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Sexual Harassment in Nigeria: many sinners ,one just a Culprit

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Dr Nuraddeen Danjuma

 

 

By Dr Nuraddeen Danjuma

Sexual harassment is any unwanted behavior of a sexual nature that makes you feel offended, uncomfortable, intimidated or humiliated.

In all societies and throughout history, sexual harassment is illegal.

 

It is an unwelcoming act that has been battled with a strong legal framework. Sexual harassment in tertiary institutions is not only happening in Nigerian universities.

 

 

Morley in an article titled “sex, grades, and power in higher education in Ghana and Tanzania” found that “sex-for-grades” is the most common form of harassment students faced on campuses.

 

As reported by CNN a male member of Makerere University (oldest in Uganda) was suspended on the 17th of April, 2018 after a female student accused him of sexual harassment.

Faced with rising cases of sexual harassment in the tertiary institutions, the National Assembly introduced a bill in 2016 with a view to combating sexual harassment and upholds ethics in the nation’s universities.

 

 

The bill has been baked on July, 7th 2020, and now awaiting the assent of Mr. President.

 

 

According to Nigeria’s Senate President, the proposal is “landmark legislation”.

 

Indeed I salute the NASS and wished that the proposal is genuine. I also do hope that the 14 years jail term for teaching staff having sexual relationships with their students is not provided out of selfish and dislike for that category of workers.

 

 

Indeed the bill is biased against the lecturer because such cases are common in all sectors of the country. However, ‘gwano baya jin warin jikinsa’ (bad eggs do not smell the unpleasant ooze).

While it is clear that in the last few years more lecturers are in the ugly habit of sex for grade, Johnson in Sexual Coercion among Young People also reported that about half of women in Nigerian workplaces have at least once experienced sexual harassment at workplace.

 

 

A study by Adejuwon on Attitudes, Norms, and Experiences of Sexual Coercion among Young People showed that 15% of young females reported forced penetrative sexual experience Ibadan, Nigeria.

 

 

Why did the law target university lecturers alone?. Didn’t we know of sex for a grade in secondary schools, colleges and polytechnics?. Without prejudice, aren’t we aware of sex for juicy appointments, transfers, and promotions (civil service, politicians and uniform jobs), sex for lucrative contracts (public or private tender institutions), sex for money deposits (bankers), sex for an acting role (media), buggery, etc.

 

 

Worryingly so, The law is only interested in ‘sex for grades offenses’ while all sins are sins irrespective of who committed them. Isn’t this nepotism?.

 

According to Daniel Alarcon, “nepotism is the lowest and least imaginative form of corruption.” Surprisingly, again, there is no explicit provision in the Nigerian Labour Act 2004 that prohibits sexual harassment or any other kind of harassment in the workplace.

 

 

The closest is the Labor Standards Bill that was submitted to the National Assembly in 2008 which made provision for sexual harassment. However, that has not been passed into law.

According to ASUU President “We do not agree because the bill is biased against lecturers”.

 

He added that the Anti-Sexual harassment bill addresses only universities and gives the impression that that is where the problem is, even though it is pervasive in all sectors – police, prison, civil service, private sector, etc.

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In my opinion, Nigeria should have a law that holistically addresses sexual harassment because the following few pieces of evidence showed that the problem comparatively happened in other sectors.

 

 

The National Population Commission report of 2013 clearly showed that 23 percent of adolescent girls age 15 – 19 years became mothers or pregnant with their first child.

 

 

According to the Nigerian Bureau of Statistics, there are about 2,279 sexual offenses including rape and indecent assault in 2017 in Nigeria.

 

 

In May 2018 four male secondary school students sexually assaulted some of their female peers at Falomo, Ikoyi, Lagos, here too in a secondary school to mark end-of-exams (Edeh, Institute of World Current Affairs January 24, 2018).

 

 

A survey published by NOIPolls in July 2019 suggested that up to one in every three girls living in Nigeria could have experienced at least one form of sexual assault by the time they reach 25 years.

 

The cankerworm is everywhere that even in the hospital sexual harassment is committed.

 

 

A friend conducting research on Stigma narrated an ugly story of a female HIV patient that was denied ARV drugs on the simple reason that she didn’t succumb to a pharmacist.

 

The cases below as reported by BBC on 5th June 2020 during the lockdown also buttresses my point: University student in Benin named Uwavera Omozuwa was allegedly raped and dies in a church after her head is smashed with a fire extinguisher; a 12-year-old girl is raped over two months in Jigawa State; Barakat Bello is allegedly gang-raped and murdered in south-west Oyo state; no arrest has been made; a 17-year-old girl is gang-raped in south-west Ekiti State. In an article published by Daily Trust (July 12, 2020),.

 

 

The National Population Commission warned that there is a spike in teen pregnancy in Nigeria in recent months owing to COVID 19 lockdown.

 

The NPC said there had been a noticeable increase in gender-based violence ranging from rape to physical and emotional assaults on girls, abortions, and possible early school dropouts.

 

 

Those are examples of reported cases of sexual harassment outside the universities but shockingly not trending because teachers are not involved. On Monday, July, 13th 2020 a former Acting MD of the NNDC while granting an interview on Arise TV mentioned that she slapped a serving minister over sexual harassment.

 

Nigeria requires a serious commitment to addressing this menace, not just a feeble law that is ‘a day late and a dollar short’. The law has so many flaws and indeed consists of skewed clauses that crucify university lecturers when the decay is evidently societal.

 

 

Evidently, the kangaroo-court law did not cover sexual harassment in the workplace but insisted on the universities.

 

In an interview with journalists, a figure in the NASS stated that “We have to protect our daughters from predators,” “We want our tertiary institutions to be a very safe environment for everyone, and this is legislation that will ensure that wish.

 

How female students in higher institutions suffer Sexual assault- report

As if the other category offenders are saints or the women battered in all sectors of Nigeria are dolls.

 

The law does not also do justice to both parties anyway. What the lawmakers did know or didn’t is that the plaintiffs also harass the dependents. Instead of justice for all, the feeble law provides the only suspension as punishment to students that falsely accused the lecturer of sexual misconduct.

 

 

It also stated that “any professor or teaching staff who sexually abuses student will be jailed for 14 years” as if it is a pre-designed trailed movie by an undercover reporter or a revelation. Indeed if any person is to be tailed, he/she will spill all places with water.

This is quite a good law. However, the NASS should be forward-thinking by passing ensembles of the law for all forms of sexual abuses and all manners of ‘convergence and divergence in all sectors.

 

 

Both the dependent and plaintiff should be treated equally. Criss Jami said, “when I look at a person, I see the person, not rank, not a class, not a title.” Please NASS “We are all equal in the fact that we are all different.” – C. Joybell C.

 

Nuraddeen Danjuma, PhD

Bayero University, Kano

 

Opinion

Beyond the Numbers: What the Ekiti 2026 Governorship Results Reveal About Coalition Politics and Path to 2027

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By Abass Sherifat Taiwo

Returning Officer Adenike Oladiji, a professor and Vice-Chancellor of the Federal University of Technology, announced the results in the early hours of Sunday, at roughly 3:13 a.m. Incumbent Governor Biodun Oyebanji of the APC won comfortably, polling 319,224 votes across the state’s 16 local government areas. His closest challenger, the PDP’s Oluwole Oluyede, trailed far behind with 40,543 votes, while the ADC’s Dare Bejide came in third with 12,872 votes.

Of the 384,940 voters accredited for the election, 375,777 cast valid votes, a validity rate of about 97.6%, suggesting relatively few spoiled or rejected ballots.

Oyebanji’s win carries added weight as the first consecutive re-election in Ekiti’s history, a state known for unseating incumbents since 1999. His dominance was also total: he won all sixteen LGAs, and even his closest contest, in Ikere, was still a comfortable margin. His five strongest councils alone delivered nearly half his statewide votes, showing concentrated rather than thin support.

Elite alignment mattered too. For the first time, every living former Ekiti governor backed his re-election, leaving the opposition without any prominent defectors to rally behind. This unified backing functioned as a coordinated endorsement strategy, a visible signal of consensus that opposition parties had no comparable message to counter.

Between the opposition parties, PDP’s showing is more telling than ADC’s. ADC placing third as a newer platform isn’t surprising, but PDP, a long-established national party, barely crossed 3,000 votes in most councils, pointing to weak grassroots structure rather than just a bad cycle. The deeper question is whether this reflects a structural failure or a failure to sustain visibility and message presence at the ward level between election cycles.

Party | Votes | % of Valid Votes
APC | 319,224 | 84.95%
PDP | 40,543 | 10.79%
ADC | 12,872 | 3.43%
ADP | ~1,289 | 0.34%
Accord | 564 | 0.15%
LP | ~263 | 0.07%
AAC | ~188 | 0.05%

When the vote totals of every opposition party are combined, they amount to roughly 55,719 votes, or about 14.83% of all valid votes cast, a stark contrast to the APC’s dominant 84.95% share on its own. Even in a hypothetical scenario where every opposition party ran on a single, fully united ticket, their combined total would still fall short of the APC’s by approximately 263,505 votes. This gap illustrates just how commanding Oyebanji’s victory was: it was not simply a matter of a divided opposition splitting votes among several parties, but a result that would have withstood even total opposition unity.

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Following the Ekiti result, APC framed it as proof of growing national support ahead of 2027, pointing to the rise in its vote totals in the state from about 187,000 in 2022 to roughly 318,000 in 2026, and projecting even higher numbers for Tinubu in 2027. Opposition parties, including the ADC and SDP, pushed back, arguing that Ekiti’s off-cycle, low-turnout nature makes it a poor predictor of a national contest.

Both claims need scrutiny. APC’s growth trend is real, but it happened in a state the party already governs, where incumbency and federal attention worked in its favour, so it says more about consolidating an existing stronghold than expanding into contested territory. The opposition’s caution is fair, but understates that APC’s structural advantages, incumbency and federal resources, aren’t unique to Ekiti and could repeat elsewhere. The more accurate takeaway is that Ekiti confirms APC’s strength where it already holds power, without proving it can replicate that in genuinely competitive states by 2027.

ADC’s third-place finish in Ekiti, just 3.43% of the vote, looks unremarkable on its own, but it only makes sense next to the party’s national story. A year earlier, ADC had positioned itself as the face of a new opposition coalition, pulling in heavyweight names like Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi with the promise of a unified front against the APC. That promise hasn’t held: Obi and Kwankwaso have since defected to a rival platform, the NDC, while ADC battles leadership disputes and court cases that put its own 2027 participation in doubt.

That is the real lesson here for coalition politics as a communication problem, not just a structural one. ADC did not fail for lack of big names, it had plenty. What it could not do was hold one coherent message together once multiple egos and regional bases began pulling in different directions. Whether it can still become the platform it promised by 2027 is uncertain, but Ekiti is an early sign of a bigger unraveling.

Beyond Ekiti, the result speaks to a deeper pattern in Nigerian opposition politics: alliances are far easier to announce than to sustain. This suggests APC’s greatest advantage going into the next general election may not be its own performance, but the opposition’s continued inability to stay united. The near-total validity rate and one-sided outcome in Ekiti also raise questions about how genuinely competitive Nigeria’s state elections currently are, and whether low-turnout, off-cycle polls like this one can reliably signal national voter sentiment.

The Ekiti result is less a story about Oyebanji’s popularity alone than about the opposition’s structural fragility. Even a fully united opposition ticket would not have closed the gap, which means the problem isn’t vote-splitting, it’s organisational weakness, unstable coalitions, and the absence of a party capable of matching APC’s machinery and incumbency advantages. What Nigeria’s opposition needs before 2027 isn’t just structural unity, but a coherent, disciplined communication strategy capable of sustaining one message across factions, something no coalition has yet demonstrated. Until Nigeria’s opposition can build a coalition that survives contact with real electoral pressure, results like Ekiti’s are likely to repeat themselves in APC strongholds heading into 2027.

By Abass Sherifat Taiwo
Department of Development and Strategic communication University of Abuja
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Opinion

Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf Has Earned a Vote of Confidence on Education

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By Hon. Muhammad Sanusi S. Kiru, FCIA
(Former Commissioner of Education, Kano State)

There comes a time in public discourse when fairness must prevail over partisanship and facts must take precedence over preconceived opinions. That moment has come in my assessment of the educational reforms being implemented by the administration of His Excellency, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf.

As a former Commissioner of Education and someone who has consistently evaluated government performance with candour, I owe the people of Kano State an honest appraisal of the Governor’s performance in the education sector. After objectively reviewing the administration’s interventions from 2024 to 2026, particularly its determined efforts to address the acute shortage of teachers, I have reached an inescapable conclusion: Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf deserves a vote of confidence for his outstanding commitment to the development of education in Kano State.

One of the greatest challenges confronting our educational system has been the persistent shortage of teachers, resulting in unfavourable teacher-pupil and teacher-student ratios across many public schools. This problem has adversely affected the quality of teaching and learning for many years.

The present administration has confronted this challenge with courage and determination. Between 2024 and 2026, the government recruited or absorbed 8,715 permanent teachers and engaged 3,688 temporary BESDA Cohort V teachers, bringing the documented total to 12,403 education personnel. With recruitments by other education agencies, the overall figure is widely estimated at approximately 13,000 teachers.

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This represents one of the largest teacher recruitment exercises in the history of Kano State. More importantly, it is a strategic investment in the future of our children and in the long-term development of the state. By substantially reducing the teacher deficit, the administration has strengthened both the basic and post-basic education subsectors and created a stronger foundation for improved educational outcomes. The new recruitment not only means making our classrooms more vibrant and ensuring that teaching is consistently taking place, but it also signifies a positive shift in the narrative reflected in monitoring reports, the annual school census, and national personnel data.

Looking at the tangible achievements now before us, particularly in education, it is clear that the administration has made significant and commendable progress. Leadership should always be judged by measurable accomplishments, and in this regard, the Governor has acquitted himself admirably.

One area where the administration must, however, improve is public communication. Many of its remarkable achievements have not received the publicity they deserve. A well-coordinated and effective publicity strategy would ensure that citizens fully appreciate the scope and impact of these landmark interventions.

As His Excellency prepares to personally attend the special ceremony for the presentation of appointment letters to the newly employed teachers on Tuesday, 21st July 2026, I consider it appropriate to congratulate him on this historic milestone. The ceremony is more than a presentation of appointment letters; it is a celebration of renewed hope for thousands of families, a reaffirmation of government’s commitment to quality education, and a significant step towards building a stronger educational system for future generations.

I wish His Excellency a successful and hitch-free ceremony and pray that Almighty Allah grants him wisdom, good health, and continued strength to sustain the ongoing transformation of the education sector. May this programme mark the beginning of even greater achievements in the quest to provide every child in Kano State with access to quality education delivered by competent and dedicated teachers.

Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf deserves sincere commendation for these giant strides. If this policy of continuous recruitment and investment in teachers is sustained, it will undoubtedly be remembered as one of the defining legacies of his administration. Future generations will look back on this period as a turning point in the educational history of Kano State.

I therefore extend my heartfelt congratulations to His Excellency and offer him a well-deserved vote of confidence. I also wish him every success as he formally presents appointment letters to these newly recruited teachers on Tuesday. May the occasion be memorable, successful, and another milestone in the march towards educational excellence in Kano State.

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Opinion

Kashim Shettima and the Question of Continuity in 2027

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Kashim S

By Baba Dantiye, MON, mni, FNGE

As Nigeria gradually approaches another election cycle, political discussions are naturally beginning to focus on the choices that will shape the 2027 general elections. Among the issues attracting attention is the question of presidential tickets and, particularly, the role of Vice President Kashim Shettima within the current administration.

The choice of a running mate is one of the most significant decisions in any presidential contest. It involves considerations that go beyond electoral calculations. Factors such as competence, experience, political balance, governance record, public perception and the ability to complement the President’s vision all play important roles.

Against this background, the performance, public service record and leadership contributions of Vice President Kashim Shettima have become central to discussions about continuity and the future direction of the Tinubu administration.

Since assuming office in May 2023, Shettima has occupied an important position within the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. As Vice President, his responsibilities have included representing the President at official engagements, chairing strategic meetings, coordinating government initiatives and engaging with national and international stakeholders.

One of the notable features of the Tinubu-Shettima partnership has been the public display of cooperation between the President and his deputy. Nigeria’s political history has witnessed instances where relationships between presidents and vice presidents became strained, creating distractions that affected governance. The relatively smooth working relationship between the two leaders has been viewed by observers as an important factor in maintaining stability within the administration.

Shettima has consistently presented himself as a supportive deputy, focusing on responsibilities assigned to him and contributing to the implementation and communication of government policies.

In political leadership, loyalty is often considered alongside competence and capacity. A Vice President is expected not only to support the President but also to bring experience, judgment and independent value to governance. Supporters of Shettima point to his ability to maintain this balance by remaining committed to the administration while drawing from his extensive background in public service.

His leadership of the National Economic Council (NEC) is one of the key areas in which his role has attracted attention. The Council provides a platform for collaboration between the Federal Government and state governments on issues affecting economic development, infrastructure, agriculture, energy and other national priorities.

Chairing such a body requires political maturity, patience and the ability to manage diverse interests. Nigeria’s governors represent different political parties, regions and perspectives. Effective coordination therefore depends on consultation, dialogue and consensus-building.

As a former Governor of Borno State, Shettima brings practical experience of state administration and an understanding of the challenges faced by sub-national governments. This background has been useful in facilitating discussions between the Federal Government and State leaders on issues requiring collective action.

The Vice President has also been involved in government efforts relating to economic coordination, food security and other national development priorities. While the long-term impact of many policies will continue to be assessed, his role demonstrates the importance of coordination and collaboration in a complex federal system.

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Another area frequently discussed is his role in communicating government policies. The current administration has introduced significant economic reforms that have generated extensive public debate. In such circumstances, communication and public engagement become important elements of governance.

Shettima has consistently used public platforms to explain government positions, engage stakeholders and present the administration’s perspective on national issues. His approach has generally emphasised patience, understanding and the long-term objectives of government programmes.

Beyond his current office, Shettima’s experience as Governor of Borno State remains an important part of his public record. He governed during one of the most challenging periods in Nigeria’s recent history, when the Boko Haram insurgency created serious security and humanitarian difficulties.

Leading Borno State during that period required resilience, crisis management skills and the ability to work with security agencies, traditional institutions, humanitarian organisations and development partners. His administration operated under extraordinary circumstances while attempting to sustain government services and support affected communities.

That experience contributed to his understanding of security management, humanitarian challenges and the relationship between peace, stability and development.

His political journey also reflects experience across different levels of governance. Before becoming Vice President, he served in the Senate, where he participated in national legislative processes and gained further exposure to federal governance. His experience as a former governor, legislator and Vice President has shaped his understanding of Nigeria’s political and administrative environment.

Observers have also highlighted his relationship with his successor in Borno State as an example of political transition without public disagreement. In Nigeria’s political environment, where transitions between elected officials can sometimes lead to conflicts, peaceful succession and institutional continuity are often regarded as positive developments.

The Vice President’s relationship with Northern stakeholders has also formed part of discussions around his political relevance. Through engagements with traditional institutions, business communities, professional groups and other stakeholders, he has remained one of the administration’s prominent voices in explaining government policies and national priorities.

The North remains an important component of Nigeria’s political landscape, and leaders from the region have historically played significant roles in national affairs. Shettima’s experience and political network have contributed to his visibility in national conversations.

However, the question of a presidential ticket involves broader considerations beyond the performance of an individual office holder. Political parties must consider issues such as national spread, electoral strategy, changing alliances, public sentiment and the overall objectives of the party.

Different perspectives will naturally emerge as Nigeria moves closer to 2027. Some may emphasise continuity and the value of retaining an established partnership, while others may advocate different approaches based on evolving political circumstances. Such debates are part of the democratic process.

Ultimately, the decision on the composition of the presidential ticket will rest with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and the leadership of the All Progressives Congress. Their decision will reflect political consultations, strategic considerations and their assessment of what best serves their objectives and the country.

Nevertheless, public discussion remains important because democracy is strengthened when citizens assess leaders based on performance, responsibility and contributions to national development.

A successful administration depends not only on policies but also on teamwork among those entrusted with implementing them. Stability, trust and institutional experience are valuable assets in governance, particularly in a country as complex and diverse as Nigeria.

Whether continuity is ultimately preferred or a different path is chosen, the debate underscores an enduring principle: democratic leadership is strengthened when decisions are informed by performance, experience, constitutional responsibility and the public interest. As Nigeria looks ahead to 2027, the experience, service and contributions of Kashim Shettima will remain central to any serious assessment of the choices before the nation.

About the Writer

Baba Dantiye, MON, mni, FNGE, is a former Commissioner for Information and Internal Affairs, Kano State and former President of the Nigerian Guild of Editors (2003–2008)

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