By Farouk Umar Maigari
The Nigerian music industry has paved the way for the success of electoral revolution in Nigeria, considering how music plays roles in our daily life and serves as a cardinal element of political and social change (Kurfi, 2015). Political songs have been in existence in the Nigerian political scene since the first republic. Traditional singers have played a certain role towards advertising politicians and government programmes, example was Alhaji Musa Dankwairo’s song, Yaki Muke da Rashin Da’a, a campaign song of “war against indiscipline” during Major General Muhammadu Buhari’s government in 1985/86 and Gamji Dankwarai song in praise of the first and only Premier of Northern Nigeria and Alhaji Mamman Shata’s song for Garkuwan Gombe, Alhaji Bappa Ahmed, a Nigeria’s second Republic politician, these and many more were also used during party campaigns and rallies.
Former Kano state Governor,Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso
Kurfi (2015:88) points out that ‘it is most likely that political and sociological musicology will mature as an area of research as social scientists become increasingly aware of the developing interactive dependency between the evolution of our society and the music that it generates.’ Political advertisement disseminates information about the candidate’s or party’s programme to a degree of details which journalists can rely much and make news.
Nimmo and Felsberg (1986) believe that paid political advertising via television should constitute the mainstream of modern electoral politics. Media rely on income coming from advertisements. Radio, as a means that is very common in the developing countries in term of cost is usually used by campaigners to disseminate their manifestoes to the electorate.
A Brief History of Political Advertising
A history of political advertising should begin with the United States of America because it is there that the techniques of the form were pioneered and where they have reached their highest level of sophistication (McNair, 2003). The United States of America, being most successful capitalist power, has gone faster, and further, in commodifying the political process by the use of advertising than any other country. Moreover, the procedure has been copied by many countries world over.
Political Advertising: A Definition
Bolland (1989: 10-12) defines advertising as the ‘paid placement of organizational messages in the media.’ Political advertising therefore, in the strict sense, refers to the purchase and use of advertising space, paid for at commercial rates, in order to transmit political messages to a mass audience. The media used for this purpose may include cinema, billboards, the press, radio, and television. Paid political advertisements are regulated in Nigeria, by the Advertisement Practioner’s Council of Nigeria, APCON.
Advertising
Advertising was defined by Sambe (2005) as any paid form of non- personal presentation and promotion of ideas, goods and services by an identified sponsor. A paid advertiser always wants his name or the product mentioned, which is totally different from publicity where the sponsor is usually behind the mask. Advertisements function, therefore, by making commodities mean something to their prospective purchasers; by distinguishing one product from another, functionally similar one; and by doing this in a manner which connects with the desires of the consumer. As Leiss et al. (1986) point out, ‘in advertising, the creators of messages try to turn signifiers [commodities] with which audiences may have little or no familiarity, into meaningful signs that, they hope, will prompt consumers to respond with appropriate behavior.’
Advertising and Politics
Media outfits in Nigeria have articulated socio- political programs. Popular among them is the Federal Radio Corporation of Nigeria’s (FRCN), Kaduna, Hannu Dayawa and Freedom Radio’s Kowanne Gauta in Kano State. Freedom Radio being the pioneer private radio station in Northern Nigeria (Maigari, 2011) set up in 2003, started the programme, Kowanne Gauta for local politicians known as Sojojin Baka literally meaning “mouth soldiers”. These mouth soldiers set agenda for so many political issues and have the means to air their views which in turn reduces and at times aggravates political tension and frustration.
Politics has become, for better or worse, a process in which candidates are presented through the mass media, with a range of politics from which they must select. As Nimmo and Felsberg (1986) put it, ‘political candidates must frequently offer themselves as differing brands of the same product’. These choices are ‘manufactured’, moreover, to contain not merely a ‘use-value’ (political party A will run the country efficiently) but an exchange or sign-value (political party A means this, as opposed to political party B, which means something else entirely). In the process of endowing political actors with meaning, advertisers have deployed all the techniques of their commercial colleagues, while also producing a few of their own.
Democracy and the Media
We have already referred in general terms to the important role assigned the media by liberal democratic theory. The media’s democratic role would be fulfilled, on the one hand, by journalists’ adherence to the professional ethics of objectivity in reporting the facts of public affairs.
Politics in the Age of Mediation
The broadcasters’ guiding principle of impartiality went further in seeking to ensure, from as early as 1923, ‘that on every occasion when political issues were touched on, the three parties should be given as nearly as possible equal attention.
The fact that airtime has been a scarce resource (at least until the advent of cable, satellite and digital television) determined that the impartiality principle be retained by British broadcasters throughout the twentieth century, with some exceptions (such as coverage of Northern Ireland). Opportunities for the expression of political opinion by broadcasting journalists were thus extremely limited. The press, by contrast, with its particular role in the free exchange or ‘marketplace’ of ideas, were permitted, and indeed expected, to take up political positions. They were ‘partial’, as opposed to the studied impartiality of the broadcasters. This meant that even after the British press abandoned direct organizational links with political parties in the nineteenth century (Negrine, 1993), individual newspapers continued to have political views and expressed them in their content. The democratic principle was preserved in so far as newspapers and periodicals expressed a plurality of opinions, corresponding to the variety of opinions circulating in the public sphere. The diversity of the party system was paralleled in the pluralism of the press.
In adhering to these principles, therefore – objectivity and impartiality for broadcasting, partisanship and advocacy for the press – the media performed, in their different ways, their democratic role. And indeed, as audience research and public opinion surveys have consistently shown, the media have in the course of the twentieth century come to represent for most people, most of the time, their primary source of political information. The press and broadcasting have become ‘the principal means of “mediating”, that is, standing between people and the world and reporting to them what they could not see or experience themselves’ (Nimmo and Combs, 1983: 12). As Blumler puts it, ‘at a time when the public’s confidence in many social and political institutions has steeply declined . . . voters have become more dependent on media resources . . . for impressions of what is at stake, as previous suppliers of guiding frameworks have lost their credibility’ (1987: 170)
The Political Media
Order and structure political reality, allotting events greater or lesser significance according to their presence or absence on the media agenda. Indeed, the agenda-setting function of the media is argued by many observers to be their main contribution to the political process (McCombs, 1981). As citizens, we are unable to grasp or assimilate anything like the totality of events in the real world, and thus we rely on the media to search and sift reality for the most important happenings. During election campaigns, for example, David Weaver points to ‘considerable support for the conclusion that the news media are crucial in determining the public importance of issues . . . at least those issues generally outside the experience of most of the public’ (1987: 186).
The key objective of political communication is to set the public agenda in ways favorable to an organization’s achievement of its goals. Politicians, thus direct considerable energies to having their preferred agenda accepted and endorsed by the media.
The Case Study.
The song Kwankwaso Dawo- Dawo by a Kano based Kannywood singer, Nazifi Abdul Salam Yusuf, popularly known as Nazifi Asnanic was composed courtesy of the close ally of the former leader of the ruling party, All Progress Congress (APC) Engr. (Dr.) Muhammad Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso. At that time, they were members of the former ruling party People’s Democractic Party (PDP) at the center, the song was usually played at the campaigns and rallies of the candidate. He was praised in the song “to come and save” the people of Kano from the government of that time.
Kwankwaso is into politics since the aborted third republic of 1991. He contested and won the seat to the National Assembly to represent his constituency. At the National Assembly he became the Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives. After the return of democracy in 1999, he was elected the Executive Governor of Kano State but unfortunately lost re- election in 2003.
Engr. (Dr.) Muhammad Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso was appointed the Honorable Minister of Defence of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. He re-contested the elections later in 2011 during which this song was composed.
Singers compose songs because of personal support with politicians as noted by Nazifi (2017). He also claimed that even if given money will not do song for some politicians, even if he do it the song will not make any impact.
He regrets a song he did to politician that was later played after he lost support for the candidate in next election eve. Asnanic also posits that listeners of the song thought it was for that particular election it is been played.
The song also shows how Kano people are desperate for the former Governor of the State to come back and complete his second tenure of office and save them from his successor.
Below are some of the stanzas from the song:
Jama’a mun gano gaskiya Rabiu Musa Dawo- dawo
People have realized the truth Rabiu Musa Come back
A Kano kuka muke mulki na tsumagiya…
In Kano we are crying because of the bad leadership
Mulkin yan bar bada kullum ci bayane suke kawo wa…
The ruling of hardshipbackwardness they bring
Yaran mu suna tallen ruwa da basu san shi…
Our children have become water vendors
Faduwa jarabawa da basu san shi ba…
Before they don’t fail examinations
Dama ranar rabo sai an yi rashin gwani,
You won’t know until you lost a champion
ba shakka wankin hula yana nufin kaimu dare…
Time might be against us
Mun tallafa mun shiga munyi rashin sani..
We contributed, was part of it without full knowledge
Mafita Kwankwaso sai kaa dawo.
The solution is Kwankwaso should come back.
Conclusion
From the above, it will be noted that political songs play roles in helping politicians and political parties achieve their aims. The song in the case study was considered as the major song that helped him regain power after losing the seat for eight years.
Even though a song Yau Nigeria Riko sai mai Gaskiya by Ibrahim Ali alongside Maryam Baba composed to the incumbent President Muhammad Buhari, since 2003 and subsequently 2007, 2011 was more popular, but at the end of the three consecutive attempts, the candidate lost elections. Popularity of political songs are hitherto, not a yard stick to winning elections.
References
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Bolland, E. J., ‘Advertising v. Public Relations’, in Public Relations Quarterly, vol. 34, no. 3, 1989, pp. 10–12.
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Leiss, W., Kline, S., Jhally, S., (1986) Social Communication in Advertising, London, Routledge
Maigari, F (2011) Ethics and Journalism in Private Media Organizations: A Case Study of Freedom Radio, Unpublished Bachelors’ Degree Thesis,Department of Sociology, Bayero University, Kano.
Negrine, R., Politics and the Mass Media, London, Routledge, 1993.
Nimmo, D., Sanders, K. (1981b) eds, Handbook of Political Communication, Beverly Hills, Sage.
Nimmo, D., Combs, J. (1983), Political Communication, New York, Longman.
McCombs, M., (1981) ‘The Agenda-Setting Approach’, in Nimmo and Sanders, eds, Handbook of Political Communication, Beverly Hills, Sage, ,pp. 121–40.
Weaver, D. (1987) ‘Media Agenda-setting and Elections: Assumptions and Implications’, in Paletz, ed., Political Communication Research: Approaches, Studies, Assessments, Norwood, Ablex, pp. 176–93.
· Maigari, is a Public Affairs Analyst, Media Sociologist/ Consultant based in Kano.
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