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Desecrating Arewa’s rich cultural heritage

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By Tahir Ibrahim Tahir Talban Bauchi.

The imbroglio in Kano Emirate is serving as the crucible in which arewa’s rich cultural heritage is being desecrated. The biggest loser in the game of thrones in Kano is the Northern Emirate system, its pride, prestige, and rich traditional/ cultural heritage. Its dignity is being decapitated, its aura being eroded, and all it has stood for are being belittled into a chessboard for politicians to flex their war of attrition, with the traditional institutions as ready pawns for their never ending political vendetta. The Northern Emirate system was a highly revered institution which was respected by the colonial masters, placing Northern Nigeria on a very rich pedestal of ancient civilisation. It was a stabilising institution that ran the entire region with a system of governance, along with a taxation regime similar to the British monarchy. That was the genesis of the warmth and camaraderie that the colonial masters extended to the Northern Emirates, as against other regions in Nigeria. Today, all of the grandeur, color and influence of the Northern Emirate system is fast fading away, with the tossil for the Emirship of Kano almost serving as comic relief to the very hard economic conditions faced by the Nigerian populace.

‘Kanon dabo’, ‘Kano jallabar hausa’, ‘Kano tumbin giwa’, ‘Kano ko da me kazo an fika’: are all slogans that have exuded Kano’s excellence as a leading State in Northern Nigeria, be it in trade, education, or the prestige of its traditional institutions, that have towered above all of its contemporaries, both in the Sokoto Caliphate and the Kanem Borno Empire. In its prestige and glamor, it has also served as the hotbed of Emirate tussles from time immemorial. Most memorable is the deposition of the Emir of Kano Sanusi I by the Sardauna of Sokoto, and the creation of new Emirates of Gaya, Dutse, Rano and Auyo in Kano by Gov. Abubakar Rimi, and the upgrade of Kazaure, Gumel and Hadejia to first class emirs, equal in status with then Emir of Kano, Alh. Ado Bayero. The most recent was the removal of Emir Sanusi by Governor Ganduje, along with the creation of 5 other Emirates in Kano, of equal status.

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The present storm was created by the removal of the Emir of Kano, Alh. Aminu Ado, and the installation or reinstallation of Emir Sanusi as the present Emir of Kano. The tussle has been made more complex by the roles of the Legislature and the Judiciary in the State, acting at cross-purposes, intruding in their seperate constitutional roles, making a mockery of both arms of government. As against popular opinion, the Executive arm of government in both the states and Federal Government, appear to be more clear-headed in actions and deed, compared to the ambiguity and controversy generated by the Legislature and the Judiciary. Statements and counter statements by the NBA Chairman, Kano State chapter, and other officials of the NBA, clearly defines that there is an encroachment of the duties and obligations of the two arms of government, and unless there is a clear disentanglement over who does or decides what, going by the rule of law, the Kano game of thrones would go on for a while. The court judgement, whether ‘jankara’ or not, has to be settled, for the pronouncement of the law by the State Assembly to finally rest. However, the frivolities of these kinds of court actions must be reigned in by the National Judicial Commission, NJC, so that courts do not entertain cases they have no jurisdiction over, or cases that seek answers that have already been provided by the Legislature, and the constitution. Most of such cases are judicial exercises in futility.

The APC led government of Kano used its powers to dethrone Emir Sanusi, and install Emir Aminu Ado. In the same manner, the NNPP led government of Kano used the same powers to reinstate Emir Sanusi and remove Emir Aminu Ado. Each of the emirs sided with the political party that gave them the throne and that is no secret. Once APC lost Kano in the Supreme Court Judgement that ushered in Gov. Abba Kabir Yusuf into power, it was a no brainer that ultimately, he would seek to reverse all the reversibles of the Ganduje led APC. This of course includes the reinstatement of Emir Sanusi. If the APC really needed to have Emir Aminu Ado on the throne, then they ought not to have lost the battle in the Supreme Court. Losing at the Supreme Court meant losing Kano, losing the government, and also losing out in the emirship tussle.

As it is now, the situation can best be described by the hausa proverb, ‘haihuwar guzuma, ya kwance uwa kwance’, directly translating as, ‘the delivery of an old cow is not an easy one, with both the calf and cow in critical condition’. The Northern Emirate system’s nose has been greatly bloodied, once more soiling its identity and heritage. The Judiciary and the Legislature have also been bloodied and ridiculed, with each taking obvious sides with no pretences. Both Emirs’ experiences of being enthroned and dethroned are debacles they’d rather not have in their reigns as emirs. Does it now foretell that once there is a change in the party that wins the elections, there will inevitably be a new Emir as well? Or perhaps worst still, if the Emir and the governor supporting the same party do not agree, then we should expect a new Emir within the same party? Kano and all interested parties should allow this matter to rest. It is an unnecessary distraction from the troubles bedeviling the North. Our energies should be channeled towards using the Emiral system to fight insecurity, as against being used as a weapon for political vendetta.

Tahir is Talban Bauchi.

Opinion

Dr Bello Matwallle: Why Dialogue Still Matters in the Fight Against Insecurity

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By Musa Iliyasu Kwankwaso

In the history of leadership, force may be loud, but wisdom delivers results. This is why security experts agree that while military action can suppress violence temporarily, dialogue is what permanently closes the door to conflict. It is a lesson the world has learned through blood, loss, and painful experience.

When Dr. Bello Matawalle, as Governor of Zamfara State, chose dialogue and reconciliation, it was not a sign of weakness. It was a different kind of courage one that placed the lives of ordinary citizens above political applause. A wise leader measures success not by bullets fired, but by lives saved.

Across conflict zones, history has consistently shown that force alone does not end insecurity. Guns may damage bodies, but they do not eliminate the roots of violence. This understanding forms the basis of what experts call the non-kinetic approach conflict resolution through dialogue, reconciliation, justice, and social reform.

When Matawalle assumed office, Zamfara was deeply troubled. Roads were closed, markets shut down, farmers and herders operated in fear, and citizens lived under constant threat. Faced with this reality, only two options existed: rely solely on military force or combine security operations with dialogue. Matawalle chose the path widely accepted across the world security reinforced by dialogue not out of sympathy for criminals, but to protect innocent lives.

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This approach was not unique to Zamfara. In Katsina State, Governor Aminu Bello Masari led peace engagements with armed groups. In Maiduguri granted amnesty to repentant offenders of Boko Haram, In Sokoto, dialogue was also pursued to reduce bloodshed. These precedents raise a simple question: if dialogue is acceptable elsewhere, why is Matawalle singled out?

At the federal level, the same logic applies. Through Operation Safe Corridor, the Federal Government received Boko Haram members who surrendered, offered rehabilitation and reintegration, and continued military action against those who refused to lay down arms. This balance
rehabilitation for those who repent and force against those who persist is the core of the non-kinetic approach.

Security experts globally affirm that military force contributes only 20 to 30 percent of sustainable solutions to insurgency. The remaining 70 to 80 percent lies in dialogue, justice, economic reform, and addressing poverty and unemployment. Even the United Nations states clearly: “You cannot kill your way out of an insurgency.”

During Matawalle’s tenure, several roads reopened, cattle markets revived, and daily life began to normalize. If insecurity later resurfaced, the question is not whether dialogue was wrong, but whether broader coordination failed.

Today, critics attempt to recast past security strategies as crimes. Yet history is not blind, and truth does not disappear. Matawalle’s actions were rooted in expert advice, national precedent, and global best practice.

The position of Sheikh Ahmad Gumi, who publicly affirmed that Matawalle’s approach was appropriate and that military force accounts for only about 25 percent of counterinsurgency success, further reinforces this reality. Such views cannot be purchased or manufactured; they reflect established security thinking.

In the end, dialogue is not a betrayal of justice it is often its foundation. And no amount of political noise can overturn decisions grounded in evidence, experience, and the priority of human life.

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Opinion

Matawalle: The Northern Anchor of Loyalty in Tinubu’s Administration

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By Adebayor Adetunji, PhD

In the broad and competitive terrain of Nigerian politics, loyalty is often spoken of, yet rarely sustained with consistency, courage and visible action. But within the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, one Northern appointee has demonstrated this quality not as a slogan, but as a lifestyle, as a political principle and as a national duty — Hon. (Dr.) Bello Muhammad Matawalle, Minister of State for Defence.

Since his appointment, Matawalle has stood out as one of the most loyal, outspoken and dependable pillars of support for the Tinubu administration in the North. He has never hesitated, not for a moment, to stand firmly behind the President. At every turn of controversy, in moments of public misunderstanding, and at times when political alliances waver, Matawalle has continued to speak boldly in defence of the government he serves. For him, loyalty is not an occasional gesture — it is a commitment evidenced through voice, alignment, and sacrifice.

Observers within and outside the ruling party recall numerous occasions where the former Zamfara State Governor took the front line in defending the government’s policies, actions and direction, even when others chose neutrality or silence. His interventions, always direct and clear, reflect not just loyalty to a leader, but faith in the future the President is building, a future anchored on economic reform, security revival, institutional strengthening and renewed national unity.

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But Matawalle’s value to the administration does not stop at loyalty. In performance, visibility and active delivery of duty, he stands among the most engaged ministers currently serving in the federal cabinet. His portfolio, centred on defence and security, one of the most sensitive sectors in the country, demands expertise, availability and unbroken presence. Matawalle has not only embraced this responsibility, he has carried it with remarkable energy.

From high-level security meetings within Nigeria to strategic engagements across foreign capitals, Matawalle has represented the nation with clarity and confidence. His participation in defence summits, international cooperation talks, and regional security collaborations has positioned Nigeria as a voice of influence in global security discourse once again. At home, his involvement in military policy evaluation, counter-terrorism discussions and national defence restructuring reflects a minister who understands the urgency of Nigeria’s security needs, and shows up to work daily to address them.

Away from partisan battles, Matawalle has proven to be a bridge — between North and South, civilian leadership and military institutions, Nigeria and the wider world. His presence in government offers a mix of loyalty, performance and deep grounding in national interest, the type of partnership every President needs in turbulent times.

This is why calls, campaigns and whisperings aimed at undermining or isolating him must be resisted. Nigeria cannot afford to discourage its best-performing public servants, nor tighten the atmosphere for those who stand firmly for unity and national progress. The nation must learn to applaud where there is performance, support where there is loyalty, and encourage where there is commitment.

Hon. Bello Matawalle deserves commendation, not suspicion. Support — not sabotage. Encouragement, not exclusion from political strategy or power alignment due to narrow interests.

History does not forget those who stood when it mattered. Matawalle stands today for President Tinubu, for security, for loyalty, for national service. And in that place, he has earned a space not only in the present political equation, but in the future judgment of posterity.

Nigeria needs more leaders like him. And Nigeria must say so openly.

Adebayor Adetunji, PhD
A communication strategist and public commentator
Write from Akure, Ondo State, Nigeria

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Opinion

Drug Abuse Among People With Disabilities: The Hidden Crisis Nigeria Is Yet to Address

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By Abdulaziz Ibrahim

Statistically Invisible, Persons with Disabilities feel shut out of Nigeria’s drug abuse war as a report from Adamawa reveals lacks data and tailored support needed, forcing a vulnerable group to battle addiction alone.

In Adamawa State, the fight against drug abuse is gaining attention, but for many people living with disabilities (PWDs), their struggles remain largely unseen. A new report has uncovered deep gaps in support, treatment, and data tracking for PWDs battling addiction despite official claims of equal access.

For nearly three decades, Mallam Aliyu Hammawa, a visually impaired resident of Yola, navigated a world increasingly shrouded by drug dependency. He first encountered psychoactive substances through friends, and what began as casual use quickly escalated into long-term addiction.

“I used cannabis, tramadol, tablets, shooters everything I could get my hands on,” he recalled. “These drugs affected my behaviour and my relationship with the people close to me.”

Family members say his addiction changed him entirely. His friend, Hussaini Usman, described feeling “sad and worried” when he realized Aliyu had fallen into drug use.

Aliyu eventually made the decision to quit. It was marriage and the fear of hurting his wife that finally forced him to seek a new path. “Whenever I took the drugs, I felt normal. But my wife was confused about my behaviour,” he said. “I decided I had to stop before she discovered the full truth of what I was taking.”

A National Problem With Missing Data

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Nigeria has one of the highest drug-use rates in West Africa, according to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). Over 14 million Nigerians between the ages of 15 and 64 use psychoactive substances. Yet, within that massive user base, PWDs are statistically invisible.

There is almost no national data on drug abuse among persons with disabilitiesa critical gap that experts warn makes it impossible to design effective, inclusive rehabilitation programmes.

Ibrahim Idris Kochifa, the Secretary of the Adamawa State Association of Persons with Physical Disability, told this reporter that PWDs face unique, systemic pressures that intensify their vulnerability to drug abuse, specifically citing poverty, unemployment, isolation, and social discrimination.

“Whenever a person with disability is caught with drugs, the common decision is to seize the drugs and let him go,” Kochifa said, speaking on behalf of the disabled community leadership. “But if they consult us, we have advice to offer on how they can be treated and rehabilitated. Without involving us, no programme will fully benefit people with disabilities.”

NDLEA Responds

At the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) Command in Adamawa, officials insist their services are open to everyone without discrimination.

Mrs. Ibraham Nachafia, the Head of Media and Advocacy for the NDLEA Adamawa State Command, said during an interview, “Our rehabilitation centre is open to all. There is no discrimination. Anyone including persons with disabilities can access treatment.”

While the official position suggests inclusiveness, disability advocates call it “tokenistic.” They argue that equal access on paper does not translate to tailored support in practice. True rehabilitation for PWDs requires specialized counselling that understands their unique traumas, physically accessible facilities, and significantly stronger community engagement to prevent relapse.

A Call for More Inclusive Action

Advocates are now urging the Nigerian government and drug-control agencies to build a response framework that recognizes PWDs as a vulnerable group in need of targeted support.

The advocate Goodness Fedrick warns that until rehabilitation and prevention programmes reflect the realities faced by people with disabilities, Nigeria’s battle against drug abuse will remain incomplete.

For people like Aliyu Hammawa, who managed to recover without structured support, the message is clear: many others may not be as fortunate.

This story highlights the urgent need for inclusive, data-driven, and community-supported approaches in Nigeria’s fight against drug addiction. Until the nation sees and serves this ‘hidden crisis,’ its overall battle against addiction will continue to be fought with one hand tied behind its back.

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