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Journalism, PR, and Cash for Coverage: Matters Arising

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By Dr. Marcel Mbamalu

 

 

SIMPLE CONTEXTUAL DEFINITIONS

 

Who is a Journalist?

For the purpose of this discussion, a journalist can be described as a  person who collects, writes, photographs, processes, edits, or comments on news or other topical information to the public.

 

A Journalist’s work is called journalism (Wikipedia). A journalist must, in line with professional ethics, be accurate and fair. The journalist seeks Truth and reports it. He must be honest and courageous in gathering, reporting and interpreting information…and should take responsibility for the accuracy of his work (SPJ Code of Ethics, revised September 6, 2014)

 

 

Public Relations/ Practitioner

 

The professional maintenance of a favorable public image by a company, organization, or a famous person. The PR profession ensures a company, or organization or famous person maintains good records in the public eye. The PR practitioner helps people, organizations to gain public acceptance by explaining the aims, objectives, and methods of their organization and by building and maintaining a favorable image     (https://gostudy.net/occupation)

 

Cash for Coverage/ Brown Envelope Journalism

 

Cash for coverage or Brown Envelope Journalism (BEJ) refers to giving monetary inducement to journalists to encourage them to write positive stories, slant, or kill negative ones. Brown envelop as a term was first coined in 1994 after the UK political scandal (cash-for-questions-affair) in which The Guardian alleged that the owner of Harrods department store, Mohammed Al-Fayed, had paid a Member of Parliament in the House of Commons to ask a question using a brown-colored envelope for the transaction.

 

Journalistic parlance Brown Envelope has, over time, been used to describe monetary gifts concealed in brown envelopes and given to journalists during press briefings. In broader terms, Brown Envelope Syndrome (BES) refers to the potentiality of news sources (PR agents and/or their clients) giving, and journalists taking cash at press conferences or in the general course of their duty. It describes the propensity to give and take ‘bribes’ at any point in the value chain of journalistic sourcing and transmission of news content. So, BES as an expression in media practice can conveniently be used interchangeably with Cash for Coverage Syndrome (CFCs).

It’s a “syndrome” in the sense that giving and taking cash in the course of journalistic work manifests symptomatically and can consistently occur in varied but identifiable ways. The brown “envelope” could be in any color shade (white, green, or red), in naked cash or electronic form (bank transfers). Whatever color, form or means, Brown Envelopes, in the words of Dr. C Nwachukwu of the University of Nigeria Nsukka (UNN), represent any “temptation wrapped in money.”

On the whole, the impact of such ‘temptation’ on content creation, presentation and dissemination are real: The Mass Media audience, the ultimate king, are misled; credibility of news content and platform is compromised setting off the stage for perennial confidence crisis between the media platform and its audience. Loss of audience confidence leads to loss of patronage (business)…and jobs.

Imagine what could happen when an individual, group of individuals, politicians or government buys off an entire edition of a newspaper, a day’s program on Radio/Television or the entire Internet space and decides that no one reads, hears or sees a particular content or that they see it in predetermined modes! Worse still, the individual or group(s) could decide to let their ‘trusting’ readers, viewers and listeners see/hear only what’s convenient and let them wallow in darkness. It’s a matter of life and death for the entire information and communication space.

Yet, the audience knows better, always able to isolate the chaff from the kernel. The reason media businesses rise and fall on content, much more on the credibility of the content. Yes, Content is King! Remember Marshall McLuhan’s postulation: “The Medium is the Message.”

 

 

It’s not just Cash

Brown Envelope or Cash For Coverage syndrome is a cankerworm. It’s much more than giving or taking cash. If brown envelopes are meant to conceal inducements (the reason the envelopes are brown, not white, in the first place), then, other forms of gifts or inducements, not manifest in clear cash benefit but whose intention is to influence story slants or to curry the journalist’s friendship/sympathy when critical information is at stake, should also pass for “Brown Envelopes.”

Consider non-cash gifts like holiday trips abroad, free training for journalists, birthday gifts and cakes, etc. Will these seemingly harmless ‘gifts’ influence the journalist’s coverage and slant of stories, especially when they matter to the audience?

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Important gifts are no longer in brown envelopes; they are now in white ‘vessels’ to accomplish saintly ‘missions.’ If good journalism practice is anchored on Truth, Fairness, and Balance for credible information, education, and entertainment of the audience, any good gesture that seeks to influence good content creation and delivery is a cankerworm.

 

Cash for coverage Vs Journalism/PR Ethics

Journalism and Public Relations are complementary professions that profess truth and abhor distortion of information/communication. Cash for news coverage defies this basic principle. Among professionals, there is a general understanding that BES is very bad for good PR practice, much worse for good Journalism; it’s an unethical practice based on journalism and PR professional ethics. The Society for Professional Journalists (SPJ) has a Code of Ethics for members, the NUJ and Press Council also have a code of ethics, all aligning with good practice bordering on truthful, courageous, fairyland patriotic news reporting devoid of inducement. Yet, does the syndrome fester?

 

WHAT DOES IT MEAN TO ASK FOR CASH BEFORE COVERAGE?

 

Asking for gratification can be covert (complaints about distance and cost of transportation etc) or overt (declaring what it would cost to attend a press conference and/or to publish content therefrom). What do we make of previous scandals?

Reasons for BES among journalists and PR practitioners (What they say)

 

 

Issues about African culture of gift-giving

 

 

Nigerians believe in giving and receiving gifts formally and informally. Many say this is one of the major reasons why it’s difficult to tackle this in Nigeria.

 

Issues about PR &Journalism ideology

 

 

Do quacks truly exist in journalism and PR practice? Who truly is a journalist; the one who can write and speak impeccable English or the one who is trained, grounded, and certified on the basics of good journalism? Should Journalism and PR be different from other key professions like Medicine and Law? Can I, as a journalist be hired by a law firm to defend a client in court simply because I could argue very well? Can a good Television analyst perform a surgery on a patient because he does so with words? Not cast in iron, but these and many more are issues that perhaps, could rub off on efforts to find answers to questions under discussion. How many journalists and PR ‘agents’ ended up becoming who they are today because they could not find jobs in their disciplines after graduation?

 

Issues about Training and Retraining:

 

 

Knowledge and competence breed self-confidence and self-respect. Good retraining programs for certified members of a given profession help to engender self-confidence and mutual respect; hence, they will respect the code of ethics and overcome ‘temptations wrapped in money,’ especially in a fragile economy.

 

Issues about preaching professionalism in a fragile economy:

 

Is       Nigeria really among the poorest of the poorest countries? Does it have 20% (10.5 million) of the world’s out-of-school children? How many media organizations in Africa will survive the next 10 years? How many newspapers have an average of 200,000 print-run daily? How many of them have an average of five pages of adverts per day to stay afloat? What is the average take-home pay of Nigerian journalists? How media organizations in Nigeria pay salaries as and when due? Can we work to create saints in hell? How many oases of plenteous integrity can we find in a desert of need?

 

Yet, I see light at the end of the tunnel. There are a few Josephs, a few Daniels, a few Shedrack, Meshack, and Abadenego left!

 

On the PR side, do practitioners face pressure from employers and clients (PR)?

 

 

 

SOLUTIONS

 

Clear identity or ideology for PR and Journalism

 

Improvement in training and retraining, remuneration and reward for excellence

 

The salience of the recent unbundling of Mass Communication courses in universities to the rescue?

 

Possible redefinition of the bounds of gift-giving; must the latitude be expanded to realistically reflect certain nuances? For instance, why do patients pay for hospital cards and for drugs, yet the doctor collects separate consultation fees, nurses ask for money to buy syringes. Hospital bills still come afterward???

 

 

Are journalists tying themselves up at a time market realities are getting grimmer?

 

Public-funded BBC, CNN, and GOOGLE take adverts even from Nigerian firms and they take sides in news coverage using genres that are neither hard news, nor Feature/ opinion, but all combined in non-clear-cut reporting called ADVOCACY NEWS, which is news with explicable bias.

 

Former Minister appointed Adviser center of Journalism 

THEORETICAL UNDERPINNINGS

 

 

Social Responsibility Theory: This presupposes that the media, in discharging its critical functions, acts in social interest and for the good of the society.  Reporting dispassionately…against business logic and profit motives. In the light of current realities, the big question: Is there a more professional way to commoditize news? There are different, just like there are varied products in other professions like Law and Medicine, etc.

 

 

Media Economics: Media as a going concern and profit-oriented theory in a competitive stressful market, driven more by corporate support than by audience clientele.

 

Four-way PR Model: Sensationalism, Full Information, Symmetry, and Asymmetry. GRUNIG and HUNT 1984)

 

 

 

CONCLUSION: The Big Question

Is cash for coverage a case of professional anomaly that has become a culture, or a case of inevitable industry reality that needs some professional rethinking/adjustment? If technology is, indeed, changing many things, to what extent can it be allowed to change social laws?

Dr Marcel Mbamalu, is the News Editor of The Guardian, presented this at The Jacksonites Biweekly Webinar on August 2, 2020

Opinion

Ganduje, CPC’s Defection Threat and APC’s Hegemony

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By Abba Anwar

In the last two days ears of Nigerians were filled with stories, rumors and baseless threat about a surreptitious move by the so-called juggernauts of the Congress of Progressive Change (CPC), to defect from the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). Their major reason for the planless plan, is, CPC people are more or less excluded in President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration.

Some reports presented in the media, suggest that, “… emerging reports suggest that President Bola Tinubu’s camp is making desperate moves to prevent the defection of key members of the All Progressives Congress (APC) to the Social Democratic Party (SDP), particularly those from the Congress for Progressives Change (CPC).”

When one looks into all such reports very well, he/she will understand that, the entire complain stem from the shoulders of so-called CPC members.

To refer my reader back to memory lane, CPC was one of the political parties that were fused together to have, what we now know as APC. Other parties were, fraction of People’s Democratic Party (PDP), All Nigeria People’s Party (ANPP), All Congress of Nigeria (ACN). And probably other smaller parties, ‘yan kanzagi.

Among all the parties that merged and birthed APC, it was only CPC that had bad leadership style. Where preventable crisis, inept leadership and directionless political strategy were the order within the rank and file of the party, then. The party (CPC) was only together because of the then goodwill and hope (dashed later) of Muhammadu Buhari’s political inclusion.

Such reports making round posit that, “… Al-Makura (former Governor of Nassarawa state and the only Governor CPC produced in Nigeria), is reportedly being offered a possible APC National Chairmanship in exchange for convincing Buhari to intervene and rally his loyalists (to remain in APC).” Such reports describe Al-Makura as a close political ally of the former President, Buhari.

Let me begin with asking the following questions for the so-called CPC advocates, what strength CPC still has within APC when die-hard Buhari loyalists were deliberately and comfortably rejected by Buhari administration when he ruled for eight years? What CPC did to people like the party’s gubernatorial flagbearer in 2011 in Kano, retired Brigadier General Lawan Jafaru Isah and his likes?

Please let us know what CPC did to all other gubernatorial and Deputy Governorship candidates during 2011, when Buhari assumed the mantle of leadership in eight years of his rule? What CPC did to the grassroot and absolutely die-hard Buhari loyalists, to a fault, like one Malam Usman Muhammad Gama from Kano?

When merging parties were collapsed into merger, CPC collapsed and melted down completely into the merger. All hitherto CPC structures were made left unnoticed even by Buhari administration. Where were the leading party (CPC) leaders in states when Buhari was President? They were all pushed back, by the administration of the then “Messiah.”

The pioneer National Chairman of CPC and the then Kano state Chairman of the party, Senator Rufa’i Sani Hanga and late Amadu Haruna Zago, defected to New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP), Kwankwasiyya political group, to be precise. Big shots like Hajiya Naja’atu Mohammed, who coined and popularized ANPP SAK (ANPP AT ALL STAGES), a slogan that gave ANPP many governors in Nigeria, when Buhari was the presidential candidate of the party, was nowhere close to Buhari. That was in 2003 general elections, when ANPP wrestled powers of some states from the “Almighty” PDP then.

What of people like Sule Yahaya Hamma, the then Director General of The Buhari Organization (TBO), the first and the foremost platform that oiled Buhari’s presence in Nigeria’s party politics? Where was he when Buhari was President for eight years? Nowhere!

At the level of CPC youth involvement, I still remember very energetic and vibrant youth, like Abubakar General in Kano. Buhari called him Civilian General. He was in the forefront in taking Buhari to places, for example, he singlehandedly, many years back when he took Buhari to the Old Campus of Bayero University, Kano, for students to hear from the horse’s mouth. But what was his involvement in Buhari’s government? After many years in government, Buhari appointed him to be a member of the Governing Board of National Human Rights Commission (NHRC).

Where were people like Sharif Nasdura Ashir when Buhari was in power for eight years? I knew him garnering support from students across all 19 Northern states, since 2003, Buhari’s first debut into politics. Where were people like Buhari, former Chairman of the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ) in Katsina state when Buhari was President for eight years? This guy took the risk of going round to all the 36 states of the federation, in Buhari’s entourage, with his camera, covering all campaign tours, in 2003 elections, while at the same time, he was a civil servant under PDP government.

Where was the now Managing Director of News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) Ali M. Ali, when Buhari was President for eight years? This guy was deeply involved in media strategies for Buhari since from day one. It was only during Tinubu administration, that he got his current appointment, MD NAN. So what are talking about saboda Allah?

So when the so-called CPC members are crying for non-inclusion into Tinubu’s government, they are indeed crying foul. And he learned from Buhari himself. If they think Tinubu betrayed them, who betrayed them first and best? So what are they taking about?

When did people like Al-Makura become Buhari’s close ally in politics? What is the political weight of those being pictured within CPC circle as those planning to exit from APC? What political strategy do people think CPC has as a party? A party that wasted time and hid behind Buhari’s popularity then. A popularity that is trimmed down to more than 50 percent now.

It is even a political disaster for any administration or serious party of good management style, to align with CPC now, particularly in Northern Nigeria.

Northerners are still not happy that, in his eight years of rule, Buhari, couldn’t finish the express way from Kano to Kaduna to Abuja, from Kano to Maiduguri and he could not start and complete the dredging of River Niger. Not to talk of other critical areas like Ajaokuta Steel project and Mambila Power Plant. Apart from his economic policies that suffocated the downtrodden masses.

The greatest political problem President Tinubu is faced with, in my understanding of political development, is his inability to critically understand the equation of politics in Northern Nigeria. Agreed Tinubu is a great politician of substance, but part of his major weaknesses, is his hazy understanding of political intrigues up North.

I can pinpoint few individuals within APC that are heavier, more relevant and important than all CPC structures within the larger body of the APC merger. In Kano alone, not to talk of other strategic states and locations.

The Deputy Senate President, Barau I. Jibrin, Hon Alhassan Ado Doguwa, former House Majority Leader, House of Representatives, Hon Abubakar Bichi, Chairman House Committee on Appropriation, representating Bichi federal constituency, Hon Baffa Babba Dan Agundi, Director General, National Productivity Centre, among many others, that are within government circle.

Outside government circle when you talk of people like former Deputy Gubernatorial candidate for 2023 election, in Kano, His Excellency, Murtala Sule Garo, is enough, people much closer to grassroot /real voters. In his calculation he doesn’t even see the existence of CPC within APC.

What of people like Distinguished Senator who represented Kano Central, Muhammad Bello, who was one time Kano State Chairman of the then ruling ANPP. He was instrumental in many good things Shekarau administration did to Buhari during the first tenure of Malam Shekarau. Where was he during Buhari administration?

As the National Chairman of APC and Distinguished Barau are running helter skelter to woo other well rooted politicians in Kano, to APC, people like Distinguished Senator Abdurrahman Kawu Sumaila, Senator representating Kano South, Hon Kabiru Alasan Rurum, representing Rano/Bunkure/Kibiya federal constituency, Hon Ali Madakin Gini, representing Dala federal constituency and Hon Abdullahi Sani Rogo, representing Rogo/Karaye federal constituency, CPC’s presence and capacity in the merger, if any, are too weak to be visible.

Let me ask again, who are the real and committed CPC people across the country that were very visible in Buhari administration? I mean real Buhari people, who were with him even before the formation of that weakest political party, the CPC.

To me, Distinguished Senator Malam Ibrahim Shekarau’s political base, you either call it Shoorah or Shekariyya or Sardauniyya, or any other name, is much more organized, more focused, more serious, more disciplined, more engaging than CPC. No doubt about this.

Outside Kano, let me touch Tinubu’s National Security Adviser, Malam Nuhu Ribadu. This is a single person whose presence in Tinubu administration is much more important and relevant than all CPC structures put together, within APC, if there are.

Go to his constituency and see how he is impacting into the lives of his people. His political associates and boys, if you like, are having clear sight and focus under Tinubu administration. Unlike many CPC members, who were abandoned and frustrated when Buhari became President, 2015 to 2023.

To cap it all, Ganduje and Al-Makura are not mates in politics. Not at all! Those thinking Al-Makura can become National Chairman, they are doing that to purposely sink the party under a ditchy ocean filled with hungry sharks. At this point, APC needs people with deep sense of people’s political understanding, strategists, high level lobbyists, experienced politicians, enduring and detribalised leaders of substance. Ganduje encapsulates them all.

So all cards and the table are before President Tinubu. But I still maintain my observation, that, President Tinubu does not clearly understand how politics is played in Northern Nigeria. The survival of APC, is in his hand, to make or mar.

Anwar was Chief Press Secretary to the former Governor of Kano State, Dr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje CON and can be reached at fatimanbaba1@gmail.com
April 15, 2025.

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Opinion

Ganduje’s Visit of Shame, By Adnan Mukhtar

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The visit of Alhaji Atiku Abubakar to former President Muhammadu Buhari has given the All Progressives Congress a sleepless night.

At a time when the party should focus on how to better the life of Nigerians as a result of the hardship since the inauguration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu; the party has resorted to acting like an opposition.

It’s obviously clear that Atiku is setting a precedent for the party to follow. Even though he has told the world that his visit to the former President is a personal one, a post sallah visit as he told Nigerians on his Facebook Page; the former Vice President has reiterated his commitment to forming a formidable coalition that will defeat President Tinubu in 2027.

Shortly after Atiku’s visit, Ganduje rushed to the Kaduna residence of Muhammadu Buhari to visit him alongside some members of his National Working Committee.

When asked by journalists about his take on the Coalition; he replied, “We are not concerned about any coalition.”

If they are not concerned, then why the rush to visit Buhari after Atiku’s visit. It was the APC governors in the first place, as reported by some national dailies. The visit was to persuade Buhari to stop his people from joining the coalition.

Whatever, the upcoming coalition is for the good of this country, it is an effort to rescue the country in the hands of President Tinubu, who has inflicted hardship in all ramifications to Nigerians

There is kidnapping in the land, of recent bandits kidnapped a retired major General and former head of one of our critical national institutions NYSC, what confidence would it give our corps members.

The government is taking credit of his release, to this moment, the truth of the matter hasn’t prevailed. Was General Tsiga released after payment of ransome or rescued by security agencies?

Every well-meaning Nigerian should support the coalition, it’s is not about Atiku or El-rufai; it is about the future of Nigeria as a nation.

The APC as a party should call it’s son President Tinubu, to order so that he can do the needful to fix this country from the current mess, not following every footstep of Atiku.

Atiku is indeed a powerful opposition figure.

Atiku’s Visit to Binta Yar’adua

Shortly after his visit to former President Muhammadu Buhari, Atiku visited the wife of his lifetime mentor, General Shehu Musa Yaradua.

The visit symbolises Atiku’s loyalty to his mentor Shehu Yaradua even in death. I read in his autobiography how Shehu not only helped him but has later become his business partner. Shehu Yaradua was part of Intels, an investment where Atiku is a major shareholder.

It’s good to be loyal, Atiku is a loyalist of Shehu; a loyalty that should inspire the younger generation.

May our loyalty never be tasted!

Adnan is a university lecturer and a communication strategist

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Opinion

2027:Why Fa’izu Alfindiki Is Municipal’s Best Choice For Reps

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From Danlami Gandun Albasa

There is no doubt that the former Chairman of Kano Municipal Hon Fa’izu Alfindiki (Jundullahi) can make a better candidate for the position of House of Representatives, in the forthcoming 2027. His name alone rings bell and sends fear to the ears and hearts of his political opponents. Kwankwasiyya especially and their hidden supporters.

It is very clear for all to come to term with me when I argue that Alfindiki is not only composed, but he has clear understanding of voters behavior in his constituency, Municipal local government and other Metropolitan areas.

I have my concrete reasons why Alfindiki stands better chance to be the candidate for House of Representatives seat from Kano Municipal, in 2027.

Let’s have a simple look at those reasons. See below for your perusal :

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1. Apart from being the immediate past local government Chairman, whose understanding of grassroot politicians (yan dangwale) their needs and behaviors, become part and parcel of his political experience, his relationship with many categories of people gives him an edge over many others, who recently indicate their interest,

2. Alfindiki’s visibility in the social media, as both active user and active contributor in political discussions in the social media means a lot for his breakthrough,

3. Coming from Bakin Kasuwa side of the Municipal local government, will give headache for Kwankwasiyya or NNPP people. Who are densely populated there. So when Bakin Kasuwa politicians see their son contesting for the position, they will rally behind him for popular support and endorsement at all cost,

4. Fa’izu has no hidden relationship with Baba Ganduje’s enemies and political opponents. You cannot pinpoint any figure within Kwankwasiyya circle and get any link with him or her and Fa’izu Alfindiki. He is always straightforward,

5. Alfindiki has no history of abusing our pillars within APC or their families. He still believes, our pillars, ranging from Baba Ganduje, Abdullahi Abbas and the like, are still reliable and dependable. Nowhere in his political history, where he resorts to abusing the families of our leaders, at whatever rate and range,

6. Alfindiki is always up and doing in coordinating all parts of our great party APC to be strong and reliable political platform, and

7. Without any fear of contradiction, Alfindiki is responsible without pretending. He unifies supporters and does not believe in creating factions within the larger body of our great APC

TO BE CONTINUED

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