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Jagoran Kano First, Kindly Hear Me Out: A Concerned Citizen’s Counsel to Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf as 2027 Approaches

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6 months ago

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By Sufyan Lawal Kabo | Political Commentator and Civic Analyst
sefjamil3@gmail.com

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The most valuable counsel a leader can receive is rarely the most comfortable. It does not arrive wrapped in flattery or delivered through the careful diplomacy of those whose proximity to power has made honesty a professional risk. It comes, instead, from those who have no personal stake in the leader’s approval, whose only investment is in the success of the larger cause, and who understand, from the clear-eyed distance of genuine civic concern, what the leader’s inner circle is too close, too cautious, or too compromised to say plainly. It is in that spirit, with deep and sincere respect for the leadership of Kano State and genuine appreciation for the efforts of His Excellency Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, the Jagoran Kano First, that these reflections are offered. Not as an open letter, but as a general meditation on the political moment Kano finds itself in, so that everyone with a stake in the state’s future, governors and governed, appointees and ordinary citizens alike, can benefit from an honest reckoning with where we are and where we are headed.
The political landscape of Kano State has shifted dramatically in recent months. Governor Yusuf’s alignment with the All Progressives Congress has reconfigured the state’s political geometry in ways that are still working themselves out, generating new alliances, reopening old wounds, and producing the kind of charged political atmosphere in which the temptations of reactive communication are at their most dangerous and the need for strategic wisdom is at its most acute. A significant number of politicians have moved with the governor, drawn by conviction, by calculation, or by the simple pragmatism that has always characterized Kano’s political culture. But the alignment has also generated intense opposition, particularly from within the Kwankwasiyya movement, whose supporters feel a sense of betrayal that is as emotionally powerful as it is politically consequential. As the 2027 elections approach, that opposition will not diminish. Every credible political analyst agrees that the coming contest between the Abba camp and the Kwankwasiyya will be among the most competitive and consequential Kano has seen in recent memory, quite possibly more intense than the earlier rivalry between the Kwankwasiyya and Gandujiyya camps.
The evidence of this intensifying contest is already visible in the digital public square. Social media comment sections beneath posts related to the governor’s activities have become battlegrounds of competing narratives, some constructive, many not. Critics deploy phrases like Falle Daya Ce, meaning one tenure only, with the rhythmic insistence of a political chant. The Kano First Agenda, championed with such intellectual seriousness by the Commissioner for Information and Internal Affairs, Comrade Ibrahim Abdullahi Waiya, widely and respectfully known as the Limamin Kano First, has been met with the sarcastic counter-phrase Kwano First, a deliberate attempt to trivialize a governing philosophy whose substance deserves engagement rather than mockery. These are the realities of a competitive democratic environment, and they demand a response. The question, and it is the most important political question facing the administration right now, is what kind of response.
The answer that too many supporters, aides, and communication officers around the governor have been providing is, to put it plainly, the wrong one. There is a pattern of engagement with critics and opposition voices that relies on emotional intensity where intellectual authority is required, on personal attacks where factual correction would be far more effective, and on the language of political combat where the language of governance achievement would be infinitely more persuasive. The public exchange between Dr Yusuf Kofar Mata, a former Commissioner for Higher Education and Science and Technology who departed after the political realignment, and Comrade Saidu Dakata of the Kano State Signage and Advertisement Agency, is instructive in this regard. Dakata’s approach, grounded in facts and delivered with composure, represents the model that every government communicator and supporter should study and emulate. Dr Kofar Mata’s departure and subsequent criticism represent a pattern of political transition that is entirely normal in democratic politics, and the appropriate response to it is not personal hostility but the patient, evidence-based demonstration that the administration’s record speaks for itself.
This brings me to a point that I consider the most urgent communication lesson facing the Yusuf administration as it navigates the approach to 2027. The individuals who occupy communication roles around government do not speak only for themselves. They speak, whether they appreciate this or not, for the government they represent and for the governor whose vision they are entrusted to project. When their language is undignified, when their responses are emotional rather than evidential, when they mistake noise for effectiveness and aggression for strength, they do not merely embarrass themselves. They inflict reputational damage on the administration that no subsequent clarification can fully repair. A government spokesperson, a ministry official, a strategic appointee, these are not party supporters free to conduct themselves as partisans in a street argument. They are, in every public utterance, the voice of governance itself, and the standard to which that voice must be held is the standard of statesmanship, not political thuggery.
There is a deeper strategic error in the adversarial approach to opposition that I want to name directly, because it is one that has cost many Nigerian administrations dearly in the critical period before a contested election. Fighting the opposition, particularly a well-organized and emotionally motivated opposition like the Kwankwasiyya, does not weaken it. It energizes it. Every confrontation becomes a recruitment tool. Every insult directed at a critic generates sympathy among the undecided. Every demonstration of governmental arrogance reminds citizens who are watching carefully that power, when it forgets its purpose, becomes indistinguishable from the very thing it replaced. The comment sections and social media threads that carry intense opposition to the governor are not primarily problems to be suppressed. They are political intelligence to be read, understood, and responded to with the kind of persuasive, patient, dignity-preserving engagement that converts skeptics into supporters rather than driving them deeper into the opposing camp.
History offers an instructive parallel that transcends cultural boundaries. When Liu Bang, the founder of the Han Dynasty, defeated the rival warlords who had contested the collapse of the Qin dynasty, he faced a choice that every leader in a contested political environment eventually faces: humiliate the defeated or absorb them. He chose absorption. He extended dignity and opportunity to former rivals, integrated their networks and constituencies into his growing coalition, and in doing so built a political foundation that sustained one of the most consequential dynasties in Chinese history. The lesson, ancient as it is, has lost none of its relevance. Strong leaders do not multiply enemies. They convert rivals into partners, or at the very minimum, they manage the relationship with former allies and current critics in ways that leave open the possibility of future reconciliation. The Quranic wisdom is equally direct and equally applicable: good and evil are not equal, and evil repelled with what is better produces a transformation that no amount of force or confrontation can achieve.
There is also a matter of democratic principle that deserves honest acknowledgement. From the moment a person is sworn in as governor, he ceases to be merely the leader of a political movement or the champion of a particular constituency. He becomes the governor of an entire state, responsible to every citizen within its boundaries regardless of how they voted, what party they support, or what they said about him during the campaign. The Kano First philosophy itself, in its most intellectually serious articulation, embodies this understanding. It insists that the interests of Kano must always take precedence over the interests of any party, any faction, or any individual. That principle cannot be selectively applied. It cannot mean Kano First when it is politically convenient and NNPP or APC first when political loyalties are under pressure. Its credibility depends entirely on its consistency, and its consistency depends on the willingness of the governor and everyone around him to hold themselves to the standard it sets, even when, especially when, it is politically costly to do so.
I want to address, with particular directness, the tendency among some government-aligned voices to disparage citizens and political figures who do not hold appointments, as though proximity to power were a measure of worth, wisdom, or loyalty. This is a dangerous and ultimately self-defeating attitude. Many of the individuals who supported this political movement through its most difficult years, who spent their own resources, sacrificed professional opportunities, and in some cases faced genuine personal risk because of their commitment to a cause, occupy no position today. The reasons for that are varied and are not, in most cases, a reflection of their competence or their loyalty. When those who have recently arrived at the table of power look down upon those who helped set it, they reveal not strength but insecurity, not confidence but the brittle arrogance of those who have confused the accident of appointment with the substance of achievement.
Kano politics has always been won through coalitions, through the patient assembly of diverse constituencies, interest groups, and political networks into a broad enough tent to command a democratic majority. The governor’s own political journey is a testament to this truth. His rise was built on the foundations of a movement that was itself a coalition, and the loyalty and hope of the people who believed in that movement were the currency with which his political capital was purchased. As 2027 approaches, the question is not whether opposition will intensify. It will. The question is whether the administration will respond to that intensification with the wisdom, dignity, and strategic intelligence that the moment demands, expanding its coalition where it can, managing its critics with composure, and allowing the genuine achievements of the Kano First Agenda to make the most powerful argument that any government can make: the argument of visible, verifiable, citizen-felt results.
Our elders captured this wisdom with characteristic economy: Mai hikima gada yake ginawa ba bango ba. A wise person builds bridges, not walls. The administration of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf has the vision, the intellectual resources, the policy framework, and the genuine achievements necessary to make a compelling case to the people of Kano. What it must also cultivate, with urgency and deliberate discipline, is the political maturity to pursue that case through persuasion rather than confrontation, through the steady demonstration of competence and integrity rather than the noisy prosecution of political rivalries. History remembers those who unified more fondly than those who divided. Kano deserves a government determined to be remembered well.

Sufyan Lawal Kabo is a political commentator and civic analyst based in Kano State.
Contact: sefjamil3@gmail.com

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Opinion

Re: “Kano Spends #26.5BN On Govt House,Governors Office, Travels In Six Months

Published

3 days ago

on

August 27, 2026

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Setting the Records Straight from the Published Budget Performance Report

By Hon. Muhammad Sanusi S. Kiru, FCIA

As a citizen of Kano State with an abiding interest in good governance, transparency and responsible public discourse, I consider it necessary to independently examine the figures currently circulating under the headline: “Kano Spends ₦26.5bn on Govt House, Governor’s Office, Travels in Six Months.”

Public expenditure must be subjected to scrutiny. The media has an indispensable responsibility to hold governments and public institutions accountable. However, such scrutiny achieves its purpose only when figures extracted from official financial documents are presented within their correct accounting and administrative context.

I have therefore examined the Kano State Second Quarter 2026 Budget Performance Report, the publicly available document from which the figures in the report appear to have been derived. My review reveals a number of important facts which members of the public deserve to know.

I. THE ₦25.869 BILLION IS NOT THE GOVERNOR’S PERSONAL EXPENDITURE

The official Budget Performance Report indeed contains an expenditure figure of approximately ₦25.869 billion under the broader Government House administrative classification.

However, this classification is not synonymous with the personal expenditure of the Governor, nor does the amount represent expenditure exclusively incurred by the Governor’s immediate office.

Rather, it is an umbrella administrative classification encompassing several offices, directorates, agencies and governmental functions.

It would therefore be misleading to interpret or present the entire ₦25.869 billion as money spent personally by the Governor or exclusively by his immediate office.

II. GOVERNMENT HOUSE PROPER RECORDED APPROXIMATELY ₦3.288 BILLION

A closer examination of the same official document shows that Government House proper, under administrative code 011100100100, recorded cumulative expenditure of approximately ₦3.288 billion as at June 2026.

This was against an approved annual provision of approximately ₦39.514 billion, meaning that only about 8.3 per cent of the annual provision had been utilised at the end of the first six months.

This distinction is fundamental.

The difference between the ₦3.288 billion expenditure attributable to Government House proper and the ₦25.869 billion aggregate expenditure under the wider administrative classification should not be overlooked in any objective analysis.

III. THE ₦25.869 BILLION COVERS SEVERAL ESTABLISHMENTS

The broader ₦25.869 billion figure incorporates expenditure attributable to several establishments and governmental functions administratively grouped under Government House.

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These include, among others, the Deputy Governor’s Office, Protocol Directorate, Media and Publicity establishments and other offices and agencies.

For example, the official report indicates that approximately ₦4.471 billion recorded under the Deputy Governor’s Office was capital expenditure. The Protocol Directorate also accounts for a substantial component of expenditure contained within the broader administrative classification.

These are distinct governmental expenditures and should not be portrayed as the Governor’s personal expenditure.

IV. THE ₦626.95 MILLION DESCRIBED AS “TRAVEL”

The additional figure of approximately ₦626,947,782.13 deserves particular attention.

The amount does appear in the official Q2 2026 Budget Performance Report. However, examination of the underlying document shows that the figure appears under the Primary Healthcare expenditure reporting section, specifically against Local Travel and Transport: Training.

This raises a legitimate question as to the basis for adding the ₦626.95 million to the broader Government House administrative expenditure to arrive at the headline figure of approximately ₦26.5 billion.

If the expenditure is classified in the official document under Primary Healthcare and relates to local travel and transport for training, it should not be presented in a manner capable of creating the impression that the amount represents the Governor’s travel expenditure.

V. THE COMPARABLE EXPENDITURE ACTUALLY DECLINED

There is another important fact which deserves equal prominence.

The broader Government House administrative expenditure reportedly stood at approximately ₦28.84 billion during the first six months of 2025, compared with approximately ₦25.87 billion during the corresponding period of 2026.

This represents a reduction of approximately ₦2.97 billion, or about 10.3 per cent.

The year-on-year comparison therefore indicates a decline rather than an escalation in expenditure under the broader administrative classification.

MY FINDING

Having examined the underlying figures, my considered view is that the headline “Kano Spends ₦26.5 Billion on Govt House, Governor’s Office, Travels in Six Months” requires substantial clarification and context.

The ₦25.869 billion figure is contained in the official Budget Performance Report, but it represents expenditure under a broader administrative classification encompassing several offices, agencies, directorates and governmental functions. Government House proper recorded approximately ₦3.288 billion.

Similarly, the additional ₦626.95 million presented as travel expenditure appears in the official document under a Primary Healthcare expenditure section relating to Local Travel and Transport: Training. It should therefore not, without further evidence, be interpreted as the Governor’s travel expenditure.

Furthermore, the comparable broader administrative expenditure declined from approximately ₦28.84 billion in the first half of 2025 to ₦25.87 billion in the first half of 2026, representing a reduction of about 10.3 per cent.

Accountability is not served by shielding government from scrutiny. Neither is it served by presenting legitimate public expenditure figures without their necessary administrative and accounting context.

As citizens, we must continue to demand prudence, transparency and accountability from those entrusted with public resources. In the same spirit, public discourse—particularly on matters involving billions of naira of taxpayers’ money—must be anchored on accuracy, context and fairness.

The records are public. The figures can be verified. Let the facts speak for themselves.

Hon. Muhammad Sanusi S. Kiru, FCIA
Concerned Kano Citizen

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Opinion

Olodo Uprising:The Debate Over Fame, Knowledge And Nigeria’s Digital Future-Peter Peace

Published

4 days ago

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August 26, 2026

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By Peter Peace Eshiofune

 

In today’s Nigeria, a viral video can attract thousands of views within hours, while educational content may struggle to receive the same attention. This changing relationship between knowledge, entertainment and online fame came under scrutiny following comments by Nigerian rapper Oludemilade Martin Alejo, popularly known as YCee, during an appearance on the Afropolitan Podcast in June 2026.

YCee described what he called the “Olódò Uprising,” expressing concern about what he saw as the growing celebration of ignorance and the increasing value placed on internet fame and virality. He referred to what he called “Peller culture,” using popular content creator Peller as an example of a broader digital trend rather than as the sole subject of his criticism. His comments generated responses from Peller and others on social media.

The Yoruba expression “olódò” is commonly used as a derogatory term for someone perceived as unintelligent or academically weak. In YCee’s context, however, the expression was used to describe a perceived social trend in which content that attracts attention, regardless of its intellectual value, can receive greater recognition than knowledge, academic achievement or meaningful contributions.

The controversy became more complicated when content creator Jarvis responded to YCee. She pointed to her university education and argued that content creation should not automatically be interpreted as a rejection of education or evidence of ignorance. She also highlighted the difficulty many young Nigerians face in finding employment, presenting digital content creation as another way young people can earn a living.

Her argument raises an important question: Is the popularity of online entertainment evidence of declining intellectual values, or is it also a response to the economic realities facing young Nigerians?

The question cannot be separated completely from the country’s employment situation. According to the National Bureau of Statistics’ Labour Force Survey, the unemployment rate among Nigerians aged 15–24 stood at 6.5 per cent in the second quarter of 2024. While unemployment statistics alone cannot explain why individuals become content creators, they provide context for understanding why young people may explore alternative forms of work.

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This economic reality helps explain why, for many young Nigerians, social media is no longer simply a platform for entertainment. It has become a space for entrepreneurship, self-expression, networking and communication. With Nigeria’s rapidly expanding digital environment, the opportunity to reach large audiences has also created new possibilities for creators and digital businesses. DataReportal estimated that Nigeria had 47.8 million active social-media user identities in October 2025, showing the size of the audience available to creators and digital businesses.

At the same time, YCee’s concern cannot simply be dismissed. Social media platforms are built around attention and engagement. Views, likes, shares and followers can increase a creator’s visibility and, in some cases, create economic opportunities. This can encourage creators to produce content capable of attracting strong reactions.

The audience is also part of this system. Creators may produce the content, but audiences influence what becomes popular through what they watch, share, comment on and promote. The “Olódò Uprising” debate therefore goes beyond individual personalities. It raises questions about the values that millions of digital users collectively reward.

This distinction is important because entertainment and intelligence are not opposites. A comedian, musician, streamer or content creator can be intelligent and highly educated, just as a person with formal education can produce misleading or poorly informed content. The more important question is what society chooses to reward with attention and influence.

This is where media literacy becomes important. Young people need the ability to question what they see online, distinguish entertainment from misinformation and understand why certain content becomes more visible than others. Educators and communicators also face the challenge of promoting knowledge without treating entertainment as the enemy or appearing disconnected from the realities of young people’s digital lives.

The debate also shows that responsibility does not rest entirely with content creators. Audiences, platforms and communicators all contribute to the digital environment. What receives attention today can influence what creators produce tomorrow, creating a cycle in which popularity can determine the kind of content that is repeatedly seen.

Perhaps this is why the “Olódò Uprising” debate has attracted attention beyond the personalities involved. Beneath the arguments about YCee, Peller and Jarvis lies a larger question about Nigeria’s changing digital culture: If attention can be converted into influence and income, what happens when going viral becomes more attractive than developing knowledge and skills?

The answer should not be to reject entertainment or condemn young people who make a living online. Instead, Nigeria needs a digital culture where creativity and economic opportunity can exist alongside education, critical thinking and responsible communication.

Ultimately, the “Olódò Uprising” may be less about whether one person is intelligent or another is not. It may be about what Nigerians choose to celebrate, what they choose to amplify and the kind of digital culture they want to create.

Peter Peace Eshiofune
A 200-level student of the Department of Development and Strategic Communication, University of Abuja.

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Opinion

Masari: The Quite Architect With No Rivalry, Only Results for APC in 2027

Published

5 days ago

on

August 25, 2026

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By Abba Anwar

One name that rings bell and attracts all manner of attentions is Honourable Ibrahim Kabiru Masari, Special Adviser on Political and Other Matters, to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR, Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. The gentleman whose love for the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) is undeniably visible across all Northern states and even beyond. His elevation from Senior Special Assistant to Special Adviser was a good stamp from the Presidency.

As the 2027 general election draws closer and the race for relevance intensifies within the ruling APC, one name keeps surfacing and resurfacing in quiet rooms where party unity is negotiated and in loud ones where it is celebrated; comes the name Masari.

As Special Adviser very close the President he has not chosen the path of noise or rivalry, with other party heavyweights or appointees. Instead, he has positioned himself as a stabilizing force, a bridge between the Presidency and the party base, and between the North and the center. In a political season often defined by competition for slots and spotlight, his reputation for humility, fairness in appointments, and commitment to party hegemony has made him one of APC’s most valuable assets.

In what usually becomes nation’s political practice under the guise of politics of camps and blocs, Masari is described by party insiders as someone who does not engage in rivalry with other Northern appointees. He has become a rallying point because he prioritizes APC first, region second. For sure he doesn’t ask where you are from before he asks how the party can win.

His special care, concern and love for Kano state are some of the things why he becomes endeared to Kano people. The appointment of Hon Yahuza Ado Inuwa, as the Chairman Standard’s Council, Standard Organization of Nigeria (SON) was birthed, facilitated and secured by Hon Masari and the appointment of Eng Abdullahi Garba Ramat, to the position of Chairman/CEO, Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC), though short-lived, was a singular effort of this gentleman, Masari.

Apart from many more employment opportunities he secured for Kano people at the federal ministries and agencies. He contributed immensely in many other political appointments of Kano citizens in President Tinubu administration.

The same thing, he has special interest and love for Kano’s political development. During 2019 gubernatorial election when the then Governor of Kano state Dr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje was running for the second term and Eng Abba Kabir Yusuf (current governor of Kano), was running on the platform of the opposition People’s Democratic Party (PDP), the atmosphere was in cul-de-sac, he performed wonders for APC and Ganduje.

When both parties were in absolute fear, uncertainty and frustration, Hon Masari played a significant role in APC’s victory. From the electioneering campaign to the declaration of inconclusive result. Up to the Gama tug-of-war, in Nassarawa local government area. He came to the rescue of Ganduje that time. As Tinubu, APC National Leader then, supervised the project. Tinubu and Masari, not even federal government under late President Muhammadu Buhari, saved APC, Ganduje and Kano people from the clutches of PDP.

So to me, whatever good thing Ganduje did to Tinubu and/or Masari, is just a returning match. No more no less. And politics is an envelope of returning matches. At whatever level you can think of.

To also tell you that the Special Adviser, Political, to President Tinubu cares much about healthy political development in Kano, he played an important and unmatched role, in making sure that His Excellency Murtala Sule Garo becomes the Deputy Governor of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf. Even if I said singlehandedly, is not a derailed exercise. I was privy to many efforts then.

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The same Masari moved in quickly when some forces wanted Ganduje, to be bundle out of the APC’s National Headquarters, as National Chairman of the party. It Masari who instantly intervened and saved the situation from total collapse. He did that to save Ganduje, Kano state image in the national scheme of things and to consolidate the strength of the party in Northern Nigeria. We all saw how Ganduje resigned unscathed.

I once called him the Distributor of Opportunity. It is obvious to say that his strength is in opening doors at the federal level for capable hands, not just from Katsina state, but across the North and beyond. This has earned him goodwill and cemented the perception that the Tinubu administration is rewarding loyalty and competence, not just geography.

In his home state Katsina, he was instrumental to the appointment of the following people, in different federal agencies. These are the Executive Director, National Social Insurance Trust Fund (NSITF) Barr. Samaila Abdu, Board Chairman, Badagry College, Lagos, Kabiru Musa Kafur, Chief of Staff to the Honourable Minister of Housing and Urban Development, Dr. Abba, Executive Director, Monitoring and Implementation, Nigeria–São Tomé and Príncipe Joint Development Authority, Alhaji Abdullahi Muhammed Yari and Hon. Dr. Jabiru Salisu Abdullahi Tsauri as the National Coordinator and Chief Executive Officer of AUDA-NEPAD Nigeria, among others.

He facilitated for the employment of hundreds of Katsina people and other Northern states. Without any consideration of where one comes from. It is undoubtedly clear to note that, quintessential individuals like Masari are great assets to the President and the ruling APC, as we are inching towards general election of 2027.

Without any doubt or rethink, this man is an embodiment of victory, political sophistication, foresight, deeply rooted influence among his people, needed experience, domineering political architecture and relevance.

Another good thing about this gentleman is his simplicity in dealing with all other political appointees, who come from the North. He is different, as he has no political rival under whose rivalry the party and the President suffer technically. He has good understanding with all the Ministers from the North, all appointees of federal government agencies and departments and all party leaders from his geo-political zone, North West and beyond, among others.

He is in good term with Distinguished members of the National Assembly, especially the leadership of the two Chambers, these are His Excellency Deputy Senate President, Barau I Jibrin, CFR, Phd and Right Honourable Speaker, House of Representatives, Tajuddeen Abbas.

All Governors from his zone and even beyond have good working relationship with this gentleman. No wonder whenever he organizes Empowerment Programmes in Katsina state, you see Governors trooping to bless the gatherings. Clear indication of harmonious relationship.

So what a perfect Special Adviser, Political and Other Matters to the President? Lest I forget, the spend stupendous amount of money in empowering his people. To them, their Tinubu is Masari. Without fear of mincing words, I can say with people like Masari in the North, 2027 will be an easy ride for Mr President.

He definitely matters for 2027 general elections. Not only Presidential election. His contribution to the welfare of youth and women in his domain means a lot in aiding the ruling APC. With a youthful voting population and high expectations, APC needs figures who can hold the party together without inflaming divisions. Masari’s role in consultation, conflict management, and mobilization makes him central to the party’s electoral machinery.

Another good thing about him is what prompted me to call him The Humble Operator. Yes despite holding a strategic position close to the President, Masari maintains a low-profile, service-driven approach. In politics where ego often fractures parties, his humility is being read as strength.

The ocean of difference that stands between him and other political leaders from this part of the country, is his no-nonsense response to political rumor mongers, who always plant seed of acrimony among party members, leaders and elders. Whoever takes rumor to him is at his (rumor monger) own peril. His straightforwardness is encouraging and always timely. Masari Gabas ne!

What further differentiates him with other political big shots from North, is his non-rivalry posture. While it is common to see political office holders, elected or appointed, souped in sour relationship between themselves, in Masari the situation is not that bad and terrifying.

He is in good term with all our Ministers from the North, all leaders of the National Assembly who come from the North, ranging from Right Honourable Speaker, Abbas, Deputy President of the Senate, Senator Jibrin and all Chairmen of Senate Committees and House Committees, who hailed from the North.

When you want to see his red eye, sabotage Tinubu’s government. This has been his character since the coming of Tinubu as President.

Let me note and conclude that as APC heads into another defining election, the party may need fewer loud voices and more steady hands. In Ibrahim Kabiru Masari, it appears to have found both.

HAPPY MAULUD TO ALL MY READERS!

Anwar writes from Kano
Tuesday, 25th August, 2026

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