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Abduljabar’s Shiite Agenda And Blasphemy

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Ibrahim Ado-Kurawa

Abduljabar Nasiru Kabara has confirmed that he is a Shiite. But there is need to examine the trajectory of Shiism in Nigeria and their strategies since they first manifested as internationalist propagandists.

Sunni Islam is predominant in Nigeria since the arrival of Islam in the Sudan. Shehu Usman Danfodio and his successors reinforced this position. In 1979 Ayatullah Khomenei led the Shiite Revolution in Iran, which he called Islamic Revolution. He gained the sympathy of many Muslims across the world because of American antagonism towards his Shiite State.

 

In Nigeria many students sympathized with the Iranian cause. One of such students was Ibrahim Yakubu (aka ElZakzaki). He recruited many followers in the university not in the name of Shiism because at that time he did not profess to be Shiite.

He was more inclined to Muslim Brothers (Ikhwan of Egypt and Syria) and he used their books for preaching and propagation of his ideas. Even Khomenei at that time did not insist all Muslims should become Shiites. In fact the Iranians even pledged to edit and translate the literature of the Sokoto leaders. This was in the formative stage. It was a deliberate action that enticed innocent people who thought Khomenei was genuine. I visited Iran in 1983 and since then I realized that their aim was not Islam but Shiite propagation and recruitment for Iranian imperialist expansionism.

All the rhetoric against the USA is only a deceitful deviance. After all Iran is now a major financier of terrorism and other high stake crimes such as drug dealings and laundering of counterfeit currency. These are not Islamic actions.

Breaking:Kano Government bans Islamic Cleric, Abduljabbar Nasiru Kabara from sermon, closes his mosque over inciting comments.
Many student activists visited Iran but ElZakzaki became the focal person. Abdulkarim Kaura Namoda met Khomenei who promised and directed that Nigerian version of Hizbollah terrorist organization should be founded under his command.

This did not materialize because of his rivalry with ElZakzaki. Gradually ElZakzaki transmuted and became a full Shiite. The Islamist political activists deserted him and his Shiism became public knowledge. Others who went to Iran to study returned as Shiites some were trained as theologians while others in the natural sciences.

 

Shiites were recruited from the rural areas and from the urban vulnerable. They established their cells in many states of Northern Nigeria. The Shiite Republic of Iran and its clients supported Shiite groups across the country. They established schools in many parts of Northern Nigeria. They commenced the recruitment drive.

 

The first targets were Islamists in educational institutions where they recruited as much as they could. The next targets were followers of Sufi brotherhoods (Darikas).

The reason for targeting them was political as most of them were against Saudi religious propaganda. This was the soft point of people like Abduljabar and some of them were eventually converted.

Meanwhile Ibrahim ElZakzaki became the de-facto leader of Shiites in Nigeria even though some who were trained in Iran resisted because of his intellectual deficiency. They even claimed that they are apolitical and that they have nothing to do with ElZakzaky’s confrontation with the State. The incapacitation of ElZakzaki has created a vacuum up for the grabs.

 

Abduljabar is about to fill that vacuum. He has requested Iran to support him. This is a clear manifestation of his agenda. He uses misrepresentation of Islam propagated by orientalists, out right lies and virulent narratives to entice the many ignorant and unemployed youths. This was the same strategy used by Maitatsine earlier and ElZakzaki, who subsequently eliminated Abdulkarim Kaura, the Zamfara prince who eventually became a psychiatric case.

 

Abduljabar’s agenda is to recruit as many gullible people into Shiism as possible. This could be achieved through the mass media by exploiting the intellectual and material weaknesses of the society and the secularist contradictions of the Nigerian State. He falsely claims, through his postures that he wants to purge Islam of adulteration according to him as a result of the lies fabricated against the Prophet (SAW), which have remained in the books of Ahl Sunna. He claims that all the Ahl Sunnah are misguided and by extension Shaykh Nasiru Kabara his father who lived as a scholar of the Ahl Sunna doctrine and never challenged the books of Hadith, Fiqh or even the Ash’ari School of Theology. All these according to the claims of Abduljabar must be discarded.

And he has nothing to offer apart from disjointed quotations since he is not even grounded in Fiqh. Sometimes when it suits him, he condemns the great Muslim Jurists who espoused the rules of Fiqh.

His aim is to confuse the listeners and eventually recruit them into deviant Shiite doctrine since most of them are ignorant.

 

Abduljabar is not a scholar but a propagandist so he assumes everyone is ignorant. There is nothing original or scholarly in his ranting. Every student not even scholar knows that Christianity, Islam, Shiism have their epistemology.

They have the rules upon which they establish their beliefs. So if anyone wants to reform any practices of any people that claim to be adherents of these faiths he must follow the established rules. For example when Martin Luther decided to reform the Church he did not challenge Trinity or the fundamental practices approved by the early Church.

Those engaged in polemics against Christianity can bring so many phrases that contradict each other in the Bible.

Such polemics can even prove that the Council of Nicaea in 325 AD was a later contrivance presided by unbaptized Christian and it made Trinity the Final Doctrine of Christianity. But no Christian will ever accept this as a reason to discard Trinity or even shake his faith in it. This is because Christ said to Simon the fisherman: “And I also say to you that you are Peter, and on this rock I will build My church and the gates of Hades shall not prevail against it” (Matthew 16: 18).

According to Christian teaching the Holy Spirit guided the institution of the Church after Christ and it has final authority on Faith hence it promulgated all the important creeds especially that of Chalcedon in AD 451. It was the Church not Christ that decided what should even be in the Bible. Thus “St. Paul in writing letters to the congregations of disciples in Rome and other centers had no idea that he was helping to construct a New Testament” of the Bible (Wilfred Cantwell Smith The Meaning and End of Religion Fortress Press Minneapolis 1991 p. 94). In this respect Shiism is closer to Christianity than Islam because it was created after the Prophet (SAW).

 

In Islam not Shiism, there is no clergy or Church as in the case of Christianity. There are certain principles outlined which all scholars know and they use them to discern any issue hence it is possible reach consensus without any meeting.

This was how every issue was resolved since the time of the companions. As it is clear now on the blasphemy of Abduljabar, when he equated himself with the Prophet (SAW) in widely circulated video. Shiism, on the other hand is different as it was invented after the Prophet (SAW) because of politics. Everything revolves around their Imams who are infallible and they came after our beloved Prophet (SAW).

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Anything that does not elevate them must be interpreted to have that meaning. Some Shiites do not even pray the Juma’a because the Imam of the time is hidden until Khomenei elevated his own status to that of Velayat-e Faqih, a new concept in Shiism, which he introduced to assume the role of the representative of the Imam and he directed them to pray. His authority to his followers is similar to that of the Pope hence he made decrees in absence of the Imam who is the supreme Shiite authority. So the positions of Ahl Sunnah on the Qur’an and Hadith are different from those of the Shiites but Abduljabar will never say this. Because his aim is to use his fraud to hoodwink the ignorant and disconnect them from the Sunnah and then introduce them to his Shiite false doctrine that was invented after the Prophet (SAW).

The Qur’an is the Word of Allah and is recited by Muslims as revealed, to our beloved Prophet (peace and blessings be upon him). Qur’an is unadulterated and has remained as revealed ever since and it shall forever remain because the Muslims have the Qur’an in their memory. Not all Shiites believe this. This is because of their hatred for Sayyiduna Usman and the fact that their false doctrines cannot stand if they accept the Finality and Divinity of the Qur’an (Word of ALLAH). Anyone who doubts the authenticity of the Qur’an is not a Muslim. Some Shiites, who did not reach the level of kufr (unbelief) do not out rightly reject the Qur’an but misinterpret its meanings whenever it does not satisfy their desires. But this is more difficult for them to openly declare hence the only strategy is to attack the Hadith literature and generate confusion in the minds of the ignorant and the gullible. If Abduljabar succeeds in this adventure he will begin to openly attack the Qur’an.

 

Sunnah is the sum total of the “divinely guided” life style of the Prophet (SAW) as transmitted through an impeccable chain of narrators in authentic Hadith.  It includes all his statements and actions “as well as the statements and actions of others done in his presence which did not meet his disapproval. Hadith is the record of actions and sayings of the Prophet (SAW).”  Hadith, is also the record of sayings and actions of his companions done in his presence” (Philips, A. A. B.  1995 The Evolution of Fiqh: Islamic Law and the Madh-habs Riyadh p. 29), which he approved.  Hadith therefore is the record of the Sunnah. Scholars of Ahl Sunnah have categorized Hadiths and the majority of the Muslims accept these categorizations.

 

There are scholarly disagreements on Hadiths and also critiques of all Hadith collections. Analyses were done before using them for any Shari’ah rulings, which are accepted based on the principles outlined over one thousand years ago. One of the most important differences between Ahl Sunnah and deviant Shiites is in the principles accepted for authentication, rejection of Hadith and using them to make legal judgments. Yet Shiites with evil intention such as Abduljabar quote Hadith authenticated or rejected by Ahl Sunnah, make additions, misinterpret them and even translate the Arabic wrongly where possible since it is all about polemics not principles of knowledge.

This is because they have no Hadith collections to use in authenticating their heretic interpretations or engage in polemics but only have the fabricated sayings of their Imams and fabricated or misinterpreted Hadiths of the Ahl Sunnah.

The Shiites are able to engage in these evil actions because the Ahl Sunnah revere all the companions and most of the Shiite Imams therefore it is easy to find traditions in the collections of Ahl Sunnah that are attributed to these pious leaders.

It is a similar case with Christians it is an article of Faith of Ahl Sunnah to believe in the Prophets mentioned in the Bible even though Christians do not believe in our beloved Prophet SAW.

 

So why is Abduljabar different? He claims that he wants to purge Islam of contradictions according to him people are leaving the Faith because of such contradictions. Therefore he has appointed himself as a reformer, committed to refining all the corpus of knowledge of the Ahl Sunnah. This is deliberate to deceive the gullible. In his rhetoric he does not adhere to any principles. And he is not able to outline his own new principles since he does not even have the capacity to do that. For example Al-Sayid Sabiq decided to write Fiqh Sunnah because he was not satisfied with the principles of the Schools of Islamic Law (Madhahib) and Shaykh Nasirudeen Albani wrote Sifat Salat Nabi because he was not satisfied with the description of many scholars.

Abduljabar on the other hand is only interested in creating confusion not even the critique of the Hadith collections. He claimed that he studied Bukhari with his father Shaykh Nasir Kabara but was that how he taught him? Abduljabar is totally disrespectful to our beloved Prophet SAW because he does not adhere to the principles outlined in Ash-Shifa of Qadi that has been in Kano and continuously used for over 500 years. His father Shaykh Nasiru Kabara was very proud of Ash-Shifa and lived by its teachings. Based on the rulings in Ash-Shifa part four the chapter on ‘The Legal Judgment As Regards the One Who Characterizes Oneself with the Prophets’ Qualities”, Abduljabar should be indicted and punished for committing this blasphemy.

 

Some people are claiming that Abduljabar should be allowed to continue with his heresy because Nigeria is a democracy. But every democracy has certain values.

For example nobody dears to deny that there was Holocaust or even criticize Jews or the Lesbians and Gays (LGBT) in the Western countries. This support to LGBT is unchristian but it is strong in the West.

This is because “the Europe once coterminous with Christendom is now post-Christian and neo-pagan” (Roberts J. M. 1996 A History of Europe Oxford p.583) hence they elevated their desires above God’s prohibitions. Muslims can never accept elevating man above Allah’s Law.

 

Therefore in Kano, according to the position of Ahl Sunnah it is a crime to denigrate the Prophet (SAW) his family and companions. Those who oppose this position are either Shiites who want to damage the reputation of the Sunnah or ignorant people. Some of the Shiites, including the terrorist organization IMN and their sympathizers are angry that all Ahl Sunnah are united against Abduljabar so they invoke polemics against Ibn Taimiyah and Saudi-Iran rhetoric to seek support. The IMN Shiite agents of Iranian imperialism in their naivety think they can gain the sympathy of the Tijaniyya followers they mentioned in their release.

They will never because the Prophet (SAW) is too important to Ahl Sunnah. But to these Iranian imperialist agents their politics is more important than the integrity of the Prophet (SAW) because politics invented theology in Shiism. They use the Prophet (SAW) only for political gain as Khomenei did. They claim that Abduljabar has denied his insults against the Prophet (SAW), that this reason why he should be tried before a competent court, not to be exonerated by terrorists like, the IMN. All Ahl Sunnah are united including those they mentioned in their press statement this is the position of the truth because our beloved Prophet (SAW), his family and companions are more important than any sect or affiliation.

 

Is there any need to engage Abduljabar in a debate? All the issues concerning critique of Hadith have been discussed and understood by Ahl Sunna for over 1200 years culminating in the magisterial work of Ibn Hajar al-Asqalani (1372-1449). Abduljabar’s positions are very clear. He is Shiite. So there is no need to debate with him. The only thing that needs to be done is for him to face trial for blasphemy nothing more. If he is found guilty he should be punished according to the Shari’a Penal Law of Kano State. There is need for decisive action against him. This is not an infringement on his religious freedom. There is difference between religious freedom and criminality. He can be Shiite or an atheist but if denigrates our beloved Prophet SAW he is a criminal as far as the Law of this land is concerned.

He should not be allowed to use public platform to propagate Shiism using out of context quotations and outright lies. The Americans stopped Trump’s hate propaganda in the social media so those who look up to the West for guidance even there, they have red line. The red line in Muslim societies is the integrity of our beloved Prophet SAW. There is no place for that blasphemy in Kano State the choice was made over 1000 years ago just as one cannot go to Iran and propagate anti-Shiism of any kind.

 

The strategy of Abduljabar is to use rabble-rousing, creating confusion and finally offering Shiism to his audience. Most of his listeners are unaware that Shiism was invented after the Prophet (SAW) because of politics. Their politics created a new theology for them based on the supremacy of their Imams and belief in them is an article of faith in Shiism.

Therefore the Iranian imperialist agenda is to confuse innocent people through this propaganda of people like Abduljabar who misinterpret, wrongly translate Hadiths and interpolate with outright lies. Through this, they hope to recruit as many as possible and a gain foothold for imperialist Iran in the largest concentration of African Muslims. This must be stopped.

Opinion

Beyond Politics: How the Kano State Government Is Turning Federal Partnership Into Tangible Economic Gains for Ordinary Citizens

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Ibrahim Abdullahi Waiya

When Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf made the bold and courageous decision to align Kano State with the Federal Government under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the critics were loud, the cynics were louder, and the doubters were everywhere. They called it political betrayal. They called it opportunism. Some called it the ultimate act of ingratitude toward a man who had invested years, resources, and political capital in building the career of the Kano governor. What they failed to see, or perhaps refused to acknowledge, was the singular and unwavering motivation behind that decision: the welfare of the ordinary men and women of Kano State, the market trader in Kurmi, the widowed mother in Dawakin Tofa, the unemployed graduate in Gwale, and the small business owner struggling to keep his shop open in Farm Centre.
In less than a year of active federal alignment, Kano State has gone from being a politically isolated outlier to becoming one of the most strategically positioned states in the entire federation. Federal presence, federal investment, and federal goodwill are flowing into Kano with a consistency and velocity that was simply impossible under the previous arrangement, where governance was dictated not by the needs of the people, but by the personal wishes of a political godfather seated comfortably in Abuja. For too long, Kano, a state that by every measure of population, commerce, history, and strategic importance deserves to sit at the very centre of Nigeria’s development conversation, was standing at the margins, watching other states benefit from federal partnerships while its own people paid the price of political stubbornness.
The clearest and most visible evidence of this transformation is the forthcoming flag off of the Energise Commercialisation Now initiative, a landmark federal programme spearheaded by the Federal Ministry of Innovation, Science and Technology under the Honourable Minister, Dr. Kingsley Tochukwu Udeh, SAN, scheduled to hold in Kano from April 23 to 25, 2026. The programme, designed to mobilise innovation, attract investment, and accelerate industrial production across Nigeria’s six geopolitical zones, has chosen Kano as the venue for its national launch and North West zonal deployment. That choice is not accidental. It is not logistical. It is a deliberate federal acknowledgement of Kano’s strategic importance as the commercial and industrial heartbeat of Northern Nigeria, and a direct reward for Governor Yusuf’s visionary and courageous leadership.
The Energise Commercialisation Now initiative represents a structured national platform to identify commercially viable innovations, connect them with investors and manufacturers, and scale them into enterprises that create jobs and generate wealth. For a state like Kano, with its rich history of commerce, its dense network of small and medium enterprises, its vibrant informal economy, and its large population of young, talented, and ambitious people, this programme is not merely a federal event passing through. It is a genuine economic opportunity of generational significance.
More significantly, the programme will be flagged off by no less a personality than Her Excellency Senator Oluremi Tinubu, CON, the First Lady of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, and the personal champion of the ECoN initiative. Her presence in Kano is a statement of the highest order. In Nigerian political culture, when the First Lady travels to a state to commission a programme, it is not a routine governmental act. It is a personal signal from the Presidency itself. It is Aso Rock saying, in the clearest possible terms, that Kano is seen, Kano is valued, Kano is a priority, and Kano will not be left behind in Nigeria’s march toward industrial and economic transformation.
For Governor Yusuf, whose critics questioned whether his alignment with the APC and the Tinubu administration would translate into anything concrete for his people, Senator Oluremi Tinubu’s visit to Kano on April 23 is the most powerful possible answer. It says that the partnership is real, the commitment is genuine, and the dividends are already arriving.
But beyond the symbolism and the political significance, what does all of this mean for the ordinary Kano citizen?
It means that the innovator in Fagge, the young entrepreneur in Tarauni, the female small business owner in Nasarawa, and the graduate sitting at home in Ungogo and all other localities in Kano now have a real, structured, and government-backed platform to showcase their ideas, access funding, connect with investors, and build enterprises that can employ others. It means that Kano’s universities, polytechnics, and research institutions, which for years have produced brilliant graduates and groundbreaking research that never left the laboratory, will now have a direct pipeline to the market. It means that the textile artisan in Kofar Mata, the leather craftsman in Yan Kaba, and the food processing entrepreneur in Dorayi can look at this programme and see themselves as legitimate participants in Nigeria’s industrial future.
This is precisely the promise of Governor Yusuf’s Kano First Agenda, an agenda that places the prosperity of Kano people above every political consideration, above every personal loyalty, and above every partisan calculation. When the governor stood before his people and declared that Kano would come first in every decision his administration makes, he was not making a campaign promise. He was entering into a sacred covenant with millions of people who had entrusted him with the highest office in the state.
Every decision his administration has taken since then, including the historic and difficult decision to align with the centre, has been guided by that covenant. The governor has consistently and publicly maintained that he answers to the people of Kano, not to any individual, not to any movement, and not to any political structure whose primary interest is the perpetuation of personal power rather than the advancement of public good. Kano State, he insists, is no longer remotely controlled. The elected chief executive is fully in charge, and fully accountable to the people alone.
The results of this philosophy are not abstract. They are measurable, verifiable, and visible to anyone willing to look beyond the noise of political controversy.
A N1.477 trillion budget for 2026, the largest in Kano’s history, with 68 percent allocated to capital projects. Over N334 million disbursed to 6,680 women across all 44 local government areas of the state, each receiving a monthly stipend of N50,000 to grow their businesses and support their families. More than N800 million invested in youth empowerment programmes benefiting over 5,300 young people. Kano ranking first in Nigeria’s 2025 NECO results, a historic educational achievement that signals a transformation in the state’s human capital investment. A health sector receiving N212.2 billion, with hospitals upgraded, the Abba Care Scheme launched, and healthcare access expanded across the state. An infrastructure allocation of N346.2 billion, covering urban roads, solar streetlights, housing development, and market renovation across all 44 local government areas.
These are not political talking points. These are not figures conjured for a press conference. These are the measurable, auditable, and undeniable fruits of purposeful, people-centred governance under a leader who understands that the ultimate test of political courage is not the decision itself, but what that decision delivers to the people it was made for.
As Kano prepares to host the First Lady of Nigeria and welcome the nation’s attention on April 23, one truth stands clear, unambiguous, and beyond reasonable dispute: Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf did not align with the centre for himself. He did not do it for political survival. He did not do it for personal gain. He did it for Kano. He did it for the market trader, the young graduate, the nursing mother, the struggling entrepreneur, and every ordinary citizen who deserves a government that fights for them at every level of power.

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Opinion

The Abuja-Kano Synergy: A New Dawn of Innovation

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By Mohammed Babagana Abubakar Kano State Coordinator, The Unifier Project April 19, 2026

In the long and complicated history of Nigerian federalism, the relationship between the federal centre and the states has rarely been described as synergistic. It has been described as extractive, as patronising, as politically transactional, and as structurally unequal. States have too often found themselves on the receiving end of a development architecture that took their resources, ignored their priorities, and returned a fraction of their value in the form of federal allocations that barely covered recurrent expenditure. The idea that a state and the federal government could operate as genuine partners, each bringing its own strengths to a shared developmental vision, each amplifying the capacity of the other, has remained, for most of Nigeria’s post-independence history, more aspiration than reality.
What is happening in Kano in April 2026 is different. And it deserves to be understood as such.
Nigeria’s innovation crisis is not a crisis of ideas. It is a crisis of translation. Walk through the corridors of Bayero University Kano, Kano University of Science and Technology Wudil, or Northwest University Kano, and you will find researchers who have spent years, sometimes decades, developing technologies, agricultural innovations, and industrial processes with genuine commercial potential. Ask them how many of those innovations have reached the market, created jobs, or generated revenue for their inventors, and the answer, almost universally, is the same: very few.
The Federal Ministry of Innovation, Science and Technology estimates that a substantial proportion of Nigeria’s research and development outputs remain permanently within academic environments, never translated into commercially viable products, industries, or exportable enterprises. This is not a uniquely Nigerian problem. But in a country of 220 million people, with the largest economy in Africa, the largest population of young people on the continent, and a natural resource base of extraordinary diversity and depth, the cost of that translation failure is measured not just in lost economic opportunity but in lost human potential, in the graduate who cannot find work, in the innovator who cannot find capital, and in the entrepreneur who cannot find markets.
The Energise Commercialisation Now initiative, designed and led by the Federal Ministry of Innovation, Science and Technology under the Honourable Minister Dr. Kingsley Tochukwu Udeh, SAN, and championed personally by Her Excellency Senator Oluremi Tinubu, CON, First Lady of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, is the Federal Government’s most direct and structured answer to that translation failure. And on April 23, 2026, Kano becomes the national stage on which that answer is first delivered.
What distinguishes ECoN from the long line of federal innovation initiatives that have preceded it is the specificity and coherence of its implementation architecture. This is not a programme that announces ambitious goals and leaves the machinery of delivery undefined. It is a programme with a structured Innovation Commercialisation Pipeline, a National Innovation Asset Register, a sub-national resource mapping framework, dedicated IP advisory sessions, standards and quality clinics, deal rooms, industry matchmaking sessions, and a direct pipeline to international trade platforms including the Intra-African Trade Fair scheduled for 2027.
Each of these components addresses a specific and well-documented failure point in Nigeria’s innovation ecosystem. The sub-national resource mapping framework addresses the chronic disconnect between local assets and national industrial strategy, a disconnect that has allowed Nigeria’s 774 local government areas to sit on enormous concentrations of agricultural wealth, mineral endowments, skilled human capital, and indigenous technology without any systematic mechanism for connecting those assets to the investors, manufacturers, and market intermediaries that could convert them into productive enterprise.
The National Innovation Asset Register addresses the invisibility problem, the fact that Nigeria’s innovators have historically operated without the legal, institutional, and commercial visibility required to attract serious investment. An innovation that has not been documented, evaluated, and registered within a credible national framework is an innovation that exists, for all practical purposes, outside the economy. The register changes that.
The IP advisory sessions address the protection problem. For Kano’s craftsmen, whose leather goods, textile patterns, and agricultural processing techniques represent intellectual property of genuine commercial value, the absence of structured IP protection has meant that their innovations have been replicated and commercialised by others, often in other countries, without any benefit flowing back to the original creators. The ECoN framework, by integrating IP advisory directly into its programme structure, treats intellectual property not as a legal technicality but as an economic asset that the state has a responsibility to protect.
The choice of Kano as the national launch venue for ECoN is not an act of federal charity. It is an act of strategic intelligence. Kano brings to this partnership an economic inheritance and a current governance momentum that few Nigerian states can match.
Historically, Kano’s Kurmi Market, one of the oldest trading centres in West Africa, served as the terminal point of trans-Saharan trade routes connecting sub-Saharan Africa to North Africa, the Middle East, and Europe. Its leather industry, anchored on the Kofar Mata dye pits that have operated continuously for over 500 years, represents a living tradition of artisanal innovation that predates the Nigerian state by centuries. Its textile sector, its groundnut processing industry, and its dense network of small and medium enterprises across 44 local government areas represent a commercial culture of extraordinary depth and resilience.
In the present, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s administration has invested with remarkable consistency in building the enabling environment that innovation-driven industrialisation requires. The state’s 2026 budget of N1.477 trillion, the largest in Kano’s history, allocates N405.3 billion to education, N346.2 billion to infrastructure, and N212.2 billion to health. Kano ranked first in Nigeria’s 2025 NECO results, a historic educational achievement underpinned by the recruitment of 400 Mathematics teachers, mass classroom renovations, free basic education, and the establishment of Kano State Polytechnic in Gaya. Over N334 million has been disbursed to 6,680 women entrepreneurs across all 44 local government areas, and more than N800 million has been invested in youth empowerment programmes benefiting over 5,300 young people. These are not background statistics. They are the active ingredients of a state that is ready to receive, deploy, and maximise a federal innovation programme of ECoN’s ambition and scope.
It would be intellectually incomplete to discuss the Abuja-Kano synergy without examining the political decision that created it. Governor Yusuf’s alignment with the Federal Government under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu was not universally welcomed. In a political environment as emotionally charged as Kano’s, where loyalty to the Kwankwasiyya movement had defined political identity for over a decade, the decision to break ranks and chart an independent developmental course attracted fierce criticism and deeply personal accusations of betrayal.
The governor has been consistent and unapologetic in his response. His decision, he has maintained, was not driven by personal ambition or political survival. It was driven by a simple and non-negotiable conviction: that Kano’s 20 million people cannot afford the luxury of principled opposition when principled partnership offers them hospitals, schools, jobs, and industrial investment that opposition cannot deliver.
The ECoN national launch in Kano, coming within months of that alignment, validates that conviction in the most visible and public way possible. A state that was, until recently, watching federal programmes pass it by is now hosting the national inauguration of the Federal Government’s most ambitious innovation initiative, with the First Lady of Nigeria personally in attendance. That is not a coincidence. That is the developmental logic of political alignment producing exactly the outcomes that Governor Yusuf promised his people it would produce.
The ultimate measure of the Abuja-Kano synergy is not the quality of the speeches delivered on April 23, or the size of the crowd at the event, or the number of dignitaries on the high table. It is what happens in Kano’s markets, workshops, factories, and farms in the months and years that follow.
It is whether the leather craftsman in Yan Kaba, whose family has practiced its trade for four generations, can access the IP protection, the quality certification, and the international market connections that will allow him to sell directly to buyers in Milan and Dubai rather than through intermediaries who capture the majority of the value. It is whether the agricultural processor in Gezawa, who has developed an innovative technique for extending the shelf life of groundnut products, can access the standards clinic, the financing, and the industry matchmaking that will allow her to scale from a local operation into an export-ready enterprise. It is whether the engineering graduate from Bayero University, who has spent three years developing a solar-powered water purification system in his family’s backyard, can stand in a deal room on April 24 and walk out with an investment commitment that turns his prototype into a product.
These are the outcomes that the Abuja-Kano synergy must ultimately deliver. They are the outcomes that Governor Yusuf’s Kano First Agenda is designed to support. And they are the outcomes that the Energise Commercialisation Now initiative, if implemented with the discipline, transparency, and follow-through that the moment demands, is structurally equipped to produce.
Kano has been many things in its long and storied history. A commercial crossroads. A centre of Islamic scholarship. A manufacturing hub. A political battleground. A city that has known greatness and felt its erosion with a particular kind of pain that only great cities can feel.
On April 23, 2026, Kano begins a new chapter. Not with the fanfare of a political rally, not with the hollow promises of a campaign season, but with the structured, federal-backed, internationally engaged, and data-driven architecture of an innovation commercialisation programme that treats Kano’s people not as voters to be courted but as producers, inventors, entrepreneurs, and economic actors to be empowered.

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The Abuja-Kano synergy is real. Its foundations are solid. Its timing is right. And its potential, for the people of Kano and for the broader project of Nigerian economic transformation, is nothing short of historic.

Kano is ready. The partnership is in place. And the work, the real, lasting, generational work of converting innovation into industry and potential into prosperity, begins now.

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Opinion

Kano at the Heart of Nigeria’s Innovation Revolution: Why Sub-National Resource Mapping Matters Now

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Kano state Map of Nigeria

 

By Najeeb Nasir Ibrahim DG, Unifier Project 19 April 2026

There is a moment in the life of every great city when history and opportunity arrive at the same address, at the same time, and demand an answer. For Kano, that moment is April 23, 2026. On that day, Her Excellency Senator Oluremi Tinubu, CON, First Lady of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, will stand in the commercial heartbeat of Northern Nigeria to flag off the Energise Commercialisation Now initiative, a federal programme that carries within it the most ambitious and consequential blueprint for decentralised industrial transformation that this country has attempted in a generation.
For decades, Nigeria’s development architecture has been built on a fundamentally flawed assumption: that economic transformation can be designed, directed, and delivered exclusively from the federal centre. The result of that assumption is visible in every part of the country. Universities full of brilliant graduates producing research that never leaves the laboratory. Agricultural communities harvesting commodities that travel hundreds of kilometres to be processed elsewhere, returning as finished goods at prices that bear no relationship to the value that local hands created. Industrial estates, once productive and purposeful, standing as monuments to the gap between policy intention and economic reality.
Nigeria is not a poor country. It is a country that has consistently failed to convert its wealth into wellbeing, its potential into production, and its knowledge into commercial power. The distance between what Nigeria has and what Nigeria does with what it has is the central economic problem of our time. And the answer to that problem, as the Energise Commercialisation Now initiative correctly identifies, does not lie in Abuja alone. It lies in Kano, in Kaduna, in Sokoto, in Kebbi, in Jigawa, in Katsina, and in Zamfara. It lies in the 774 local government areas of this federation, where the real economic activity of 220 million people actually happens.
The concept of sub-national economic and resource mapping sits at the intellectual core of the ECoN initiative, and it deserves a more precise explanation than it typically receives in policy documents and press releases.
Resource mapping, in this context, is not simply a geological survey or an agricultural inventory. It is a comprehensive strategic framework designed to identify, organise, and connect every category of productive asset within a state or local government area, including indigenous technologies developed in informal workshops, academic research sitting unpublished in university repositories, skilled human capital that has never been matched to an appropriate industry, natural endowments that have never been processed beyond their raw state, and entrepreneurial energy that has never been channelled into structured enterprise.
The goal is to create what the Federal Ministry of Innovation, Science and Technology describes as a National Innovation Asset Register, an integrated, living database that maps local strengths against national industrial priorities and identifies the specific interventions, whether financing, technology transfer, standards certification, or market access, required to convert each asset from potential into production.
For a state like Kano, whose economic assets span ancient leather craft traditions, a dense network of small and medium enterprises across 44 local government areas, three major universities conducting active research, a N1.477 trillion state budget with 68 percent allocated to capital projects, and an agricultural hinterland producing groundnuts, sorghum, millet, and cowpea across millions of hectares, the creation of such a register is not an administrative exercise. It is an economic revolution in its earliest and most critical stage.
Kano does not come to this conversation as a passive participant or a grateful recipient of federal attention. It comes as a city with a 500-year commercial pedigree, a proven capacity for enterprise, and a state government that has already been doing the foundational work that makes innovation-driven industrialisation possible.
Consider the evidence. Under Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s administration, Kano ranked first in Nigeria’s 2025 NECO results, a milestone that signals a transformation in the quality of human capital the state is producing for its economy. The administration has recruited 400 Mathematics teachers, established Kano State Polytechnic in Gaya to expand technical and vocational education in the state’s southern corridor, and invested N405.3 billion in education within its 2026 budget alone. It has planted over 5.5 million trees under its Climate Change Policy, approved 11 mini-dams to support year-round agricultural production, and procured 199,000 bags of fertiliser for distribution to farmers. It has cleared N32 billion in pension backlogs, trained 2,000 Neighbourhood Watch operatives for community security, and disbursed over N334 million directly to 6,680 women entrepreneurs across all 44 local government areas.
These are not disconnected welfare gestures. They are the deliberate construction of an enabling environment for exactly the kind of innovation-driven industrialisation that ECoN is designed to accelerate. A sub-national resource mapping exercise arriving in a state with functional schools, improved security, empowered women entrepreneurs, and a government committed to agricultural productivity is a mapping exercise that will find real assets, not empty promises.
One of the most economically consequential arguments embedded in the ECoN framework is its emphasis on regional value addition, and it is an argument that Kano’s history makes more powerfully than any policy document can.
For generations, the economic tragedy of Northern Nigeria has been the export of raw materials and the import of finished goods. Kano’s groundnut farmers have watched their harvest leave the state as unprocessed commodity and return as refined oil at prices that enrich processors elsewhere. Its leather craftsmen have seen raw hides travel to tanneries in other cities and come back as finished goods that command international prices the original producers never see. Its cotton farmers have supplied raw fibre to textile mills that, when they were still operating, captured the majority of the value chain’s economic benefit.
The ECoN framework’s insistence on processing and manufacturing at the source represents a direct challenge to that extractive economic model. By connecting Kano’s raw material producers with the technologies, the financing, and the market linkages required to process their outputs locally, the programme creates the conditions for a fundamental redistribution of economic value within the North West. More jobs created locally. More revenue retained within the state. More enterprises built around Kano’s natural and agricultural endowments. More young people employed in productive industries rather than idle in urban centres.
The ripple effects of that redistribution, sustained over a period of years, are the difference between a city that hosts commerce and a city that drives it.
The ECoN initiative’s ambition does not stop at the borders of the North West. One of its explicitly stated objectives is to prepare Nigerian innovators, startups, and SMEs for international trade platforms, including the Intra-African Trade Fair scheduled for 2027. That objective places Kano’s entrepreneurs, quite literally, on a pathway to continental and global markets.
The African Continental Free Trade Area, which came into force in 2021 and represents a combined market of 1.3 billion people and a GDP of approximately three trillion dollars, remains, for most Nigerian SMEs, an abstract aspiration rather than a practical opportunity. The gap between aspiration and opportunity is filled by exactly the kind of structured support that ECoN provides: standards certification, intellectual property protection, export readiness training, investment facilitation, and access to the institutional networks that make international trade possible for enterprises that would otherwise navigate it alone.
For Kano, whose merchants have been trading across international boundaries for five centuries, the prospect of reconnecting that commercial tradition to a structured, government-backed, and internationally recognised framework for African trade is not merely exciting. It is historically resonant.
It would be intellectually dishonest to discuss Kano’s hosting of the ECoN national launch without acknowledging the political context that made it possible. Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s decision to align Kano State with the Federal Government under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu was, and remains, a subject of vigorous political debate. But beneath the political noise lies a developmental logic that this moment validates with striking clarity.
A state in productive alignment with the federal centre is a state that can nominate its priority innovations for national programmes, mobilise its stakeholders for federal platforms, host engagements that connect its entrepreneurs to national and international investors, and position its industrial clusters for the federal attention and investment that can reverse decades of decline. That is precisely what Kano is doing on April 23. And the people who will benefit most from it are not politicians. They are the innovator in Fagge, the female entrepreneur in Nasarawa, the agricultural processor in Gezawa, and the young graduate in Ungogo who has spent years waiting for a structured opportunity to match his talent.
What Kano is demonstrating, through the hosting of this initiative, is something that every state government in Nigeria needs to study and internalise: that the future of Nigeria’s prosperity is not a centralised project. It is a distributed one. It is built state by state, local government by local government, enterprise by enterprise, and innovation by innovation. The federal government can provide the framework, the financing, and the convening power. But the actual work of converting Nigeria’s extraordinary natural and human endowments into commercial and industrial wealth must happen at the sub-national level, driven by state governments with the vision, the capacity, and the political will to lead.
Kano has that vision. It has demonstrated that capacity. And under Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, it is exercising that political will with a consistency and a purposefulness that is already producing measurable results.
Nigeria’s innovation revolution will not be won in a single federal ministry or announced in a single presidential executive order. It will be won in the markets of Kano, the workshops of Aba, the farms of Benue, the fishing communities of Bayelsa, and the technology hubs of Lagos. It will be won by the collective energy of a nation that has finally, through initiatives like ECoN, begun to recognise and systematically harness the extraordinary economic intelligence embedded within its states and local communities.
Kano’s moment is here. And if properly harnessed, with the state government’s commitment to enabling infrastructure, human capital investment, and federal partnership providing the foundation, this moment will not be remembered merely as a successful event. It will be remembered as the day Kano reclaimed its place at the centre of Nigeria’s economic story, and began writing the next chapter with the confidence, the competence, and the conviction that the chapter deserves.

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