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Opinion

Gender Disparity In Politics And Governance: Issues And Prospect

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Oluwakere

 

 

By Olowookere Hamidat

 

Gender is a socially constructed disparity of inequality of status between men and women.  Gender inequality comes in different shades. These include mortality inequality, basic facility inequality, special opportunity inequality, professional inequality, ownership inequality, household inequality, etc.

 

 

Today, the global concern is to advance equal opportunities for both men and women. That is the need for women and men to enjoy the same opportunities, outcomes, rights, and obligations in all spheres of life. This happens when men and women are able to share equally in the distribution of power and influence; have equal opportunities enjoys equal access to education. However, in spite of the National Gender Policy developed towards addressing gender-related issues and concern to the elimination of all forms of discrimination against women, and the contributions of women in the election process, it has not yielded substantive results.

Meet 19 Year Old Abdul Who Tormented Competitors With 55 Goals

Today women continue to be underrepresented in governments across the nation and face barriers that often make it difficult for them to exercise political power and assume leadership positions in public affairs..

 

Arguments for Women active participation in politics

  1. The first argument for women’s inclusion in building successful democracies is that women do not only constitute the majority in terms of population, In fact, half of the world’s population.

 

  1. Women’s equal participation with men in power and decision-making is part of their fundamental right to participate in political life and inclusive growth and sustainable development.

 

 

iii. The need for peace and sustainability. Without a substantial number of women in representation, there is little chance for women to have any distinct input in the shaping of the common good. As the saying goes, a democracy without women is just but half a democracy.

 

 

  1. Another argument is poverty affects women in often-disproportionate ways and will not be removed without women’s full participation as agents in the process.

 

  1. Furthermore, the welfare of children, for example, will not be improved without targeting women as critical agents of development.

 

  1. Moreover, women have been recognized as having an untapped pool of resources, whose skills should be made better use of.

 

  1. Women’s full and effective political participation is a matter of human rights, inclusive growth, and sustainable development.

 

vi.. The active participation of women, on equal terms with men, at all levels of decision-making and political involvement, is essential to the achievement of equality, sustainable development, peace, and democracy and the inclusion of their perspectives and experiences into the decision-making processes.

Constraints:

 

  1. The marginalization from the political sphere often is a result of persisting gender stereotyping of politics as exclusively as a men’s activity and the perception of politics as ‘dirty business.’ Facing these deeply held stereotypes and beliefs is not easy for most women.

 

  1. The disproportionate effect of poverty on women. Specifically, economic reasons, such as poorly paying jobs and limited access to large funds necessary for running successful campaigns put them in a disadvantaged position.

 

iii. Lack of political from the political parties who only think of how they can expand the power and win elections. Anything that does not give these is seen as impractical. It is within political parties that the marginalization of women’s rights, skills, and experiences has been most visible. This has jarred the confidence of women in their ability to participate in political processes.

 

  1. Related to the above is the presence or absence of regulation such as the national quota for women. The presence or absence of gender equality perspective in the internal statutes and the presence or absence supportive framework for promoting women dictates the levels of women’s participation. This is to say that the opinions of the party leadership on gender equality and the style of decision-making processes they apply have a huge impact, especially during the selection process.

 

  1. The few successful female politicians are seen as ‘un-feminine or perceived as ‘honorary men’. Thus women give up a chance of a political career very early on in the selection process, by losing the motivation to become a candidate.

 

  1. The expectations placed on women to maintain all family order, provide care of both children and the household, make political career excruciating. In some cases, a decision to take up the office might end up in a divorce, and only those women who are older and have grown-up children or those few who have supportive partners can afford a smoother political career. The stress and guilt indirectly make it difficult and prevents women from taking up a political career.

 

vii. The media coverage of female versus male political candidates has recently been cited as another barrier in breaking the glass ceiling for women in politics. News coverage of women candidates running for election is often covered in a negative, stereotypical, and often sexist way. For example, Some women are portrayed as sex objects while others are attacked for their lack of femininity in print, television, and social media.

 

Way out

 

To understand the reasons and the existing opportunities for change, we need to consider several issues more thoroughly.

 

  1. First, We need a good understanding of the barriers women face in a political system that prevents them from entering political-decision making in adequate numbers.

 

 

  1. Secondly, there is a need to understand the history of women’s involvement in politics alongside the structural and cultural factors that have led to their marginalization. Understanding these issues will shed some light on the available solutions, help evaluate current proposals for action, and suggest an alternative strategy.

 

Given the above, there is the need for implementation of regulatory policies or concrete legal changes to determining the position of women on the party lists and to affirm the all-inclusive women in government. That is proportional Representative for women’s political participation.

 

The government could reward parties that have a critical mass of women on the lists or at the top of the lists with extra funding, higher thresholds for external funding, or extra campaign time on public television.

 

The incentive would be another way to persuade political parties to change their gendered selection practices.

 

Government national gender offices, Non-Governmental organizations, and women groups can improve the position of women in political parties.

Need for pre-election coalitions of Women groups and elect/vote for women campaigns with the main aim of getting more women elected and  Elect/Vote for women campaigns, which is a significant step.

 

Positive media attention is changing public perception of women in politics for leaders of political parties to promote women among their candidates.

 

More grassroots pressure for women’s groups to be persuaded that they are capable of holding public office and that women have the potential to be successful politicians.

 

Conclusion

The success of gender equality and strategy in politics requires:

 

The need to help more women overcome their personal lack of self-belief, Provide more pressure on the level of political leadership in order to include adequate numbers of women on electoral lists in the places where it counts, and Persuading the voters to further change their perceptions of women politicians so that more women would actually get elected.

 

 

 

 

Olowookere Hamidat is a Mass Communication student of Bayero University Kano, born in Ilorin, Kwara State.

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Opinion

Three Quick Thoughts on Wike and Yerima-Farooq Kperogi 

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By Farooq Kperogi

I have read competing perspectives on the correctitude (or lack thereof) of FCT Minister Nyesom Wike and Lt. A.M. Yerima’s conduct in the viral video of their gladiatorial rhetorical combat. My concern, however, is different.

Several social media commentators, irrespective of partisan affiliations, appear united in proclaiming that Wike finally “met his match” in Yerima.

Interestingly, the Wike-Yerima confrontation reminded me of a puzzlingly paradoxical but deeply philosophical aphorism we were fond of as student union activists in the 1990s.

We used to say that when an unstoppable force (which Wike fancies himself as and which many people ascribe to him in light of his unfailingly boisterous, venomous-tongued cantankerousness that causes him to get whatever he wants all the time) meets an immovable object (which Yerima unwittingly became), something has to give.

Yerima has emerged, without planning to, as the first person, at least publicly, to make it clear to Wike that although Wike has acquired well-earned notoriety as a vicious, perpetually drunk, psychotic pocket tyrant who railroads people into kowtowing to him through intimidation, boozy taunts, and primitive vituperative aggression, he is “not a fool” who yields to inebriated, power-drunk, geriatric bullies.

Yerima’s repeated refrain of “I am not a fool, sir,” in response to Wike’s crude, unwarranted insults transcended a mere forceful retort. It communicated respectful but firm defiance to an insufferably self-important ministerial hoodlum.

Many people almost heard Yerima as saying, “I am not Fubara, sir.” Fool and Fubara almost have the same phonetic beginnings. Of course, I know that this is taking an innocuous, unplanned resistance to pocket tyranny to a partisan terrain.

But I am using Fubara here as the most recognized referent for disempowering spinelessness in the face of Wikean terrorization. And it helps that fool and Fubara share a curious, even if meaningless, initial pronunciational kinship, at least in demotic Nigerian English speech.

My second thought is on the admirable unflappability, courage, and self-assuredness that Yerima evinced in his encounter with Wike. There are vast generational, symbolic, social, and even political asymmetries between the two. But Yerima was not the least perturbed. He stood his ground and caused Wike to beat a humiliating retreat.

You don’t buy that kind of valor and self-confidence in the market. You unconsciously cultivate it from an impressionable age. It came as no surprise when it emerged that Yerima is the scion of an upper-crust military family.

Yet, at least from the video clips I saw, Yerima didn’t come across as arrogant or as someone who has a chip on his shoulder. But he showed that he wasn’t a fainthearted pushover, ether.

His father must have taught him a version of one of my favorite Malcolm Xian exhortations: “Be peaceful, be courteous, obey the law, respect everyone; but if someone puts his hand on you, send him to the cemetery.”

Yerima was polite, cordial, and conciliatory, but when Wike metaphorically put his rude, lowbred, insult-stained hand on the young man, he sent Wike to the rhetorical cemetery. Malcolm X characterized that as teaching people not to “suffer peacefully.”

My final thought on the confrontation is the almost involuntary predilection for gerontocratic egotism among older people in Nigeria when they have any dealings with younger people. I called this “reverse ageism” in an August 11, 2022, article I wrote titled “Reverse Ageism as a Tool to Gag Criticism in Nigeria.”

I reproduce the last few paragraphs of the article below because they speak to Wike’s gerontocratic putdown of Yerima as a “small boy” who was in “primary school” when he graduated from the university.

I wrote:

“One of Nigeria’s enduringly lumbering cultural burdens is that it’s hopelessly trapped in regressive reverse ageism, i.e., the idea that only old age, not youth or knowledge, should confer authority on people.

“Everyone who is older than the next person thinks his numerical age bestows some superiority on him over another.

“Emotional and intellectual age are immaterial in this culture of reverse ageism, so that even emotionally and cognitively immature dimwits trapped in adults’ bodies think of themselves as superior to biologically younger but intellectually superior people because of the accidents of their years of birth.

“But if you’re older than someone, someone is also older than you are, and the person you’re older than is also older than someone else. It’s an infinite continuum.

“Only backward, lowbrow bumpkins are hung up on age and invoke it to delegitimize valid criticism that they can’t confront with the resources of logic and evidence.

“Anyone who is over the age of 25 is a full-grown adult.”

Everything I wrote in that three-year-old article applies to Wike. Yerima (incidentally, Yerima is the Kanuri word for “prince,” which most northern Nigerian ethnic groups, including people of northern Edo, now bear as a personal name) is infinitely more mature and certainly more dignified than Wike can ever be in a million lifetimes, in spite of his youth.

So, who cares if Wike is older than Methuselah, especially because he behaves like a rambunctious toddler uneasily stuck in an adult’s body?

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Opinion

Trump’s Threat To Nigeria:It All Begins Within Ourselves- Mudassir Aliyu

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President Donald Trump

 

 

BY
MUDASSIR ALIYU YUNUSA.

 

It is often said that ‘a cracked wall could easily be penetrated’ and ‘a scattered stick is fragile and easily broken as opposed to bundles of sticks’. This is obvious to what is exactly happening in our country. Nigeria is a heterogeneous country with diverse nature of ethnic, tribal and religious backgrounds. After the attainment of independence in 1960, Nigeria was divided into three sub division, Northern, Western and Eastern regions. Each region was under the leadership and control of Premier who mostly possess large span of control, though in each region there is bound to have major ethnic group and number of minorities among the people, yet the diversity then was so negligible as the country’s development was prioritized above any sentiment, our attitudes and mindsets were geared towards uplifting the country wholeheartedly, that is why the development’s slogan of Northern Nigeria was ‘One North One People irrespective of People’s identity’ and at that time all Northerners are called ‘YAN AREWA.

Later, the country adopted Federalism and the peaceful co-existence still remained even after the Civil War, our leaders were so patriotic and were always ready to serve the country to attain development. Likewise the followers were living together peacefully and harmoniously, with respect, trust and self confidence, at that time there were little or no issues of ethnic and religious rivalries.

Sometimes I used to reflect back and rewind so many life incidences during our childhood days (though not too far from), but there was good, cordial and egalitarian relationship among the community more importantly the neighborhood setup within a typical Hausa locality. At that time children within the community belongs to all parents, and certainly all neighboring houses were also belong to all children too. Our parents were living with free minds, shaping, influencing, dictating and commanding discipline towards all children regardless of any close or bond of relationship as against present day’s notion of ‘my children are only mine and nobody should interfere with my family no matter how the correlation exists including one’s biological siblings.

I remember some elders that influenced and made sure the children are behaving within the community on the right track and indeed in a good manner and mannerism .

I can also recollect some moments of childhood we observed in common within my peers like going freely and jumping from one house to another playing, watching, eating and to some extend taking bath without any feelings of indifference or fear of humiliation and embarrassment from the respective households.

We fall in and out to various houses among which are Gidan Alhaji Garba Yola, Gidan Senator Ahmed Birniwa, Gidan Alhaji Saleh Runin Gado, Gidan Alh Ahmed Daneji, Gidan Alhaji Aminu Bello, Gidan Alhaji Lawan Ibrahim, Gidan Alh Saleh kafin Hausa, Gidan Bintan Ali, Gidan Alh Sani Gwarzo, Gidan Hadizan Doctor, Gidan Sule Custom, Gidan Ladi Ho, Idin Iye na Adamu Sima and many houses within our main line and beyond.

At that time there was no feeling of heterogeneity and religious and tribal differences were seized to exist, because we live together peacefully; we intermingled, interact and blend together with other tribal people some of them are Muslims and NON Muslims Yoruba and Ibo friends like Nuraini, Chimeaze, Ifanyo, Anthony, Kosi, Kofi, Kojo without any discrimination, we go on errand together, we ate their tribal foods and they freely came to our house to play, watch TV, eat and had siesta during day times while played some jumping and hiding games by the moonlights.

The quality of relationship that exists then, the decent and good morality as well as the cordial attachment, respect and admiration amongst the people especially the neighbors were so overwhelming and making me feeling nervous particularly when I remember how we used to be the same as members of a given household particularly in the event of marriage or naming ceremonies, we move freely and enjoy the same domestic privileges with members of different houses. At the time of Boarding schools visiting, we go to see our sisters from the other houses, and our friends from the other are also invited to pay a visit to our sisters in boarding schools. That was my first opportunity to visit some towns like Taura, Danbatta, Jogana, Kura, Babura, Sumaila, Garki, Goron Dutse etc all in the name of visiting of my biological and other neighbouring sisters within my locality.

Today, the narration is no longer the same; our attitudes and characters are completely not the same, the pattern of upbringing children of nowadays has changed from what we have grown to know. I wonder how Parents of today have deviated from many good traditions they were adopted upon during their childhood and adolescent age. It is obvious that many children of today are no longer children of the community rather they are proudly considererd as only fathers and mothers wards, this to some extend give them an impression of not respecting elders within the community, many do not accept the notion of behaving and respecting the command of any elder apart from their parents. And the bad thing that is happening is unacceptable, to the extend that if somebody outside tried to command and discipline the children for doing wrong some parents boldly shows their anger which discourage members of the community to disregard any wrongdoing by those children.
However, with strong tribalism and antagonistic relationship that was deliberately created per say the strong shield among the diverse people has broken down while hatred, enmity and hostilities among people surfaces which overturned the long existing peaceful co-existence and pave way for corruption, nepotism, tribalism, banditry and above all insurgency within the polity.

if there is no issue of the above mentioned negative factors Nigeria and Nigerians would never allowed any discrimination against one another not to talk of other external force to throw threats no matter how powerful and influential they are.
This threat is therefore, could be a turning point for Nigerians to fight against diversitoes like ethnic rivalry, religious bigotry, social discrimination and class differences. It is time to reflect back and readopt the peaceful relationship more importantly our leaders should wake up and ensure justice and fair play among the diversed people so that the lost glory, the peaceful coexistence will be restored. Nigerian Government as a matter of urgency should work tirelessly with intense political will and should wage a serious war against corruption and high level of kleptomaniac attitudes within government and nongovernmental spheres.

 

No doubt if Nigeria and Nigerians will forget any form of diversity and heterogeneity; work together as one entity and similar people, I m sure all the treachery and foul play in the name of ethnic rivalry and religious intolerance would definitely seized to exist from within the country and this would not allow any crack not to talk of a threat or aggression from outside forces.

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Opinion

Ganduje’s Era of Media Intimidation Revisited

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As a Nigerian, I respect that everyone is entitled to their opinion, as guaranteed by the Constitution. However, the right to express an opinion does not include the license to distort facts or spread concocted falsehoods.

I was genuinely baffled when I read the news story published by The Sun Newspaper on November 4, 2025, titled “Ex-NUJ president, Garba, slams Kano govt on restrictive media space, validates WSCIJ report on press freedom in Kano” As a concerned indigene of Kano State who witnessed firsthand the Ganduje administration and its approach to governance, I find it deeply troubling how Muhammad Garba, Ganduje’s spokesperson and a former NUJ President, treated journalists and the media with utter disdain.

As a former NUJ President and Ganduje’s mouthpiece, he has no moral ground to lecture anyone on press freedom. His claims are easily debunked by the documented repression under his own tenure.

Under Garba’s watch as Commissioner for Information during Ganduje’s administration, constructive engagement was replaced with intimidation and censorship.

Journalists were arrested, harassed, and media houses were threatened for reporting on corruption and governance failures, Example: In 2019, Daily Nigerian publisher Jaafar Jaafar faced threats and police summons after releasing videos allegedly showing Ganduje receiving bribes.

Many People were arrested, prosecuted and put in prison custody under stringent conditions for expressing their opinion about Ganduje’s land racketeering and corruption saga notably among them was Abdulmajid Danbilki Commanda who was arrested buggled and brought to the court for exercising his constitutional rights.

Ironically, Garba now dismisses awards when his own principal never received much for media friendliness. Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, on the other hand, has been recognized by almost every major national daily as one of the most media-friendly governors in Nigeria.

Although the Kano state Government already through a press conference rejected Wole Soyinka Centre for Investigative Journalism’s reports describing it as mischievous, malicious and misleading

Public still don’t know the indices as well as methodology the center used to arrived at this conclusion. As a student of social sciences and humanity I learned a conclusion like this nature needs an verifiable and empirical data backed by statistics. Any conclusion beyond this stands to rejected and questionable from its entirety.

As Center for investigative journalism, it is very important not use imagination or what some people imagining to draw a conclusion.

It is on record that Kano State Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf has received a multiple media awards including that of Nigeria Union Of Journalists, NUJ further testify that the Muhammad Garba is arm chair critic who is jealousy about the impressive performance of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf that ousted his master.

Governor Yusuf has demonstrates that engaging journalists openly, attending press events, and ensuring their welfare is a key societal development. That is why his activities recieved a large massive coverage across national dailies, online platforms and other platforms unlike Ganduje’s administration who was sorrounded by Land racketeering, corruption, family affairs in Governance affairs and media intimidation.

As a two-term NUJ President, Garba should have been a defender of press freedom. Instead, he used the platform he benefited most to from grace to disgrace.
His current posture is not about defending journalism, it’s about politicizing a report to score cheap points against a government that has outshined his own in transparency and media engagement.

Governor Yusuf has been honored by multiple national newspapers for his openness and support for journalism. His administration has never used police or courts to harass journalists, contrary to Muhammad Garba’s insinuations.

The government has dismissed the WSCIJ report as unfounded, citing lack of evidence and reaffirming its commitment to press freedom.

Muhammad Garba’s statement is not only misleading, it’s a desperate attempt to distort history. As a concerned indigene of Kano State, you have every right to ask for this inconsistencies. The era of Ganduje was marked by repression; the era of Yusuf is marked by openness. Let the facts speak louder than Garba’s political spin.

Sani Isa Suleiman is a concerned citizen of Kano State

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