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The Role of Songs in Advertising a Politician: A Case Study of Kwankwaso’s Dawo- Dawo

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By Farouk Umar Maigari
The Nigerian music industry has paved the way for the success of electoral revolution in Nigeria, considering how music plays roles in our daily life and serves as a cardinal element of political and social change (Kurfi, 2015). Political songs have been in existence in the Nigerian political scene since the first republic. Traditional singers have played a certain role towards advertising politicians and government programmes, example was Alhaji Musa Dankwairo’s song, Yaki Muke da Rashin Da’a, a campaign song of “war against indiscipline” during Major General Muhammadu Buhari’s government in 1985/86 and Gamji Dankwarai song in praise of the first and only Premier of Northern Nigeria and Alhaji Mamman Shata’s song for Garkuwan Gombe, Alhaji Bappa Ahmed, a Nigeria’s second Republic politician, these and many more were also used during party campaigns and rallies.
                                         Former Kano state Governor,Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso
Kurfi (2015:88) points out that ‘it is most likely that political and sociological musicology will mature as an area of research as social scientists become increasingly aware of the developing interactive dependency between the evolution of our society and the music that it generates.’  Political advertisement disseminates information about the candidate’s or party’s programme to a degree of details which journalists can rely much and make news.
Nimmo and Felsberg (1986) believe that paid political advertising via television should constitute the mainstream of modern electoral politics. Media rely on income coming from advertisements. Radio, as a means that is very common in the developing countries in term of cost is usually used by campaigners to disseminate their manifestoes to the electorate.
A Brief History of Political Advertising
A history of political advertising should begin with the United States of America because it is there that the techniques of the form were pioneered and where they have reached their highest level of sophistication (McNair, 2003). The United States of America, being most successful capitalist power, has gone faster, and further, in commodifying the political process by the use of advertising than any other country. Moreover, the procedure has been copied by many countries world over.
Political Advertising: A Definition
Bolland (1989: 10-12) defines advertising as the ‘paid placement of organizational messages in the media.’ Political advertising therefore, in the strict sense, refers to the purchase and use of advertising space, paid for at commercial rates, in order to transmit political messages to a mass audience. The media used for this purpose may include cinema, billboards, the press, radio, and television. Paid political advertisements are regulated in Nigeria, by the Advertisement Practioner’s Council of Nigeria, APCON.  
 Advertising
Advertising was defined by Sambe (2005) as any paid form of non- personal presentation and promotion of ideas, goods and services by an identified sponsor. A paid advertiser always wants his name or the product mentioned, which is totally different from publicity where the sponsor is usually behind the mask. Advertisements function, therefore, by making commodities mean something to their prospective purchasers; by distinguishing one product from another, functionally similar one; and by doing this in a manner which connects with the desires of the consumer. As Leiss et al. (1986) point out, ‘in advertising, the creators of messages try to turn signifiers [commodities] with which audiences may have little or no familiarity, into meaningful signs that, they hope, will prompt consumers to respond with appropriate behavior.’
 Advertising and Politics
Media outfits in Nigeria have articulated socio- political programs. Popular among them is the Federal Radio Corporation of Nigeria’s (FRCN), Kaduna, Hannu Dayawa and Freedom Radio’s Kowanne Gauta in Kano State. Freedom Radio being the pioneer private radio station in Northern Nigeria (Maigari, 2011) set up in 2003, started the programme, Kowanne Gauta for local politicians known as Sojojin Baka literally meaning “mouth soldiers”. These mouth soldiers set agenda for so many political issues and have the means to air their views which in turn reduces and at times aggravates political tension and frustration. 
   Politics has become, for better or worse, a process in which candidates are presented through the mass media, with a range of politics from which they must select. As Nimmo and Felsberg (1986) put it, ‘political candidates must frequently offer themselves as differing brands of the same product’. These choices are ‘manufactured’, moreover, to contain not merely a ‘use-value’ (political party A will run the country efficiently) but an exchange or sign-value (political party A means this, as opposed to political party B, which means something else entirely). In the process of endowing political actors with meaning, advertisers have deployed all the techniques of their commercial colleagues, while also producing a few of their own.
Democracy and the Media
We have already referred in general terms to the important role assigned the media by liberal democratic theory. The media’s democratic role would be fulfilled, on the one hand, by journalists’ adherence to the professional ethics of objectivity in reporting the facts of public affairs.
Politics in the Age of Mediation
The broadcasters’ guiding principle of impartiality went further in seeking to ensure, from as early as 1923, ‘that on every occasion when political issues were touched on, the three parties should be given as nearly as possible equal attention.
The fact that airtime has been a scarce resource (at least until the advent of cable, satellite and digital television) determined that the impartiality principle be retained by British broadcasters throughout the twentieth century, with some exceptions (such as coverage of Northern Ireland). Opportunities for the expression of political opinion by broadcasting journalists were thus extremely limited. The press, by contrast, with its particular role in the free exchange or ‘marketplace’ of ideas, were permitted, and indeed expected, to take up political positions. They were ‘partial’, as opposed to the studied impartiality of the broadcasters. This meant that even after the British press abandoned direct organizational links with political parties in the nineteenth century (Negrine, 1993), individual newspapers continued to have political views and expressed them in their content. The democratic principle was preserved in so far as newspapers and periodicals expressed a plurality of opinions, corresponding to the variety of opinions circulating in the public sphere. The diversity of the party system was paralleled in the pluralism of the press.
In adhering to these principles, therefore – objectivity and impartiality for broadcasting, partisanship and advocacy for the press – the media performed, in their different ways, their democratic role. And indeed, as audience research and public opinion surveys have consistently shown, the media have in the course of the twentieth century come to represent for most people, most of the time, their primary source of political information. The press and broadcasting have become ‘the principal means of “mediating”, that is, standing between people and the world and reporting to them what they could not see or experience themselves’ (Nimmo and Combs, 1983: 12). As Blumler puts it, ‘at a time when the public’s confidence in many social and political institutions has steeply declined . . . voters have become more dependent on media resources . . . for impressions of what is at stake, as previous suppliers of guiding frameworks have lost their credibility’ (1987: 170)
The Political Media
Order and structure political reality, allotting events greater or lesser significance according to their presence or absence on the media agenda. Indeed, the agenda-setting function of the media is argued by many observers to be their main contribution to the political process (McCombs, 1981). As citizens, we are unable to grasp or assimilate anything like the totality of events in the real world, and thus we rely on the media to search and sift reality for the most important happenings. During election campaigns, for example, David Weaver points to ‘considerable support for the conclusion that the news media are crucial in determining the public importance of issues . . . at least those issues generally outside the experience of most of the public’ (1987: 186).
The key objective of political communication is to set the public agenda in ways favorable to an organization’s achievement of its goals. Politicians, thus direct considerable energies to having their preferred agenda accepted and endorsed by the media.
 The Case Study.
The song Kwankwaso Dawo- Dawo by a Kano based Kannywood singer, Nazifi Abdul Salam Yusuf, popularly known as Nazifi Asnanic was composed courtesy of the close ally of the former leader of the ruling party, All Progress Congress (APC) Engr. (Dr.) Muhammad Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso. At that time, they were members of the former ruling party People’s Democractic Party (PDP) at the center, the song was usually played at the campaigns and rallies of the candidate. He was praised in the song “to come and save” the people of Kano from the government of that time.
Kwankwaso is into politics since the aborted third republic of 1991. He contested and won the seat to the National Assembly to represent his constituency. At the National Assembly he became the Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives. After the return of democracy in 1999, he was elected the Executive Governor of Kano State but unfortunately lost re- election in 2003.
Engr. (Dr.) Muhammad Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso was appointed the Honorable Minister of Defence of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. He re-contested the elections later in 2011 during which this song was composed.
Singers compose songs because of personal support with politicians as noted by Nazifi (2017). He also claimed that even if given money will not do song for some politicians, even if he do it the song will not make any impact.
He regrets a song he did to politician that was later played after he lost support for the candidate in next election eve. Asnanic also posits that listeners of the song thought it was for that particular election it is been played.  
The song also shows how Kano people are desperate for the former Governor of the State to come back and complete his second tenure of office and save them from his successor.
Below are some of the stanzas from the song:
Jama’a mun gano gaskiya Rabiu Musa Dawo- dawo
People have realized the truth Rabiu Musa Come back
A Kano kuka muke mulki na tsumagiya…
In Kano we are crying because of the bad leadership
Mulkin yan bar bada kullum ci bayane suke kawo wa…
The ruling of hardshipbackwardness they bring
Yaran mu suna tallen ruwa da basu san shi…
Our children have become water vendors
Faduwa jarabawa da basu san shi ba…
Before they don’t fail examinations
Dama ranar rabo sai an yi rashin gwani,
You won’t know until you lost a champion
ba shakka wankin hula yana nufin kaimu dare…
Time might be against us 
Mun tallafa mun shiga munyi rashin sani..
We contributed, was part of it without full knowledge
Mafita Kwankwaso sai kaa dawo.
The solution is Kwankwaso should come back.
Conclusion
From the above, it will be noted that political songs play roles in helping politicians and political parties achieve their aims. The song in the case study was considered as the major song that helped him regain power after losing the seat for eight years.
Even though a song Yau Nigeria Riko sai mai Gaskiya by Ibrahim Ali alongside Maryam Baba composed to the incumbent President Muhammad Buhari, since 2003 and subsequently 2007, 2011 was more popular, but at the end of the three consecutive attempts, the candidate lost elections. Popularity of political songs are hitherto, not a yard stick to winning elections.
References
Blumler, J., ‘Election Communication and the Democratic Political System’, in Paletz, ed.,                                    Political Communication Research: Approaches, Studies,Assessments,                                             Norwood, Ablex, 1987,pp. 167–75.
Bolland, E. J., ‘Advertising v. Public Relations’, in Public Relations Quarterly, vol. 34, no. 3,                               1989, pp. 10–12.
Graber, D. A.,(1981)  ‘Political Language’, in Nimmo and Sanders, eds, Handbook of Political Communication, Beverly Hills, Sage, pp. 195–223.
Graber, D. A (1981) Mass Media and American Politics, Washington, CQ Press, 1984a.
Graber, D. A., (1984b) ed., Media Power in Politics, Washington, CQ Press
Greenaway, J., Smith, S., Street, J., (1992) Deciding Factors in British Politics, London, Routledge.
Harrop, M., Scammell, M., (1992) ‘A Tabloid War’, in Butler and Kavanagh,The British General Election of 1992, London, Macmillan,, pp. 180–210.
Hart, R. (1987) The Sound of Leadership: Presidential Communication in the Modern Age, Chicago, University of Chicago Press.
Kuhn, R., Neveu, E. (2002) eds, Political Journalism: New Challenges, New Practices, London, Routledge
Kelly, M., Mitchell, T. (1984) ‘Transnational Terrorism and the Western Elite Press’, in Graber, ed., Media Power in Politics, Washington, CQ Press, pp. 282–9.
Kepplinger, H. M. Dombach, W., (1987) ‘The Influence of Camera Perspectives on the Reception of a Politician by Supporters, Opponents and Neutral Viewers’, in Paletz, ed., Political Communication Research: Approaches,Studies, Assessments, Norwood, Ablex, , pp. 62–72.
Kieran, M. (1998) ed., Media Ethics, London, Routledge
Kurfi, M (2015) Music, Anger and the Transformation of Nigerian Political Arena, Ilorin Journal of Management Sciences. Vol 2, No.1
Leiss, W., Kline, S., Jhally, S., (1986) Social Communication in Advertising, London, Routledge
Maigari, F (2011) Ethics and Journalism in Private Media Organizations: A Case Study of                                    Freedom Radio, Unpublished Bachelors’ Degree Thesis,Department of Sociology,                         Bayero University, Kano.
Negrine, R., Politics and the Mass Media, London, Routledge, 1993.
Nimmo, D., Sanders, K. (1981b) eds, Handbook of Political Communication, Beverly Hills, Sage.
Nimmo, D., Combs, J. (1983), Political Communication, New York, Longman.
McCombs, M., (1981) ‘The Agenda-Setting Approach’, in Nimmo and Sanders, eds, Handbook       of Political Communication, Beverly Hills, Sage, ,pp. 121–40.
Weaver, D. (1987) ‘Media Agenda-setting and Elections: Assumptions and Implications’, in                                 Paletz, ed., Political Communication Research: Approaches, Studies,                                              Assessments, Norwood, Ablex, pp. 176–93.
·        Maigari, is a Public Affairs Analyst, Media Sociologist/ Consultant based in Kano.

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Muslim-Muslim Ticket: idea fixation pathetic, religion be excluded in politics and governance, says El-Rufai

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The Governor of Kaduna State, Mallam Nasir El-Rufai, has described the possibility that the ruling All Progressives Congress, APC, would run a Muslim-Muslim ticket in the 2023 presidential election as mere speculation.

Making a remark on Channels TV’s political show, Politics Today, he said, Nigerians’ obsession with religion – when it comes to voting – rather than competence is sad. “This fixation of Nigerians on religion instead of competence, capacity, and capability is quite sad and pathetic.”

El-Rufai said that anyone asking him questions about the controversial Muslim-Muslim presidential ticket is asking the wrong person, because, in the 2019 general election he settled for a qualified Muslim woman as a running mate and won the election in Kaduna State.

He said, “I don’t look at people from Muslim-Muslim or Christian-Christian angle. Most of my closest friends are Christians. It was Pastor Tunde Bakare, a Pentecostal pastor, that took me to the CPC, not President Buhari. I’m very close to Bakare. I’m very close to many Christians. I don’t think the business of governance has anything to do with religion. I think we should look for the best person for the job. A person that will get the job done and let him do that.”

He advised Nigerian journalists to keep religion out of politics and government. He said, “I don’t think we should be looking at religion. We want to develop this country. When I get into a plane, I don’t ask about the religion of the pilot. When I go to the hospital, I don’t ask for the doctor’s religion of the doctor, I just want to get well. I just want to get to my destination when in an aircraft.

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Nigerian Universities, the interference of Professional bodies, and the time bomb

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Having worked with multidisciplinary teams during my PhD at the Department of Engineering of the University of Leicester and postdoctoral fellowship at the Department of Electric Power Engineering at the Norwegian University of Science and Technology (NTNU), I decided to experiment the acceptability of a multidisciplinary team in Engineering departments in Nigerian universities in 21st century on my return in 2015. Then, I was already due to be a Senior Lecturer in ABU since 2014. So I sent my CV and an application letter for the position of Associate Professor to the VC through the Head of Electrical Engineering Department of one of our public universities in November 2015. And I received the following not very surprising reply.
“Having perused your application documents, I found them interesting and relevant to the need of the department. However, I cannot pass your application for further processing because of the post applied for. For your information, the Council for Regulation of Engineering in Nig. (COREN) has fixed the bar of an Engineering lecturer who is not registered with COREN at Lecturer I regardless of the number of his/her publications.”
The question that came to my mind was that is the regulation of engineering lecturers in universities part of the mandates of COREN? I read the reply again and he was very emphatic on my PhD and postdoctoral research experience and the relevance to his department. I was made to understand that the University has no academic staff in the area of high voltage engineering, but for them to utilize my experience in high voltage engineering, if I was actually ready to move there, I have to accept to be demoted for 4 years because COREN said so. And I can’t grow no matter my research output till I am registered with COREN. Amazing offer! It will take a complete idiot to accept such an offer. That is the reality of the compartmentalization of our university system and the destruction of the Nigerian university system and the structure by supposed professionals.
This was completely different from my experience in my two universities in Europe. Prof. Len Dissado had a first degree in chemistry and a PhD in chemistry but was a Professor of Engineering at Leicester because his research area was in Dielectrics, a topic very relevant to High Voltage Engineering. He was retained as Emeritus when I left in 2012. Dr. Steve S. Dodd had his first degree in Physics and PhD in Physics but was employed as a Senior Lecturer in Engineering (High Voltage Engineering group) because his research area was in Electrical insulation materials. He retired as a Reader in High Voltage Engineering. The HoD of the Electric Power Engineering as at the time I left the Norwegian University of Science and Technology in 2015 had a PhD in Physics and was a Professor of Electric Power Engineering. Universities in the rest of the world are closing gaps, while we are widening the gap. Since I could not close the gap, so we decided to have a High Voltage Laboratory in the Physics department.
In universities, we are academics and research workers. Irrespective of the field, we are employed to teach and do research. The yardstick for evaluating your performance is research output. Engineering graduates in academia are not left out. They are not employed as Engineers. Universities have their Engineers to do the engineering work. As an academic, you can be COREN registered to enable you to practice outside the university but not for the classroom and research labs in the university. I once asked a colleague some years back if as a university worker, he is an Engineer for real or a teacher and he was silent. I asked about the value of COREN registration in his teaching of Engineering courses, research output, and student project supervision and he could not give me a straight answer.
I still find it weird that COREN, a body regulating practicing engineers on the field is now setting standards for promotion in the Engineering departments of Nigerian universities. They will soon be telling Nigerian universities what to teach and what not to teach. The other councils of professionals will soon follow to set what they perceived as standards for the respective faculties or departments.
The interference of the Councils of professionals in the affairs of Nigerian universities has grown beyond setting promotion guidelines. They are now deciding the establishment of faculties and the duplication of academic departments. It does not matter the burden of running such faculties and departments on the universities. I am still wondering how they are able to twist the hands of NUC and the universities’ Senate and Governing Council to achieve all that. Not long ago, the Faculty of medicine in Nigerian public universities were converted to Colleges of Medical Sciences with 4 faculties and several departments, thanks to the Medical and Dental Council of Nigeria.
What baffled me was the fact that the Department of Biochemistry, for example, that has taught medical students the biochemistry they know since the inception of the study of medicine in Nigerian universities is suddenly no more qualified to teach medical students because the Lecturers do not have a degree in medicine. Very amazing! We now have duplicated Biochemistry departments across Nigerian universities that they called “Medical Biochemistry” in the college of medicine. The “medical biochemistry” will possibly be taught by the Medical Doctors based on what they learned from the Biochemists in life science while in medical school. Could this be a case of trading quality for ego?
We also, for example, have a medical microbiology department in the college of medicine, a microbiology
department in the faculty of life science, and a vet microbiology department in the faculty of Veterinary medicine.
The microbiologists will be able to explain to us the difference between the different versions of the microbiology.
I was in Norway in 2014 when the Norwegian couple at NTNU shared the Nobel Prize for Medicine with a Professor at the University College London (UCL). I tried to check the structure of these 2 universities. The faculty of medicine at NTNU has no biochemistry department. The Department of Biotechnology and Food Sciences, a replica of the Biochemistry department, is in the faculty of natural science and they provide service to the faculty of Medicine as we had before the coming of the colleges of medicine in Nigerian universities.
How the increased number of departments helping to improve the quality of our academic output is what I can’t figure out. Rather than the duplication of service departments that will only increase the number of academic departments and won’t really add much value to the system but increased running cost, we should have created a college of life sciences and pulled the relevant faculties and departments into it.
Individualistic research is going extinct and most of the novelties of the 21st century are from interdisciplinary researches. One of the winners of the 2014 Nobel prize in medicine John O’Keefe is a neuroscientist in the Faculty of life sciences at the UCL with his degrees in Psychology. But the others, May-Britt Moser and Edvard I. Moser are both neuroscientists from the Faculty of Medicine at NTNU and received their first degree from the Department of Psychology and PhD in neurophysiology at the Faculty of Medicine in Oslo.
There is nothing more fascinating than the fusing of different ideas together to produce a unique product. That is the exploration in the 21st century. The world has left us behind in individualistic ideology and moved into multidisciplinary academics. If we must make progress in our universities, we must break our erected artificial barriers that are keeping us apart. The academics in physical sciences and engineering must come together with possibly a research centre that is into cutting-edge research that will involve research groups from all the relevant departments. Same way to bring life science and medical complex together.
I have seen graduates of mathematics that became Professors of Econometrics in Economics departments in universities in Europe, but not in Nigerian universities. I have seen a graduate of Chemistry that became a Professor of Engineering in Europe, but not in Nigerian universities. I have seen a graduate of Physics that became a Professor of Electric Power Engineering in Europe, but not in Nigerian universities. In Nigeria, I have seen Engr (Prof) XXX boldly written on our doors in the department but not in the universities in Europe. Are we having an identity crisis?
Professional bodies that are supposed to focus on the regulation of Professionals in the field should focus on their mandate and not be given free hands to change University policies as it pleases them. If we don’t end their interference, just like the medical council, COREN could wake up one day to tell our universities that there is a need for colleges of Engineering with departments of mathematics and physics to service the college because those in Mathematics and Physics departments are not qualified to teach engineering students because they don’t have engineering degrees. Vet council, Pharmaceuticals council, builders council, architects council, Quantity surveyors council, etc, may follow. So, how are we going to handle that?
Let’s stick to the founding principles of the university. Universities have world standards. We can stick to our British standard or borrow a leaf from the world’s top universities to improve our system, instead of allowing professional bodies to manipulate us and create barriers within the university system that will further slow down the progress we are to make.
Our universities are not in it’s best form and we have to do what we have to do to improve them. We should be more preoccupied with that. We should be discussing how to reposition Nigerian universities to be able to stand up to our various challenges and not duplicate departments without facilities because some Councils of professionals said so.
Finally, to my colleagues in Electric power engineering or high voltage engineering in Nigerian universities, you are welcome to experience our High Voltage Materials Laboratory in the Department of Physics, Ahmadu Bello University Zaria. We have a 400 kV DC generator and 100 kV AC source with a partial discharge measurement system to serve you. Join us to learn the physics of electric power equipment. We do not have barriers!

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Galadima Knocks Nigeria Sports Handlers Over Laziness in Talent Development,

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By Abdulgafar Oladimeji.

Former chairman, Nigeria Football Association , NFA Ibrahim Galadima(MFR) has faulted the administration, promotion and development of sports in Nigeria, noting that  the continuous  degenerating  global  status of Nigeria on the  sporting  arena could be attributed to laziness.

The outspoken sports administrator   stated that the absence of  clear  cut policies  on how  sports should be driven in Nigeria  constitutes parts of the factors that  has enrolled Nigeria on the path of total  failure.

Galadima in his remarks  on ( Thursday)at a one day workshop organized by Sports Writers Association of Nigeria, SWAN  Kano state chapter held at the conference hall of the Kano state Sports Commission with the theme “Early Warnings and Security Vigilance At Sports Events, he said “we re yet to clearly structure and drive the message clearly to say whether we   are in sports for business or  for leisure purposes.”

“our sports is going through difficult times, certainly, the Kenyans have  a clear concentration, they  have  shown clearly where they belong by dominating marathon races, recently they came to Kaduna and stamped their dominance.

“The abundant talent in Nigeria remained untapped, no age group graduation, even if you are in Chad, you are considered as a foreign based athlete, we are now so lazy in identifying talents.” Galadima lamented.

He alleged that lack of trust and confidence has  sent sponsors out of the industry, adding that potential brand sponsors are shying away from injecting their monies into  the industry for the fear of unaccountability.

 

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