of Malam Haladu as Technical Advisor to the Executive Governor of Kano, the transformation of basic education under the leadership of Malam Yusuf Kabir, and the technical support provided by Dr. Yakubu Anas to the Ministry of Education and its agencies testify to the government’s commitment to real educational reforms.

Education is currently in the hands of experts whose experience and contributions to the development of education are recognized and appreciated worldwide.

May Almighty Allah (SWT) grant them the wisdom to devise solutions to existing challenges and transform education in Kano State.

Long Live, Kano State

Abubakar Musa Umar is an educationist and a development expert writes this from Kano

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Opinion

Wearing the Turban, Bearing the Burden: The Enormous Task Before the New Galadiman Kano

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The promotion of Wamban Kano Munir Sanusi as Galadiman Kano today, May 2, 2025, marks an important moment in the history of Kano’s sarauta institution. More than a ceremonial installment, it is the continuation of a title whose symbolic and administrative significance has long anchored the cohesion of Kano; first as a kingdom, and since the nineteenth century, as an emirate. This moment is charged with expectation, arriving at a time Kano Emirate is caught in a vortex of political contestation, juridical uncertainty, and generational transition. It will be the day a man who is both brother and foster son to a former Galadima, and son-in-law to another, assumes such an important office.

The title of Galadima, derived from the Kanuri galdi-ma, meaning “chief of the western front,” emerged during the administrative reforms of Kano’s second Hausa ruler, Sarki Warisi dan Bagauda, in the 11th century. Over time, it evolved into one of the most powerful and most senior princely offices across Hausa land. Until Emir Abdullahi Maje Karofi (1855-1882) appointed his son Yusufu as Galadima, the title had traditionally been reserved for the king’s/emir’s uncle, eldest brother or closest male kin: typically someone older and therefore unlikely to succeed to the throne.

Elsewhere, I have argued that Maje Karofi’s deviation from this established custom was one of the remote causes of the Kano Civil War of 1893. In essence, the appointment of a son to such a crucial position, naturally altered the institutional role of the Galadima, who historically functioned as a check on the emir’s authority. This explains Maje Karofi’s decision to depose his brother Abdulkadir, for expressing growing concern over certain decisions and practices at court the latter deemed inappropriate.

As demonstrated by the reigns of Galadiman Kano Daudu, Atuma, and the Fulani-era Galadimas Maje Karofi and Tijjani Hashim, the office has often wielded influence that paralleled or even eclipsed that of the king/emir. Until the 19th century, titles like Dan Ruwatan Kano were accorded to the kinsman or son of the galadima, while Dan Darman Kano was reserved for his cognatic kinsman. Traditionally, the Galadima served as vizier, head of civil administration, and head of his own mini-palace, independent of the Emir’s court. Court praise-singers aptly describe bearers of the title as Daudu rakumin Kano, the camel that bears the city’s burden; Daudu gatan birni, the protector of the city; and Rumfa sha shirgi, the palace’s dust heap where disputes are deposited and resolved. In recent times, no one embodied such praise and fuction as the late Galadiman Kano Tijjani Hashim.

Widely regarded as the archetype of the modern Galadima, Tijjani Hashim redefined the office in an era when the sarauta was stripped of formal political power. He transformed it into a bastion of accessible influence, strategic mediation, and public service. His residence functioned as a daily court of appeals, open to aristocrats, commoners, and royal slaves alike. He was the man to whom a poor student could turn for a scholarship, a merchant for capital, a civil servant for promotion, a politician for sponsorship, and a broken family for reconciliation.

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Tijjani Hashim died in 2014 and was succeeded by the charismatic Abbas Sanusi, whose reign as Galadima was cut short by a protracted illness. Abbas Sanusi was a disciplined and astute administrator, widely respected for his command of the emirate’s bureaucratic machinery. Yet his tenure was constrained by declining health, which limited his capacity to perform some of Galadima’s traditional roles, particularly inter-familial diplomacy. It is from Abbas Sanusi that the title now transitions to his younger brother, Alhaji Munir Sanusi, marking a rare case of intergenerational and intra-familial continuity, even by the standards of Kano’s dynastic politics. Their relationship was not merely fraternal, it was paternal. Abbas raised Munir from infancy, shaping his worldview and instilling in him the refined fadanci he has mastered and discreetly used to his advantage. Adding further symbolic weight is the fact that Munir is married to Hajiya Mariya Tijjani Hashim, daughter of the very man whose name has become synonymous with the Galadima title in recent memory. Thus, the new Galadima stands at the confluence of two great legacies—bound by blood to Abbas, and by marriage to Tijjani.

Born on January 12, 1962, Munir Sanusi Bayero was the last son of Emir Sir Muhammad Sanusi I to be born in the Kano palace. Raised by his late brother, Galadima Abbas Sanusi, he later married his second cousin, Hajiya Mariya, a union that has continued to epitomize royal love and companionship. Alhaji Munir Sanusi received his primary education at Gidan Makama Primary School, and his secondary education at Government Secondary School Dambatta from 1976 to 1981. He later obtained a degree in Mechanical Engineering from the Indian Institute of Technology in New Delhi.

Galadima Munir Sanusi’s career commenced in the Kano State Ministry of Social Welfare, Youth, and Sports, where he served as a Transport Officer from 1989 to 1991. He later joined Daula Enterprises Co. Ltd, Kano, from 1991 to 1993. He currently sits on the board of several companies, including Tri-C3 and Unique Leather Finishing Co. Ltd, the second-largest exporter of leather in West Africa.

In 2014, the Emir of Kano Khalifa Muhammad Sanusi II appointed him as Dan Majen Kano and pioneer Chief of Staff to the Emir in Kano Emirate, He was elevated to the position of Danburam Kano in 2016 and Wamban Kano and district head of Bichi in 2024. Today, he assumes the prestigious title of Galadiman Kano.

Galadima Munir’s loyalty to Emir Muhammadu Sanusi II has earned him considerable admiration within and beyond Kano. When the Emir was deposed in March 2020 and exiled to Loko in Nasarawa State, Munir not only followed him into banishment but remained by his side through Lagos and back to Kano. Now that the Emir has rewarded that loyalty with the emirate’s highest princely office, Munir faces a challenge no less noble than the title he inherits.

For one, loyalty is only one pillar of what I call, “the burdens of the Galadima”. The office demands generosity, accessibility, discretion, and the ability to shoulder the hopes of a people whose faith in the sarauta system is repeatedly tested. Here lies the Galadima’s greatest trial. Like his predecessors, he must cultivate a public image as a patron of the weak, a reconciler of royal, noble amd common feuds, and a figure of last resort to both the high and the low. He must embody _rumfa sha shirgi_ in practice: bearing the burdens of others, not just out of obligation, but with discernment, sincerity, and grace. His word must be his bond, for _zancen Galadima kamar zancen Sarki ne_: the word of the Galadima is expected to be final, unwavering, and free of bitterness.

The task becomes all the more urgent against the backdrop of Kano’s current emirship crisis. While Emir Muhammadu Sanusi II’s return has been celebrated in many quarters, it remains the subject of intense legal and political contestation. In this precarious climate, the Galadima must go beyond ceremonial visibility. He must be the Emirate’s anchor, bridging palace factions and translating the noble project of restoring the sarauta back to its sense to the wider public. Galadima Munir’s early efforts at reconciling estranged branches of the royal family and diffusing internal tensions suggest a promising political instinct. But history demands more than instinct; it demands an ethic of honor and sustained human investment.

To become Galadiman Kano today is not merely to wear a turban. It is to accept a lifetime project of prioritizing the interest of the Sarauta and the talakawa over one’s. It is knowing that one’s home inevitably becomes a revolving court and one’s influence becomes public trust. Any failure to wield it generously, the memory of that failure will linger far longer than any quiet success.

Alhaji Munir Sanusi ascends the title of Galadima with the wind of history at his back and the shadows of giants before him. He is son and brother to a Galadima, and son-in-law to the most revered of them. If he can merge these legacies with his quiet resolve and proven loyalty, he may yet restore the Galadima as the most vital conduit between the emirate and its people.

As the title awaits its meaning, Kano welcomes its new Galadima.

Allah ya kama, Raba musu rana da hazo

Allah ya taya riko, Daudu kwatangwalon giye.

Allah ya taimaki, tomo jiniyar gari

Huzaifa Dokaji writes from New York and can be reached via huzaifadokaji@gmail.com

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Opinion

Open Letter to the Group Chief Executive Officer, Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL)

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By Kehinde Moshood

Dear Group Chief Executive Officer, Mr Bashir Bayo

I write to you in light of the ongoing investigation into our nation’s refineries, calling for immediate action to ensure transparency and accountability within the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL). It is imperative that the Chief Financial Officer, Adedapo Segun, be suspended pending the outcome of this investigation.

The scandal surrounding the refineries was perpetrated during his time as …was perpetrated during his time/ tenure as GGM Treasury and also involved as EVP Downstream. This raises serious concerns about his potential involvement or oversight regarding financial operations at the time. Suspending him while the investigation is ongoing will not only safeguard its integrity but also demonstrate your administration’s commitment to justice and fairness.

Should he be cleared of any wrongdoing after a thorough and independent review, he may be recalled. However, allowing him to remain in office while the investigation is underway undermines the credibility of the process and may hinder efforts to achieve genuine accountability.

Suspending those responsible for financial control is a necessary step toward achieving meaningful reform. Without holding key financial officers accountable, we risk perpetuating a system where those entrusted with financial oversight escape scrutiny, making true reform unattainable.

One critical question remains:Why has Adedapo Segun been spared? Is it because he was appointed during the tenure of Emmanuel Ibe Kachikwu? If the new leadership is truly committed to transparency, this question must be addressed without hesitation.

Suspending Dapo Segun would send a strong message that your administration will not tolerate any form of impropriety. The new Group Chief Executive Officer has made commitments to transparency, yet allowing an individual allegedly linked to the scandal to remain in office contradicts that mission.

This is an opportunity to reinforce public trust in the NNPCL. Taking the necessary steps now will ensure that the Nigerian people see real commitment to fairness and accountability under your leadership.

I trust you will take the bold and necessary action required at this time.

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