Connect with us

Opinion

The Nigeria US Story on Genocide- Ismail Auwal

Published

on

 

By Ismail Auwal

When a country is placed on Americas Countries of Particular Concern (CPC) list, it never remains a technical diplomatic category. It becomes a permanent shadow that trails the nation into investment discussions, military cooperation and the private rooms where powerful actors decide who to trust. Nigeria now carries that shadow, and for a country already overwhelmed by multiple security emergencies, the weight of this designation is neither abstract nor symbolic. It is political, economic and potentially destabilising.
The most worrying aspect is that the designation rests on a narrative that fractures upon contact with reality: the claim that Nigeria is enabling a Christian genocide. It is a narrative that sounds coherent in Washingtons hearing rooms, where testimonies are polished and emotions are guided. Yet once you step away from those rooms and into the communities where violence shapes the rhythm of daily life, the story changes completely.

A Narrative Travelling Faster Than Truth
The genocide narrative spreads quickly because it offers a clean explanation for a crisis that is anything but clean. It moves through congressional hearings, diaspora networks, lobbying circles and social-media echo chambers that seldom include those who bury their loved ones at dawn. In those distant spaces, the narrative feels straightforward and morally comfortable, but on Nigerian soil, it dissolves into a far more complex and painful reality.
In Zamfara, over four hundred villages, mostly Muslim, have been emptied by bandits who kill for profit and control, not in the name of faith. In Katsina and Sokoto, entire communities have disappeared from maps, destroyed by criminal groups with no ideological agenda.
In Plateau, twenty-five Muslim travellers were dragged from their vehicles and murdered in broad daylight by mobs from nearby Christian communities. In Anambra, Harira Jibril, pregnant and exhausted, was killed alongside her four children simply because gunmen identified them as Muslims.
These stories do not erase the suffering of Christian families who face similar horrors. Instead, they reveal what the genocide narrative refuses to confront: the violence in Nigeria does not travel in one direction. It shifts according to geography, vulnerability, and an almost two-decade-long crack in the state’s security architecture. Just as Muslims do not assign collective guilt to Christians, Christians cannot assign collective blame to all Muslims for the crimes of extremists who misuse faith.

Where the Evidence Falls Apart
Genocide is not a rhetorical weapon; it is a legal term defined by intent. It requires a deliberate plan to exterminate a group of people because of who they are. Nigerias conflict landscape does not support that claim. In the North East, Boko Haram targets Christians and Muslims alike, killing clerics who oppose extremism, villagers who refuse allegiance and children caught in crossfire. More than two million peopleof mixed faithslive in displacement camps, united not by creed but by vulnerability.
In the North West, the violence is driven by banditry, ransom economies and territorial capture. Armed groups raid for money, power and fear, not ideology, and their victims are overwhelmingly Muslim. In the Middle Belt, a different logic governs the conflict: old land disputes, generational grievances and cycles of retaliation. More than ten thousand people have been killed across Plateau, Benue, Katsina and Kebbi in just two years, yet none of these killings reflect a coordinated national extermination plan.
Across the country, the devastation is staggering: thousands of villages razed, millions displaced and livelihoods erased. Still, no pattern points to state-sponsored religious cleansing. Nigerias crisis is a knot of collapsing borders, unregulated weapons, drug-fuelled gangs, under-resourced security forces and abandoned communities struggling to survive without the protection of their own government.

Advert

When Foreign Narratives Replace Local Truth
The danger begins when a single narrative becomes the only lens through which a country is understood. Sympathy for Christian victims is legitimate, but when that sympathy becomes exclusive, Muslim victims vanish entirely from the story. Their widows do not appear in Washington. Their mass graves do not trend. Their displacement does not register in global reports. A national tragedy becomes a one-directional script, and in that script, the failures of governance disappear behind the simplified idea of religious persecution.
Once this misdiagnosed story takes root in Washington, policies begin to bend around it. Sanctions are proposed as moral pressure. Restrictions on arms sales are framed as accountability. Intervention is whispered as a last resort. These policies do not ask whether the next life at risk belongs to a Christian grandmother in Zangon Kataf or a Muslim farmer in Zurmi. They strike everyone equally, often worsening insecurity for those already living at the edge of danger.
The Grief That Defines the Crisis
In Kaduna, three years ago, I sat with a widow who lost her husband in a night attack. She did not know the attackers or their motives. All she knew was that when gunshots shattered the silence, no one came to helpnot the nearby police post, not the patrol team she had been assured would protect them, not the state she believed would stand between her family and danger. Her grief was neither Christian nor Muslim. It was the grief of a Nigerian who discovered, in one devastating moment, that she was on her own.
Her story echoes across northern Nigeria. In Katsina, a man from Dansadau recounted how bandits demanded a “tax” of ₦200,000 in exchange for peace. When villagers failed to pay, the killings began, farms were abandoned, and hunger forced families across the border. Over eighty thousand Nigerians now live as refugees in Niger’s Maradi region, while nearly four hundred thousand are displaced across Kaduna, Kano, Katsina, Sokoto and Zamfara. Many do not appear in the data of Washington because they are Muslims?
They sleep in classrooms, abandoned buildings, unfinished shops and borrowed compounds. Their lives are held together by resilience and charity, not by state protection. From Plateau to Benue to Zamfara, the scenes repeat themselves: midnight escapes, separated families, villages negotiating with bandits and people surviving despite the government, not because of it.

A Crisis Rooted in State Fragility
Nigerias emergency is not a religious war; it is a terrifying manifestation of state fragility. Borders allow weapons to flow freely. Security forces operate with broken vehicles and empty fuel tanks. Criminal groups evolve faster than government responses. In many villages, the most powerful authority is the local bandit leader, not the state. Communities negotiate peace at gunpoint, surrender parts of their harvest as taxes and accept rules imposed by criminals because the state is too weak to govern.
This is not the blueprint of genocide. It is the anatomy of state failure. And it is state failurenot a government-backed religious missionthat is killing Nigerians of all identities.
Reclaiming Nigerias Story
Nigeria cannot allow outsiders to dictate the meaning of its suffering. Foreign partners may care, but they must care responsibly. A misdiagnosed story in Washington becomes a policy, a policy becomes a precedent, and a precedent becomes a long-term obstacle to Nigerias security and development. Sanctions, arms restrictions and diplomatic isolation hit the vulnerable hardest, not the architects of state weakness.
This is why Nigeria must insist on telling its whole truth. A truth that honours Christian and Muslim victims equally. A truth that identifies governance collapsenot religious persecutionas the central driver of violence. A truth that demands stronger institutions, better security responses and international partnerships rooted in accuracy, not ideology. If Nigeria does not reclaim its story, others will continue telling it badly, and when the wrong story becomes the worlds truth, the decisions that follow may be ones Nigeria, in its fragile state, cannot survive.

Opinion

HE Garo Vs Hon Kwankwaso As Deputy Gov. Candidate(s): Xraying Dakata, Danzaki Positions

Published

on

 

By Abba Anwar

A debate comparing the Deputy Governor His Excellency Murtala Sule Garo and Hon Mustapha Rabi’u Kwankwaso, as contestants for the position of Deputy Governor in the forthcoming election, 2027, enticed me to put my pen on paper, or rather to put my fingers on keyboard. While Garo is under the platform of APC, Kwankwaso is under the platform of NDC.

An online media programme, Siyasar Zamani (modern politics) anchored on DCL Hausa platform, that hosted two gentlemen, Comrade Kabiru Sa’idu Dakata, Director General Kano State Signage and Advertisement Agency (KASA) and Musa Gambo Hamisu Danzaki, Kano State Chairman of Kwankwasiyya Movement and candidate for State House of Assembly seat, 2027, from Gezawa constituency, under the platform of NDC.

What was so enticing was each other person’s effort to prove to all that his choice is the best. Mine is not ranking both men on scale of accuracy. What the following lines carry is my non-medical Xray of the entire debate. For the public to see and examine who the cap fits.

The anchor of the programme Usman Mu’azu’s first question asked, who among the duo, Garo and Kwankwaso fits the position of a Deputy Governor and who among them has the qualities needed?

Dakata listed many reasons why his choice is better, like competence and know how when it comes to governance. He reminded listeners that HE Garo was a local government Chairman, Kabo, and was Commissioner for Local Governments and Chieftaincy Affairs. He was also Chairman of the Association of Local Governments of Nigeria (ALGON), Kano State Branch.

He kept on arguing that, many believe that HE Garo is not Kwankwaso’s match when it comes to politics and mobilization. He further argued that, what the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) got during 2023 gubernatorial election in Kano, 80 percent of those who elected APC then, did it for Garo’s sake, then Deputy Gubernatorial candidate.

Comrade Dakata reminded people that, when APC was defeated in Kano, in 2023 election, it was Garo, with very few individuals, almost singlehandedly, who has been looking after party members to the present level. “While His Excellency Garo keeps his people very close to his chest, even Kwankwasiyya elements know that, he excels in politics and mobilization,” he challenged.

I’m rest assured that, the time was not on Dakata’s side, he would have mentioned HE Garo’s fitness and competence in political strategy. This was clear when he was the State Organizing Secretary of the then People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and beyond.

Up to the time of APC’s rule in Kano, especially during former Governor, Dr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje. HE Garo was instrumental to many strategies that brought about victory to the party against opposition parties and elements.

Dakata continued dishing out reasons and instances why and where HE Garo’s pedigree and political understanding outsmart that of Mustapha Kwankwaso. Dama mana!

When he started challenging the quality, political qualifications and competence of Kwankwaso, it almost appeared that, the former Sports Commissioner, Kwankwaso, was a mere tool in the hands of political failure.

According to Dakata, Kwankwaso did not perform at all, when the Kano State Governor, Abba Kabir Yusuf, appointed him a Commissioner for Sports and Youth Development.

There was a time, Comrade reminded, when Governor Yusuf warned non-performing Commissioners to get set for exiting the administration, “… luckily for Honourable Mustapha Kwankwaso, Kwankwasiyya people with their leader Senator Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso defected to ADC from NNPP. That was when Mustapha quickly and immediately resigned. He knew very well that when his report card was mentioned, he would be removed for being an inept and incompetent,” he challenged.

Part of Kwankwaso’s incompetence was his inability to position Kano Pillars well, Dakata examined. Explaining that, Pillars was about to ditch during his time as Commissioner for Sports. Also under youth development Dakata believes that the NDC running mate for the gubernatorial candidate, destroyed all hopes for youth development in the state.

It was only Governor Yusuf, in the opinion of Dakata who saved our youth from decaying when Kwankwaso was Commissioner. That was when Governor assigned the responsibility of youth development on some carefully selected five individuals. Who revived the 5 skills acquisition centres of the state.

After critically and unequivocally challenged Danzaki to produce a single reason which shows that Kwankwaso has any leadership quality or competence, he cautioned Danzaki to be very careful about his allegations against the Deputy Governor, Garo. Cautioning that he should be very cautious about his utterances against the Deputy.

Advert

When Danzaki stated that, though there is a law which says a Deputy Governor must be given a portfolio in running the affairs of the state, but still, according to Danzaki, Governor Yusuf is being cautious about it, because he doesn’t want to appoint HE Garo for fear of “mismanagement.” Dakata challenged that quickly and vehemently, challenging Danzaki to bring forth such law! And at the same time challenged Danzaki for his opinion on this.

The mother of all challenge was when Dakata looked straight into the eyes of Danzaki and asked “Was there any time when His Excellency Garo was accused of drug/substance abuse? Was there a time when HE Garo was taken back home because he was so intoxicated outside, that he couldn’t even stand firm and walk? The greatest problem facing our youth nowadays is drug abuse.”

Kano state, the way Dakata described it, “… is not that bad and cheap to have people like Mustapha Kwankwaso as Deputy Governor. This is ridiculous!

For Dakata both the gubernatorial candidate, HE Aminu Abdussalam Gwarzo, former Deputy Governor, and his running mate Mustapha Kwankwaso, are political liabilities. He challenged that, there was no time in recent political history of Gwarzo, when he won his local government. “How do you think such kind of person can win an election in Kano, with APC on the other hand? he asked rhetorically.

In his own part Danzaki’s arguments were largely centred on passing all manner of allegations against HE Garo. That is why this piece cannot, in any way take most of his arguments. That could be term, as character assassination of some sort. So even if it is the other gentleman, Dakata who spoke defending his choice, if he resorted to the kind of arguments, posed by Danzaki, I wouldn’t have enough to quote from him. This is the fact!

The first question directed at Danzaki on why is he of the view that Hon Kwankwaso is fit for the position and what are his qualities and competencies, did not meet immediate answers, neither were the responses aligned with the question raised. The question and the attempt made by Danzaki to respond were not palatable to each other. Their tunes were diametrically opposed to each other.

His first line of response after all the usual opening as a Muslim with prayers, he went ahead to delve into his minutes praising the gubernatorial candidate Gwarzo for picking Hon Kwankwaso as his running mate.

While doing that, he brought to the table something strange, a new normal under Kwankwasiyya ideology, when he said, it was Gwarzo who singlehandedly picked Kwankwaso as his running mate, not their Jagora, Senator Kwankwaso. A revelation that sounded strange and awesome, to both Dakata and the anchor of the programme.

Why? Because that was the first time in the history of Kwankwasiyya, when people heard that there is an important position of gubernatorial candidate’s running mate who was picked, by another person not Senator Kwankwaso. Too strange to comprehend.

That was why, in his submission, Dakata challenged that, that position was not possible under Kwankwasiyya movement. According to his statement, Senator Kwankwaso is the only one with the power of selecting, nominating, appointing and confirming any positions in the movement. He said, “Even Supervisory councilors across all the state, it is Kwankwaso who does who doesn’t, who picks who drops who constructs and who deconstructs.”

It was after many minutes of hovering around and dodging to answer how competent and qualified is Hon Kwankwaso as Deputy Gubernatorial candidate, in next year’s election, Danzaki mentioned two things as his reason for taking him as fit for the position. He said Hon Kwankwaso is committed and untiring.

He continued to argue that, whoever wants to see how capable Hon Kwankwaso is, should look at how he managed the affairs of Ministry of Sports and Youth Development, when he was Commissioner. From there he didn’t bring to the table of discussion any evidence to support his claim.

When the anchor of the programme repeated the same question in the mid of the discussion, instead of him to talk about how competent is Hon Kwankwaso, he derailed and ended up in making statements of how HE Garo was picked to become the Deputy Governor few weeks back. Making all kinds of statements without any substantial evidence or explanations.

Danzaki made so many statements that cannot be repeated here, because of the weighty nature of the allegations. They were statements that were not issue-based. I saw so many commentators in the comment section, urging HE Garo to look for clear and undoubtful evidences from Danzaki over his hard statements on his personality, also as the Deputy Governor.

When the anchor was tired of Danzaki’s dilly-dallying strategy in running away from giving reasons as to why he thinks his choice is fit for the position and is the best, he asked Danzaki the same question at the end of the programme.

In his response Danzaki said, Kwankwaso assisted over ten thousand (10,000) youth when he was Commissioner. Without mentioning under what circumstances and how did the system work that way. He also put, as part of Kwankwaso’s capacity and competence, that when he was Commissioner, he was able to be getting approvals without any delay. This, to Danzaki is part of the reasons why Kwankwaso fits.

On the over ten thousand youth assisted by the former Commissioner, Danzaki promised to bring forth the list of over ten thousand names to DCL Hausa. I therefore urge DCL Hausa to please publish the names when they got the list.

Anwar writes from Kano
Friday, 26th June, 2026

Continue Reading

Opinion

The Nigeria We Hope To Become:Building A Future Where Dreams Can Thrive

Published

on

 

 

By Amah Chinyere Esther

What kind of Nigeria will our children inherit?

Will they inherit a nation where effort is rewarded, opportunities are accessible, and education serves as a true ladder of social mobility? Or will they inherit a country where dreams are gradually eroded by poverty, insecurity, unemployment and fragile institutions?

As a student of Development and Strategic Communication, these questions are no longer abstract reflections. They are daily realities that shape how young people interpret their present and imagine their future. They should equally concern policymakers, educators, parents, and every citizen invested in the survival of this nation.

Nigeria remains a country of striking contradictions. It is richly endowed with natural and human resources, yet millions of its citizens struggle to access basic needs. It has one of the largest youth populations in the world, yet many of its young people are trapped in cycles of uncertainty, underemployment, or complete exclusion from opportunity.

Nowhere is this contradiction more visible than in education. According to UNICEF, Nigeria has one of the highest numbers of out-of-school children globally, estimated at over 18 million. Behind this figure are not just statistics, but real lives children whose potential may never be developed, whose futures remain uncertain, and whose absence weakens the country’s long-term development capacity.

For those who are in school, the struggle is equally demanding. Across tertiary institutions, students are confronted with rising tuition fees, increasing transportation costs, expensive accommodation, and limited access to learning materials. Many students attend lectures under financial strain, skip meals, walk long distances to campus, or engage in small jobs to remain in school. For a growing number of young Nigerians, education is no longer just academic it is economic survival.

Advert

The reality becomes even more troubling when considered alongside graduate unemployment. Each year, thousands of graduates enter the labour market with hope, only to encounter limited opportunities, underemployment, or prolonged job searches. This reality has contributed to an increasing trend of skilled migration, as many young Nigerians begin to see opportunities abroad as more viable than those at home.

This raises critical questions: What is driving the loss of confidence in local opportunities? At what point does a nation begin to lose its most valuable resource its young people? And what urgent reforms are required to reverse this trend?

The Nigeria we hope to become must be fundamentally different from the one we experience today.

It must be a nation where access to quality education is not determined by income level, geography, or social status. Rural and urban children alike must benefit from well-equipped schools, trained educators, and learning environments that encourage creativity, critical thinking, and innovation.

It must be a nation where leadership is defined by accountability and service rather than personal enrichment. Public institutions should function as engines of development, not instruments of privilege.

It must also be a nation that deliberately creates opportunities for its youth. Education without opportunity leads to frustration. Therefore, investment in technology, entrepreneurship, vocational training, and innovation-driven industries must become national priorities rather than policy slogans.

Security remains equally central. No society can develop under constant fear. Students should not fear travelling to school. Communities should not live under threat. Economic activity cannot flourish where insecurity dominates daily life.

Yet, the responsibility of building this future does not rest on government alone. Citizens also bear responsibility. Corruption, indifference, and division weaken national progress just as much as poor governance does. Nation-building requires collective discipline, civic responsibility, and shared commitment to the public good.

As students, we must also recognise our role beyond the classroom. We are not only beneficiaries of national development we are participants in shaping it. The knowledge we acquire, the values we uphold, and the choices we make will influence the direction of this country.

The Nigeria we hope to become will not emerge by chance. It will emerge through deliberate reform, courageous leadership, responsible citizenship, and sustained investment in human development.

The future is not waiting in the distance it is being shaped by today’s decisions.

The children who will inherit this nation are depending on what we choose to fix, ignore, or transform today. They are depending on whether we strengthen our institutions or allow them to weaken further. They are depending on whether we build systems that reward merit or continue to tolerate inefficiency.

If we fail, we inherit a cycle of missed opportunities and declining trust in the nation’s future.

If we succeed, we create a Nigeria where dreams are not only possible but protected, nurtured, and fulfilled.

A nation where dreams thrive is not a fantasy. It is a responsibility.

Amah Chinyere Esther
200 Level Student, Department of Development and Strategic Communication, University of Abuja.

Continue Reading

Opinion

Beyond the Asphalt: Balancing Kwara’s Urban Renewal with Rural Renaissance

Published

on

 

By Ibrahim Olaide Mariam

As a student navigating the intersections of development and communication, I have come to realize that the truest measure of governance is not found in the pages of budget defense documents, but on the very streets our people walk every day. Living in Kwara State offers a front-row seat to a fascinating transition. Walk through parts of Ilorin today, and you are greeted by the tangible impacts of the state’s Urban Renewal Agenda—visible road constructions, flyovers, and modernizing touch-ups that make the state capital look ready for business.

Yet, strategic communication teaches us to look past the surface and listen to the unspoken narratives. While the sounds of caterpillars and pavers echo loudly in our urban centers, a quiet hush still lingers over many of our rural communities and foundational sectors. The infrastructure push under Governor AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq is undeniable and commendable. However, if we are to communicate true, inclusive change, the trajectory of development must shift from being central-heavy to being balance-driven.

My primary observation lies in the growing disconnect between our urban face and our rural backbone. Not far from the newly interlocked urban roads are agrarian communities like Agbeyangi in Ilorin East, alongside various outposts in Kwara North and South, where the pace of development seems to have slowed to a crawl. Farmers still struggle with the perennial nightmare of evacuating their produce to the markets because the inner link roads remain unmotorable. When rural infrastructure gaps persist, the economic ripple effect hits everyone—driving up food prices in the urban markets and widening the poverty gap.

Advert

Furthermore, economic development is only as resilient as the digital and physical security of its citizens. Kwara has long prided itself as the “State of Harmony,” but harmony requires constant maintenance. With the government recently rolling out its 2026 Action Plan for the Ease of Doing Business, the intentions are bright. But you cannot easily do business if the local micro-entrepreneur feels choked by a lack of steady power or if political friction dominates local headlines more than community-level empowerment.

If I were to sit across the table from the state executive council, my recommendations would be rooted in sustainable, equitable growth rather than cosmetic progress.

First, the administration needs to urgently decentralize its infrastructure machinery. It is time to pause the heavy concentration on city-center face-lifts and redirect that energy toward a “Rural Renaissance.” Reconstructing critical agrarian axes like the Panada-Agbeyangi-Yarun road network, for instance, would do more for Kwara’s food security and local economy than another urban roundabout.

Second, the government must aggressively bridge the gap between policy and the grassroots. The newly launched land digitization systems via kwara state geographic information service (KWGIS) and the Ease of Doing Business frameworks are excellent on paper, but they remain abstract concepts to the average market woman or small-scale factory owner in Omu-Aran or Kaiama. The Ministry of Business, Innovation, and Technology must translate these reforms into localized town hall engagements and accessible micro-incentives.

Kwara is standing on the threshold of massive growth. The foundation is being laid with asphalt and concrete, but the superstructure must be built on human capital, rural inclusion, and economic empathy. By balancing the scales between the capital city and our rural communities, the government can ensure that the “State of Harmony” becomes not just a political slogan, but a lived reality for every Kwarand.

Ibrahim olaide mariam
Department of strategic communications university of Abuja

Continue Reading

Trending