By Abba Anwar

Democracy, in my candid opinion, is not only a game of numbers, as numbers could be falsified, twisted, deliberately avoided and deceiving, it is also a process of fair arrangement, fence-mending, thinking-ahead, conceding overturned events and strategy jogging, all within a sane and stable environment.

To push my take, closer to readers’ comprehension, let me, first and foremost, acknowledge the genuine involvement of His Excellency, the Deputy Senate President, Barau I Jibrin, CFR, immediately when the Kano State Governor, Abba Kabir Yusuf, joined All Progressives Congress (APC).

His contributions and commitment to the new union, new normal, as some may put it, explain his intent for building stronger, more peaceful, ambitious and strategic political platform devoid of crisis and cluelessness ahead of 2027 election period. The deeper commitment is manifested in almost all his recent visibility in the affairs of the party.

It was he, to the chagrin of all, who announced, publicly, that he jettisoned his long held ambition, of becoming number one citizen in the state. That happened during the welcome celebration of the Governor, to APC fold. There and then, he endorsed and called for genuine support, of Governor Yusuf ahead of 2027. Senator’s endorsement, was, in my understanding, out of volition and deep sense of responsibility.

After his unexpected withdrawal from the race, the former Governor of Kano State, Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, CON, made similar pronouncement on behalf of all those contesting for gubernatorial seat in the state. Assuring Governor Yusuf that, all those contesting for the exalted seat, had also withdrawn.

I think after commending Ganduje for that, we should profoundly appreciate and thumb-up for the aspirants. His Excellency Nasiru Yusuf Gawuna and His Excellency Murtala Sule Garo. The duo also exhibited decorum and absolute loyalty in the scheme of things. No doubt about this. So also would-be-aspirants, remained low-key and enduring. As low-key as they were, no one could accurately spot individuals here.

My personal conviction, tells me that, APC heavyweights, did that, just to properly and unarguably, present the party, APC, to the Governor, as a comfort zone. Where his ambition for second tenure could well be secured seamlessly.

As a matter of fact, APC tries hard to make the Governor feel comfortable for the development of the state. Which is at stake. Hence the debut of the slogan “Kano First.”

Looking at the wards and local governments congresses, that took place recently, one can, but, believe with me, when I appreciate that Governor Yusuf is reciprocating well. Just look at how the government handles process, procedures and outcomes. Even the sharing formula of party’s executives, between the Governor and old APC members. Yes, the Governor is moving at his own pace, but to me, the situation is neither disturbing nor alarming. Each leader has his own way of discharging responsibilities.

All cards are now on the table. As the ball is in the court of the Governor. His understanding of the political arithmetic, as he merges with APC, is paramount and part of the necessary prerequisite for victory, in the face of all. Supporters, non-supporters and so-called neutral entities.

While DSP, alongside other critical stakeholders cooperate with the Governor for injecting life to good governance, it is not out of place, to also mention that, the DSP is becoming the engine room for unity in the party.

All his actions that followed the golden pronouncement, signify honest and genuine support for the status-quo. Few days before the formal pronouncement, it was he, who empowered and reinforced local governments officials in 13 local governments under his constituency, Kano North, with means of transport. Mobility worth commendation.

He gave a similar gesture to party leaders at all levels, long before now. Particularly in his constituency. But that was not limited to Kano North alone. His magnanimous intervention to party leaders, even at that time, across the state, was everything to write home about.

It is indeed dignifying to note that, Distinguished Senator knows clearly that, as it is democratic to support any idea, process and democratic styles, but within the confines of dignity, respect, law and order, it is also democratic to oppose any action or inaction, but within the confines of the identified situations.

The many politicians I spoke with, from Governor Yusuf’s side, on how the Deputy Senate President plays his cards, they passed an impressive judgment on him. They all acknowledged and appreciated his genuine commitment to the cause and his open-minded approach to the progress of the party and the government in the state.

I understand one good thing about him, I mean, out of many good things, he believes, Governor’s survival and victory, is APC’s. Adieu DSP, Adieu!

Anwar writes from Kano
Tuesday, 24th February, 2026

By Abba Anwar

It was evidently clear that, yesterday’s grand political gathering to formally welcome the Governor of Kano State, Abba Kabir Yusuf, into the fold of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), that took place at Sani Abacha Indoor Stadium, as was blessed by His Excellency, the Vice President Kashim Shettima, GCON, was a yardstick to measure, who is more prepared for 2027, between the Governor and APC stalwarts in the state.

With the first look of the historic gathering, one could understand that, most of those who handled the responsibility of organizing supporters from the side of the Governor, are either reluctant, weak or inexperienced.

I expected to see the movement of red caps all over. As the trademark of the Governor and his people. Which literally means, Governor and his people, who just joined APC, are firmly on ground. But the direct opposite was the case. What filled the air were T-shirts and Face Caps of APC juggernauts all over. Right from the Airport surrounding, to the streets where Vice President and other top guys passed, on their way to the stadium.

I want believe that, Governor Yusuf knows exactly where he came from and is very conversant with what his former political godfather, is capable of doing. If to say the event to receive the Governor, was singlehandedly left in the hands of the Governor and his team, ALONE, it wouldn’t be that successful.

This tells us the unwavering capacity of APC heavyweights at the event. Wherever you look, what you would see was supporters chanting slogans of their political directions. And more than 80 percent of those supporters, came from the APC big hands.

Many people started asking questions, as to where were the local government Chairmen? What of the Commissioners and Advisers of the Governor? Where were closest individuals to the Governor? What of Governor’s well wishers and enthusiasts?

It appeared like there was no good mobilisation from the part of the local government Chairmen. Who by design, commission or omission, are the ones who should play most of the role in organizing grassroot supporters from their respective local governments.

Allah Ya jikan Murtala Sule Garo, ba dan ya mutum ba. Though he is alive, May Allah forgive Garo and bless him. When he was Kano State Chairman of the Association for Local Governments of Nigeria (ALGON) or when he was the Commissioner for Local Governments and Chieftaincy Affairs or when he was the State Organizing Secretary of the then ruling party, the atmosphere was brighter, cleaner and more promising.

The grand gathering speaks volumes about the capacity of four to five strong men I spotted in pre, during and post event period. All of them, adherent of APC. What I mean by that? I mean those APC people, Governor Yusuf met in the party, in the current political development.

These are His Excellency, the Deputy Senate President, Barau I Jibrin, CON, His Excellency former Deputy Gubernatorial candidate for APC, in 2023 election, Murtala Sule Garo, Chairman of the House Committee on Appropriation, House of Representatives, Hon Abubakar Kabir Bichi, Director General, National Productivity Centre, Hon Baffa Babba Dan Agundi and House of Representatives Member representing Tudunwada/Doguwa federal constituency, Hon Alhassan Ado Doguwa.

These people I mentioned, did their best at the event, to portray to Nigeria, Nigerians and the remnants from where Governor Yusuf left, that, APC is still alive and vibrant in Kano. And a clear message was sent to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR, that, the former Governor of the state, Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, CFR, does not relent. I only mentioned what happened principally and there are more to my observation from other people. Genuine and pretenders.

The role played by the five heavyweights I mentioned above, says a lot about who and who Governor Yusuf needs to work with in closer terms and relationship. All of them did their possible best, showcased political strategy, sophistication and engage the Governor in what can be termed as, the time to do it, is now. Either to make or mar. So the victory and its processes are largely in the hand of the Governor. When I say victory, I’m looking at 2027, largely.

Coming down the ladder, where I met Barau, Garo, Abba Bichi, Doguwa and Dan Agundi, the former chairman of Municipal local government, Hon Fa’izu Alfindiki and the current Commissioner for Information, Hon Abdullahi Waiya, did the needful. They did well in their own way. I salute the courage, commitment and unwavering loyalty being displayed. In pre, during and post event period. I eavesdropped their good work as good team players.

Down the ladder also, I saw the commitment, unwavering loyalty and support of Comrade Magaji Kabiru Gulu, from Rimingado and that boy Aminu Dahiru from Gwale local government. When it comes to organization, I’m sure they performed differently also.

I suggest, His Excellency, Yusuf, should cross examine most of his local governments’ bosses. It was crystal clear that their organization was very poor, inexperienced, shallow, loosely engaging and panic – laddened. While the Governor should sit-up and face the challenges head-on, working closely with APC hands is absolutely necessary.

Anwar writes from Kano
Tuesday, 17th February, 2026

By Mohammed Bello Doka

We have been hearing funny questions in recent months, asked with a mix of sarcasm and denial: How exactly did Bola Tinubu betray the Muslim North? This article is a response to that question. Not emotion. Not sentiment. Not hatred. This is politics, reduced to its bare essentials: numbers, choices, consequences, and survival. If accusations are anything to go by, they are not inventions; they are reactions to observable facts. And facts, once assembled honestly, do not care about comfort.

The 2023 presidential election marked a deliberate rupture with Nigeria’s post-1999 conventions. Bola Tinubu chose a Muslim–Muslim ticket, fully aware of its implications. This was not accidental, nor was it imposed on him. It was defended vigorously across the North as a necessary sacrifice in the national interest. Muslim voters in the North were told, directly and indirectly, that competence mattered more than sentiment, that religion should not divide them, and that the ticket was a strategic gamble that would pay off in influence, inclusion, and protection. The Muslim North accepted this argument and delivered.

The numbers are not disputed. According to INEC’s final, state-by-state results, the North-West and North-East—Nigeria’s core Muslim-majority zones—produced close to ten million valid votes in the 2023 election. In Kano alone, a Muslim-majority stronghold, Tinubu secured over 517,000 votes, while Peter Obi managed barely 28,000. In Jigawa, Tinubu polled more than 421,000 votes; Obi did not reach 2,000. Katsina gave Tinubu about 482,000 votes to Obi’s roughly 6,000. Kebbi delivered nearly 250,000 votes for Tinubu; Zamfara close to 300,000. In Yobe and Borno, Tinubu again outpolled Obi by margins so wide they require no embellishment. When votes from Muslim-leaning North-Central states such as Niger, Nasarawa, Kwara, and Kogi are added, Tinubu’s support base in Muslim northern communities rises to between 3.8 and 4.9 million votes. That bloc alone formed a decisive pillar of his national victory.

Now compare this with what happened in Northern Christian-majority areas. In Plateau State, Peter Obi polled about 466,000 votes, while Tinubu secured roughly 307,000. In Benue, Obi’s 308,000 votes nearly matched Tinubu’s 310,000, despite Benue never having been a Labour Party stronghold. In the Federal Capital Territory, a demographically mixed but largely Christian-leaning territory, Obi recorded 281,717 votes against Tinubu’s 90,902—more than a three-to-one margin. In southern Taraba, voting patterns followed the same logic. These are not anecdotes; they are consistent results pointing to a clear pattern: Muslim northern communities voted overwhelmingly for Tinubu, while Christian northern communities aligned electorally with Christian-majority southern zones.

This pattern did not emerge by accident. For decades, Northern politics subsumed religious differences under a broader regional consensus. Christians and Muslims in the North often voted together, driven by shared interests in federal power, security, and economic leverage. In 2023, that consensus fractured. Christian-majority areas of the North no longer voted as part of a Northern bloc; they voted as part of a national Christian alignment. That fracture did not begin at the grassroots. It followed elite political decisions that elevated religious identity from a background factor into a central organising principle of national power.

Having delivered the votes, the Muslim North expected returns. In politics, expectations are not moral demands; they are transactional realities. What followed instead was a growing sense of exclusion. Vice-President Kashim Shettima, presented as proof of northern inclusion, has exercised no visible institutional power commensurate with the region’s contribution. Unlike Atiku Abubakar, who as vice-president chaired the National Economic Council and drove privatisation policy, or Yemi Osinbajo, who chaired key reform committees and acted as president multiple times, Shettima has no defining portfolio. He does not control economic policy. He does not lead the national security architecture. He does not arbitrate party power. His presence is symbolic, not structural.

Appointments have reinforced this perception. Power in Abuja is not measured by the number of northerners in government; it is measured by where decision-making authority sits. Since May 2023, strategic economic and fiscal power has been perceived—rightly or wrongly, but persistently—to be concentrated within a narrow circle outside the Muslim North’s political reach. In Nigerian politics, sustained perception becomes reality. Regions do not rebel because they are ignored once; they react because they feel ignored consistently.

Insecurity has deepened this sense of betrayal. According to data from ACLED and corroborated by local security analysts, the North-West remains the epicentre of banditry and mass kidnapping. Thousands have been killed or displaced since Tinubu assumed office. Farmlands across Zamfara, Katsina, Kaduna, and Niger states remain unsafe, directly threatening food security. Yet there has been no decisive break from past security failures. No doctrine shift. No overwhelming show of force that signals a new era. Instead, communities are left to negotiate survival, often informally, while the federal response remains incremental and cautious.

The handling of negotiations with armed groups has compounded the anger. Several northern states continue to engage bandits through intermediaries, amnesty offers, or ransom-mediated releases. These practices predate Tinubu, but the absence of a clear federal prohibition or framework under his administration has consequences. In security studies, this creates moral hazard. Violence becomes a bargaining tool. The blunt question many northerners ask is unavoidable: what incentive does a young man have to farm or trade when picking up a gun attracts dialogue, attention, and concessions?

Supporters of the president often dismiss northern grievances as religious intolerance. That argument collapses under scrutiny. The same logic used to explain Obi’s landslide in the South-East and his strong showing in Lagos—identity mobilisation—explains voting behaviour in Northern Christian zones. Lagos itself exposes the hypocrisy. Tinubu lost Lagos, his political base, where he polled 572,606 votes against Obi’s 582,454. Ethnicity did not save him there. Identity politics did. If identity voting is a valid explanation in Lagos, it cannot be dismissed as hatred when the North responds politically to perceived exclusion.

Underlying these grievances is history. Nigeria’s constitution speaks of democratic choice, but Nigeria’s politics practises managed succession. Obasanjo’s role in installing Yar’Adua in 2007 is undisputed. The consolidation of APC power ahead of 2023 advantaged Tinubu decisively. Against this backdrop, fears in the North that incumbency could again be used to shape future political outcomes are not paranoia; they are historical inference.

This is why rumours of fragmentation or political marginalisation resonate so deeply in the North. The region is landlocked, security-fragile, and economically interconnected. Any national rupture—formal or informal—would hurt the North first and hardest. When trust erodes between a region and the centre, fear fills the vacuum. Silence from power does not reassure; it amplifies suspicion.

Beyond Islam and Christianity lies a more fundamental issue: survival as a political force. Divide the North internally, weaken its bargaining unity, and its influence diminishes without a single dramatic announcement. History shows that fragmented regions lose leverage quietly and permanently. Once cohesion is gone, recovery is generational.

This is not an emotional argument. It is a political diagnosis. Betrayal, in politics, describes unmet expectations after commitments are honoured. The Muslim North delivered votes in unprecedented numbers. It absorbed political risk. It defended an unconventional ticket. What it sees in return is limited influence, persistent insecurity, and a fracture in its internal cohesion.

The question, therefore, is no longer whether the accusation exists. It clearly does. The real question is whether it will be confronted honestly while there is still time to repair trust—or whether denial will harden grievance into something far more dangerous. Politics rewards foresight. It punishes complacency. The Muslim North is not asking for sympathy; it is demanding recognition of facts that are already on record.

Mohammed Bello Doka can be reached via bellodoka82@gmail.com