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University Education in Nigeria and the dying system

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Nuruddeen Danjuma,Phd

 

Nuraddeen Danjuma, PhD

Introduction

Despite ASUU’s struggle and the popular saying that Education is a key to success according to Nelson Mandela and University education in Nigeria is in its trying moment, no doubt about that.

If you see injustice and say nothing, you have taken the side of the oppressor – Desmund Tutu, South Africa Anglican Archbishop.

In Isiah 1:17, it is said “learn to do good, seek justice, reprove the ruthless; defend the orphan and plead for the widow”.

 

As a concerned academic and a believer of faith, one only medium I have to express my humble opinion on the attempted murder of public universities is my pen.

This very piece is a wakeup call to leaders of Nigeria and all stakeholders to prevent the total collapse of Nigerian Universities as knowledge is the pillar of sustainable development and a passport to better days.

 

For tomorrow belongs to those who prepare for it today and only adequate planning and investment in education can yield positive change and promising tomorrow. Nelson Mandela said “education is the most powerful weapon which you can use to change the world.

In September 2015, 193 member states of the United Nations adopted a plan for achieving a better future for all. This was to fashion out a path to end extreme poverty, fight inequality, and injustice in a sustainable manner.

The heart of the plan was setting up Agenda 2030 which has 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Of those, quality education is no.

  1. This was in order to attain inclusive and quality education which is one most powerful vehicle for sustainable development. Nigeria is a party to these commitments and has been working hard to ensure she achieves its mandates.

FUD ranked No.1 University in Nigeria,21st in Africa – Scimago, Spain.

In pursuance of that, President Buhari has exemplified his commitment to quality education just like his predecessors. In his recent presentation during a virtual Extraordinary China-Africa Summit on Solidarity against COVID-19, June 17th, 2020, said

 

”I seize this opportunity to reiterate the need for this summit to put humanity at the center of our vision for common prosperity.

New Emirates:so-called Kano elders tried to frustrate the process- Ganduje

”We must learn lessons and share knowledge from research, as we develop more creative, responsive and humane health systems, improve crisis management protocols and support each other in the battle against COVID-19’’ (Thisday newspaper, 18th June, 2020). I salute his resolute and desire for knowledge and good Nigeria. However, in Hausa we say “akwai sauran rina a kaba” …. (We are not out of the woods yet). The secret to quality education lies in the words of Fela Kuti who said “if it is not fit to live in, then our job is to make it fit”.

 

University Education in Nigeria

In Nigeria as in other parts of the World, universities remain centers of teaching and research as well as hubs of knowledge, development, and social change. They also are machines for the hatching of highly skilled manpower for sustainable growth. In Nigeria, a move to start university education began with the commissioning of the Ashby Commission in 1959 with a view to conducting an investigation into Nigeria’s needs in tertiary education.

The commission recommended the establishment of ‘autonomous and independent’ universities in Lagos (the capital city then) and one each the north, east, and west of the country.

 

In pursuance to that, the University of Ibadan, (then University College, London) was founded in 1948 (and became a full-fledged independent university in early 1963), the University of Nigeria Nsukka in 1960 and Ahmadu Bello University Zaria in 1962.

 

Between then and 2019, the number of universities grew to 162 and evidently not in tandem with the resources allocated to finance these institutions.

 

Hence most of these institutions are in a dilapidated state. What has the government done in terms of quality control commensurate to the growing number of universities in the country?. Virtually nothing, the following excerpt provides an overview more Nigerian leaving the country to USA, Europe, Asia or even Africa for quality education.

 

According to data from the UNESCO Institute of Statistics (UIS), the number of Nigerian students abroad increased by 164 percent between 2005 and 2015 from 26,997 to 71,351.

The report also indicated that Nigerian students are currently the 14th largest group among foreign students in the United States, and contributed an estimated USD $324 million to the country’s economy in 2015/16.

Malaysia, as per UIS, has about 4,943 Nigerians in 2015 in various fields of study, making the country the fourth most popular destination country of Nigerians. Saudi Arabia is increasingly attracting Nigerian students. In 2015 the country hosted 1,915 students from Nigeria.

According to World Education News (2017), most of Nigeria’s public universities are in a deteriorating condition. The country’s institutions and lecture halls were reportedly severely overcrowded which is often why Nigerian Universities are in a state of decay.

 

Nigeria had one of the worst lecturer-to-student ratios in the world. The University of Abuja and Lagos State University, for example, reportedly had lecturer to student ratios as high as 1:122 and 1:114 respectively.

 

(International Organization for Migration, 2014). The most obvious reason for this deficit and low carrying capacity of Nigerian Universities is inadequate funding and lack of adequate planning.

Isaac Adebayo Adeyemi, Professor, Nigerian Academy of Science contended that “it is clear that the national budget of 6% to 7% to the education sector (lower than most other African countries which range between 11% and 30%) can’t do justice to the needs of these institutions.”

If Nigeria is going to out-grow its mates, the country needs to fund its education sector adequately and with the interest of national development at heart.

Thus, since 1978, the centrality of quality education in ASUU’s impasse with FG is crystal clear but yet to be recognized for selfish reasons. Specifically, ASUU is struggling for:

 

University Autonomy

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Universities have always needed patrons and at various times the church, dukes, merchants, or philanthropists among others funded universities and have expected suitable behavior in response—correct doctrine, political policies, laissez-faire values, or charitable support (Anderson and Johnson, 1998).

 

In recent years, signs are governments are interfering in university affairs thereby affecting the effective system in totality. The IPPIS is a concrete case in Nigeria of infringing in the university’s autonomy.

 

Universities’ autonomy has four main dimensions: academic, organizational, financial, and staff. Thus, ASUU needs to thread with caution, respect limits, and learn from colleagues in other countries. A classical example might help ASUU NEC during negotiation.

 

In the United Kingdom, the government has no power to intervene in standards (except for teacher education) but the national committee of inquiry into higher education has recommended that it be a condition of public funding of universities that they adhere to an approved code of practice of quality assurance in this area (Richardson, & Fielden, 1997- Measuring the Grip of the State: the relationship between governments and universities in selected Commonwealth countries).

Double Standards in Payment

Sincerely there is a double standard in the mode of payment of salaries in Nigeria and this is tribalism. Religiously, tribalism is frowned at and prohibited.

 

Prophet Muhammad said “laisa minna man da’a ala asabiyyatin, wa laisa minna man qatala ala asabiyyatin, wa laisa minna man mata ala asabiyyatin” (he is not with us the one who sued for tribalism, he is not with us the one who fight for tribalism, he is not with the who died for tribalism).

The policy of allowing some agency to collate funds, chop what they want to, and remit the rest is tribalism. By the way, the bible in Proverbs 11:4 says “riches do not profit in the day of the wrath, but righteousness delivers from death”.

The idea of forcing some workers into IPPIS and implementing GIFMIS to pay the ‘el Ninos’ (children of God) is tribalism. In my opinion, it is a double standard.

Can the OAGF explain otherwise?. Sincerely is this not acceptable in a democracy. How much are you paying us after all comparatively that you can’t sleep peacefully?.

 

The Hausa people say “wanda yaje farauta ya kashe bera zaiyi tsammanin yayi kokari, sai yaga wanda ya kashe giwa ya gano baiyi komi ba” (literally, a hunter who killed rat only boast his/her courage before seeing another who kills an elephant).

 

Find out about the university salaries of other countries and see how much academics are paid without selfishness. However, ASUU should clean its house and remove the skeletons in its cupboards (we are not infallible after all). The bad eggs that receive salaries and dodge work should be corrected. Those breaching NUC rules of visiting in more than two universities should be stopped. “Dan kuka ya daina janyo wa babarsa jifa” a Hausa adage (English: ours must stop attracting us blames and allegations).

Decayed Infrastructure in Public Universities

Infrastructure; the physical components of interrelated systems providing commodities and services essential to enable, sustain, or enhance societal living conditions is critical to university progress. Hence infrastructure should be taken seriously. In the university, infrastructure includes classrooms, office accommodations, laboratories, roads, electricity and water, health facilities, among others. The decay of infrastructure is horrible and not to talk about in most Nigerian universities. It one major factor that contributed to slow development in universities. ASUU is struggling for better infrastructure in Nigeria universities for their critical role in the growth and development of learning especially education, science, and technology.

Commercialization of Public Universities

The introduction of tuition at this is time is worrisome because it’ll affect students’ participation in higher education. It can affect the lower socio-economic groups by increasing the number of school leavers in such families. Research have shown that a significantly higher proportion of young people from the lowest socioeconomic groups have traditionally entered higher education in Scotland than in England and Wales (Forsyth and Furlong, 2000 – socioeconomic disadvantage and access to higher education). Henceforth, on this matter, ASUU should thread with caution and allow the public to do the struggle.

What ASUU SHOULD DO?

As a matter of fact, ASUU should do the following to maintain relevance.

Re-position its modus operandi

Our modus operandi is 42 years old. It is about descending, thus there is the need to check its blood pressure, sugar level, eyesight, and others.

Check In-house

Like any other system, ASUU members have their grievances. This is clear and demonstrated by many colleagues and especially the breakaway group named Congress of University Academics (CONUA). ASUU should mend fences with all breakaway groups. And all breakaway groups should sheath swords and reconcile with the great union that is greater than any member, no matter how ‘big’. ASUU should check sharp practices (known and alleged) among members, revert to old days of modest life, and put forward the welfare of members above anything. It’s time we framed every question – every issue – not in terms of what’s in it for me but what’s in it for all of us (Senator John Kerry).

Conduct Needs Assessment before entering any Negotiation

“When we think we know people inside out and we think we know what’s best for them we should try to remember we don’t even know what’s best for ourselves” – Hayley Williams.

Nigeria Universities and Potential Peg-leg Scholarship

In my opinion, Nigerian Universities are gradually becoming homes of peg-leg scholarship due to the following reasons:

 

Brain drain

Sincerely, a lot of lecturers are going voluntarily or otherwise. Most of them are trained ones. So how many will remain to sustain scholarship?. FG- Is this the legacy you want to leave?.

 

Collapse of mentoring

Connected to brain drain, is mentoring which I feel is on its ‘dying bed’. Now that many senior colleagues are exiting as a result of ‘no contract, sabbatical, or visiting as well as death’ who will mentor who?. The Hausa say “yaro baya goya yaro sai dai ya rungumeshi su fadi” (a child does not support a child but embraces him/her to fall).

 

Increasing chances of a faceoff between unions and universities management

The potential faceoff between universities management and unions over issues relating to allowances – responsibility, hazard, over time, call, etc scrapped by IPPIS is inevitable. The only question is why should the salaries and wages laws favor some and kill some?. How much do the laws give political office holders for ‘sitting quietly in well-furnished accommodation or just passing bills?’

 

Conclusion

In conclusion, both ASUU and FG should look beyond sentiments and know that above any other thing in Nigeria. Howard Baker said “the most difficult thing in any negotiation, almost, is making sure that you strip emotion and deal with the facts. And there was a considerable challenge to that here and understandably so. The negotiations must address all aspects, both peace, and withdrawals (Yitzhak Rabin). Therefore we don’t need EEA – oyya go back to classes. We expect a better package like that of NNPC, CBN, NIRSAL, DMO, FIRS, NDIC, NPA, DPR, NCC, PENCOM, and many others that are not so-called ‘revenue-generating agencies’. At least we too work for the temple, so we deserve to eat ‘nutritiously’ from the temple. According to Martin Luther King Jr. “The time is always right to do something right”.

 

 

Nuraddeen Danjuma, Ph.D. wrote from Bayero University Bayero University Kano

Opinion

Beyond the Numbers: What the Ekiti 2026 Governorship Results Reveal About Coalition Politics and Path to 2027

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By Abass Sherifat Taiwo

Returning Officer Adenike Oladiji, a professor and Vice-Chancellor of the Federal University of Technology, announced the results in the early hours of Sunday, at roughly 3:13 a.m. Incumbent Governor Biodun Oyebanji of the APC won comfortably, polling 319,224 votes across the state’s 16 local government areas. His closest challenger, the PDP’s Oluwole Oluyede, trailed far behind with 40,543 votes, while the ADC’s Dare Bejide came in third with 12,872 votes.

Of the 384,940 voters accredited for the election, 375,777 cast valid votes, a validity rate of about 97.6%, suggesting relatively few spoiled or rejected ballots.

Oyebanji’s win carries added weight as the first consecutive re-election in Ekiti’s history, a state known for unseating incumbents since 1999. His dominance was also total: he won all sixteen LGAs, and even his closest contest, in Ikere, was still a comfortable margin. His five strongest councils alone delivered nearly half his statewide votes, showing concentrated rather than thin support.

Elite alignment mattered too. For the first time, every living former Ekiti governor backed his re-election, leaving the opposition without any prominent defectors to rally behind. This unified backing functioned as a coordinated endorsement strategy, a visible signal of consensus that opposition parties had no comparable message to counter.

Between the opposition parties, PDP’s showing is more telling than ADC’s. ADC placing third as a newer platform isn’t surprising, but PDP, a long-established national party, barely crossed 3,000 votes in most councils, pointing to weak grassroots structure rather than just a bad cycle. The deeper question is whether this reflects a structural failure or a failure to sustain visibility and message presence at the ward level between election cycles.

Party | Votes | % of Valid Votes
APC | 319,224 | 84.95%
PDP | 40,543 | 10.79%
ADC | 12,872 | 3.43%
ADP | ~1,289 | 0.34%
Accord | 564 | 0.15%
LP | ~263 | 0.07%
AAC | ~188 | 0.05%

When the vote totals of every opposition party are combined, they amount to roughly 55,719 votes, or about 14.83% of all valid votes cast, a stark contrast to the APC’s dominant 84.95% share on its own. Even in a hypothetical scenario where every opposition party ran on a single, fully united ticket, their combined total would still fall short of the APC’s by approximately 263,505 votes. This gap illustrates just how commanding Oyebanji’s victory was: it was not simply a matter of a divided opposition splitting votes among several parties, but a result that would have withstood even total opposition unity.

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Following the Ekiti result, APC framed it as proof of growing national support ahead of 2027, pointing to the rise in its vote totals in the state from about 187,000 in 2022 to roughly 318,000 in 2026, and projecting even higher numbers for Tinubu in 2027. Opposition parties, including the ADC and SDP, pushed back, arguing that Ekiti’s off-cycle, low-turnout nature makes it a poor predictor of a national contest.

Both claims need scrutiny. APC’s growth trend is real, but it happened in a state the party already governs, where incumbency and federal attention worked in its favour, so it says more about consolidating an existing stronghold than expanding into contested territory. The opposition’s caution is fair, but understates that APC’s structural advantages, incumbency and federal resources, aren’t unique to Ekiti and could repeat elsewhere. The more accurate takeaway is that Ekiti confirms APC’s strength where it already holds power, without proving it can replicate that in genuinely competitive states by 2027.

ADC’s third-place finish in Ekiti, just 3.43% of the vote, looks unremarkable on its own, but it only makes sense next to the party’s national story. A year earlier, ADC had positioned itself as the face of a new opposition coalition, pulling in heavyweight names like Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi with the promise of a unified front against the APC. That promise hasn’t held: Obi and Kwankwaso have since defected to a rival platform, the NDC, while ADC battles leadership disputes and court cases that put its own 2027 participation in doubt.

That is the real lesson here for coalition politics as a communication problem, not just a structural one. ADC did not fail for lack of big names, it had plenty. What it could not do was hold one coherent message together once multiple egos and regional bases began pulling in different directions. Whether it can still become the platform it promised by 2027 is uncertain, but Ekiti is an early sign of a bigger unraveling.

Beyond Ekiti, the result speaks to a deeper pattern in Nigerian opposition politics: alliances are far easier to announce than to sustain. This suggests APC’s greatest advantage going into the next general election may not be its own performance, but the opposition’s continued inability to stay united. The near-total validity rate and one-sided outcome in Ekiti also raise questions about how genuinely competitive Nigeria’s state elections currently are, and whether low-turnout, off-cycle polls like this one can reliably signal national voter sentiment.

The Ekiti result is less a story about Oyebanji’s popularity alone than about the opposition’s structural fragility. Even a fully united opposition ticket would not have closed the gap, which means the problem isn’t vote-splitting, it’s organisational weakness, unstable coalitions, and the absence of a party capable of matching APC’s machinery and incumbency advantages. What Nigeria’s opposition needs before 2027 isn’t just structural unity, but a coherent, disciplined communication strategy capable of sustaining one message across factions, something no coalition has yet demonstrated. Until Nigeria’s opposition can build a coalition that survives contact with real electoral pressure, results like Ekiti’s are likely to repeat themselves in APC strongholds heading into 2027.

By Abass Sherifat Taiwo
Department of Development and Strategic communication University of Abuja
200level

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Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf Has Earned a Vote of Confidence on Education

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By Hon. Muhammad Sanusi S. Kiru, FCIA
(Former Commissioner of Education, Kano State)

There comes a time in public discourse when fairness must prevail over partisanship and facts must take precedence over preconceived opinions. That moment has come in my assessment of the educational reforms being implemented by the administration of His Excellency, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf.

As a former Commissioner of Education and someone who has consistently evaluated government performance with candour, I owe the people of Kano State an honest appraisal of the Governor’s performance in the education sector. After objectively reviewing the administration’s interventions from 2024 to 2026, particularly its determined efforts to address the acute shortage of teachers, I have reached an inescapable conclusion: Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf deserves a vote of confidence for his outstanding commitment to the development of education in Kano State.

One of the greatest challenges confronting our educational system has been the persistent shortage of teachers, resulting in unfavourable teacher-pupil and teacher-student ratios across many public schools. This problem has adversely affected the quality of teaching and learning for many years.

The present administration has confronted this challenge with courage and determination. Between 2024 and 2026, the government recruited or absorbed 8,715 permanent teachers and engaged 3,688 temporary BESDA Cohort V teachers, bringing the documented total to 12,403 education personnel. With recruitments by other education agencies, the overall figure is widely estimated at approximately 13,000 teachers.

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This represents one of the largest teacher recruitment exercises in the history of Kano State. More importantly, it is a strategic investment in the future of our children and in the long-term development of the state. By substantially reducing the teacher deficit, the administration has strengthened both the basic and post-basic education subsectors and created a stronger foundation for improved educational outcomes. The new recruitment not only means making our classrooms more vibrant and ensuring that teaching is consistently taking place, but it also signifies a positive shift in the narrative reflected in monitoring reports, the annual school census, and national personnel data.

Looking at the tangible achievements now before us, particularly in education, it is clear that the administration has made significant and commendable progress. Leadership should always be judged by measurable accomplishments, and in this regard, the Governor has acquitted himself admirably.

One area where the administration must, however, improve is public communication. Many of its remarkable achievements have not received the publicity they deserve. A well-coordinated and effective publicity strategy would ensure that citizens fully appreciate the scope and impact of these landmark interventions.

As His Excellency prepares to personally attend the special ceremony for the presentation of appointment letters to the newly employed teachers on Tuesday, 21st July 2026, I consider it appropriate to congratulate him on this historic milestone. The ceremony is more than a presentation of appointment letters; it is a celebration of renewed hope for thousands of families, a reaffirmation of government’s commitment to quality education, and a significant step towards building a stronger educational system for future generations.

I wish His Excellency a successful and hitch-free ceremony and pray that Almighty Allah grants him wisdom, good health, and continued strength to sustain the ongoing transformation of the education sector. May this programme mark the beginning of even greater achievements in the quest to provide every child in Kano State with access to quality education delivered by competent and dedicated teachers.

Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf deserves sincere commendation for these giant strides. If this policy of continuous recruitment and investment in teachers is sustained, it will undoubtedly be remembered as one of the defining legacies of his administration. Future generations will look back on this period as a turning point in the educational history of Kano State.

I therefore extend my heartfelt congratulations to His Excellency and offer him a well-deserved vote of confidence. I also wish him every success as he formally presents appointment letters to these newly recruited teachers on Tuesday. May the occasion be memorable, successful, and another milestone in the march towards educational excellence in Kano State.

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Kashim Shettima and the Question of Continuity in 2027

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By Baba Dantiye, MON, mni, FNGE

As Nigeria gradually approaches another election cycle, political discussions are naturally beginning to focus on the choices that will shape the 2027 general elections. Among the issues attracting attention is the question of presidential tickets and, particularly, the role of Vice President Kashim Shettima within the current administration.

The choice of a running mate is one of the most significant decisions in any presidential contest. It involves considerations that go beyond electoral calculations. Factors such as competence, experience, political balance, governance record, public perception and the ability to complement the President’s vision all play important roles.

Against this background, the performance, public service record and leadership contributions of Vice President Kashim Shettima have become central to discussions about continuity and the future direction of the Tinubu administration.

Since assuming office in May 2023, Shettima has occupied an important position within the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. As Vice President, his responsibilities have included representing the President at official engagements, chairing strategic meetings, coordinating government initiatives and engaging with national and international stakeholders.

One of the notable features of the Tinubu-Shettima partnership has been the public display of cooperation between the President and his deputy. Nigeria’s political history has witnessed instances where relationships between presidents and vice presidents became strained, creating distractions that affected governance. The relatively smooth working relationship between the two leaders has been viewed by observers as an important factor in maintaining stability within the administration.

Shettima has consistently presented himself as a supportive deputy, focusing on responsibilities assigned to him and contributing to the implementation and communication of government policies.

In political leadership, loyalty is often considered alongside competence and capacity. A Vice President is expected not only to support the President but also to bring experience, judgment and independent value to governance. Supporters of Shettima point to his ability to maintain this balance by remaining committed to the administration while drawing from his extensive background in public service.

His leadership of the National Economic Council (NEC) is one of the key areas in which his role has attracted attention. The Council provides a platform for collaboration between the Federal Government and state governments on issues affecting economic development, infrastructure, agriculture, energy and other national priorities.

Chairing such a body requires political maturity, patience and the ability to manage diverse interests. Nigeria’s governors represent different political parties, regions and perspectives. Effective coordination therefore depends on consultation, dialogue and consensus-building.

As a former Governor of Borno State, Shettima brings practical experience of state administration and an understanding of the challenges faced by sub-national governments. This background has been useful in facilitating discussions between the Federal Government and State leaders on issues requiring collective action.

The Vice President has also been involved in government efforts relating to economic coordination, food security and other national development priorities. While the long-term impact of many policies will continue to be assessed, his role demonstrates the importance of coordination and collaboration in a complex federal system.

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Another area frequently discussed is his role in communicating government policies. The current administration has introduced significant economic reforms that have generated extensive public debate. In such circumstances, communication and public engagement become important elements of governance.

Shettima has consistently used public platforms to explain government positions, engage stakeholders and present the administration’s perspective on national issues. His approach has generally emphasised patience, understanding and the long-term objectives of government programmes.

Beyond his current office, Shettima’s experience as Governor of Borno State remains an important part of his public record. He governed during one of the most challenging periods in Nigeria’s recent history, when the Boko Haram insurgency created serious security and humanitarian difficulties.

Leading Borno State during that period required resilience, crisis management skills and the ability to work with security agencies, traditional institutions, humanitarian organisations and development partners. His administration operated under extraordinary circumstances while attempting to sustain government services and support affected communities.

That experience contributed to his understanding of security management, humanitarian challenges and the relationship between peace, stability and development.

His political journey also reflects experience across different levels of governance. Before becoming Vice President, he served in the Senate, where he participated in national legislative processes and gained further exposure to federal governance. His experience as a former governor, legislator and Vice President has shaped his understanding of Nigeria’s political and administrative environment.

Observers have also highlighted his relationship with his successor in Borno State as an example of political transition without public disagreement. In Nigeria’s political environment, where transitions between elected officials can sometimes lead to conflicts, peaceful succession and institutional continuity are often regarded as positive developments.

The Vice President’s relationship with Northern stakeholders has also formed part of discussions around his political relevance. Through engagements with traditional institutions, business communities, professional groups and other stakeholders, he has remained one of the administration’s prominent voices in explaining government policies and national priorities.

The North remains an important component of Nigeria’s political landscape, and leaders from the region have historically played significant roles in national affairs. Shettima’s experience and political network have contributed to his visibility in national conversations.

However, the question of a presidential ticket involves broader considerations beyond the performance of an individual office holder. Political parties must consider issues such as national spread, electoral strategy, changing alliances, public sentiment and the overall objectives of the party.

Different perspectives will naturally emerge as Nigeria moves closer to 2027. Some may emphasise continuity and the value of retaining an established partnership, while others may advocate different approaches based on evolving political circumstances. Such debates are part of the democratic process.

Ultimately, the decision on the composition of the presidential ticket will rest with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and the leadership of the All Progressives Congress. Their decision will reflect political consultations, strategic considerations and their assessment of what best serves their objectives and the country.

Nevertheless, public discussion remains important because democracy is strengthened when citizens assess leaders based on performance, responsibility and contributions to national development.

A successful administration depends not only on policies but also on teamwork among those entrusted with implementing them. Stability, trust and institutional experience are valuable assets in governance, particularly in a country as complex and diverse as Nigeria.

Whether continuity is ultimately preferred or a different path is chosen, the debate underscores an enduring principle: democratic leadership is strengthened when decisions are informed by performance, experience, constitutional responsibility and the public interest. As Nigeria looks ahead to 2027, the experience, service and contributions of Kashim Shettima will remain central to any serious assessment of the choices before the nation.

About the Writer

Baba Dantiye, MON, mni, FNGE, is a former Commissioner for Information and Internal Affairs, Kano State and former President of the Nigerian Guild of Editors (2003–2008)

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