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Desecrating Arewa’s rich cultural heritage

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By Tahir Ibrahim Tahir Talban Bauchi.

The imbroglio in Kano Emirate is serving as the crucible in which arewa’s rich cultural heritage is being desecrated. The biggest loser in the game of thrones in Kano is the Northern Emirate system, its pride, prestige, and rich traditional/ cultural heritage. Its dignity is being decapitated, its aura being eroded, and all it has stood for are being belittled into a chessboard for politicians to flex their war of attrition, with the traditional institutions as ready pawns for their never ending political vendetta. The Northern Emirate system was a highly revered institution which was respected by the colonial masters, placing Northern Nigeria on a very rich pedestal of ancient civilisation. It was a stabilising institution that ran the entire region with a system of governance, along with a taxation regime similar to the British monarchy. That was the genesis of the warmth and camaraderie that the colonial masters extended to the Northern Emirates, as against other regions in Nigeria. Today, all of the grandeur, color and influence of the Northern Emirate system is fast fading away, with the tossil for the Emirship of Kano almost serving as comic relief to the very hard economic conditions faced by the Nigerian populace.

‘Kanon dabo’, ‘Kano jallabar hausa’, ‘Kano tumbin giwa’, ‘Kano ko da me kazo an fika’: are all slogans that have exuded Kano’s excellence as a leading State in Northern Nigeria, be it in trade, education, or the prestige of its traditional institutions, that have towered above all of its contemporaries, both in the Sokoto Caliphate and the Kanem Borno Empire. In its prestige and glamor, it has also served as the hotbed of Emirate tussles from time immemorial. Most memorable is the deposition of the Emir of Kano Sanusi I by the Sardauna of Sokoto, and the creation of new Emirates of Gaya, Dutse, Rano and Auyo in Kano by Gov. Abubakar Rimi, and the upgrade of Kazaure, Gumel and Hadejia to first class emirs, equal in status with then Emir of Kano, Alh. Ado Bayero. The most recent was the removal of Emir Sanusi by Governor Ganduje, along with the creation of 5 other Emirates in Kano, of equal status.

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The present storm was created by the removal of the Emir of Kano, Alh. Aminu Ado, and the installation or reinstallation of Emir Sanusi as the present Emir of Kano. The tussle has been made more complex by the roles of the Legislature and the Judiciary in the State, acting at cross-purposes, intruding in their seperate constitutional roles, making a mockery of both arms of government. As against popular opinion, the Executive arm of government in both the states and Federal Government, appear to be more clear-headed in actions and deed, compared to the ambiguity and controversy generated by the Legislature and the Judiciary. Statements and counter statements by the NBA Chairman, Kano State chapter, and other officials of the NBA, clearly defines that there is an encroachment of the duties and obligations of the two arms of government, and unless there is a clear disentanglement over who does or decides what, going by the rule of law, the Kano game of thrones would go on for a while. The court judgement, whether ‘jankara’ or not, has to be settled, for the pronouncement of the law by the State Assembly to finally rest. However, the frivolities of these kinds of court actions must be reigned in by the National Judicial Commission, NJC, so that courts do not entertain cases they have no jurisdiction over, or cases that seek answers that have already been provided by the Legislature, and the constitution. Most of such cases are judicial exercises in futility.

The APC led government of Kano used its powers to dethrone Emir Sanusi, and install Emir Aminu Ado. In the same manner, the NNPP led government of Kano used the same powers to reinstate Emir Sanusi and remove Emir Aminu Ado. Each of the emirs sided with the political party that gave them the throne and that is no secret. Once APC lost Kano in the Supreme Court Judgement that ushered in Gov. Abba Kabir Yusuf into power, it was a no brainer that ultimately, he would seek to reverse all the reversibles of the Ganduje led APC. This of course includes the reinstatement of Emir Sanusi. If the APC really needed to have Emir Aminu Ado on the throne, then they ought not to have lost the battle in the Supreme Court. Losing at the Supreme Court meant losing Kano, losing the government, and also losing out in the emirship tussle.

As it is now, the situation can best be described by the hausa proverb, ‘haihuwar guzuma, ya kwance uwa kwance’, directly translating as, ‘the delivery of an old cow is not an easy one, with both the calf and cow in critical condition’. The Northern Emirate system’s nose has been greatly bloodied, once more soiling its identity and heritage. The Judiciary and the Legislature have also been bloodied and ridiculed, with each taking obvious sides with no pretences. Both Emirs’ experiences of being enthroned and dethroned are debacles they’d rather not have in their reigns as emirs. Does it now foretell that once there is a change in the party that wins the elections, there will inevitably be a new Emir as well? Or perhaps worst still, if the Emir and the governor supporting the same party do not agree, then we should expect a new Emir within the same party? Kano and all interested parties should allow this matter to rest. It is an unnecessary distraction from the troubles bedeviling the North. Our energies should be channeled towards using the Emiral system to fight insecurity, as against being used as a weapon for political vendetta.

Tahir is Talban Bauchi.

Opinion

Alhaji Tijjani Rabiu Spikin: A Neighbour, Philanthropist, and Friend of Children

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BY
MUDASSIR ALIYU YUNUSA (MSNB)
mudassiray@gmail.com

Alhaji Tijjani Rabiu Spikin, popularly known as ‘Tijjani Spikin,’ is one of the most respected elders of the Kofar Nassarawa and Sabuwar Kofa communities. A successful businessman with an outstanding reputation, he is admired not only for his business accomplishments but also for his kindness, humility, and generosity toward those around him, especially children.

He is widely regarded as a man of peace who values harmonious relationships. He believes that good neighbourliness is built on mutual respect, compassion, and the willingness to uphold the rights of others. His home has always been a place where people feel welcome, particularly children, and he has earned the trust and admiration of both the young and the old through his exemplary character.

What distinguishes Alhaji Tijjani most is his genuine love for children. He has always shown special affection to every child living in his neighbourhood, regardless of family background. It has long been his habit to brighten their day by giving them small gifts, including cash, biscuits, sweets, and other treats. To many children, these gestures were not merely gifts but expressions of love and encouragement that made them feel valued and appreciated.

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Those who grew up in the area could bear me witness. I can vividly remember the excitement whenever Alhaji Tijjani came out in the morning or afternoon on his way to his daily routine. Children would eagerly and joyously gather around him, knowing that he would never send them away empty-handed. Because of this remarkable generosity to the children, they affectionately gave him the nickname “Mai Raba Kwandala Kwandala,” meaning “the man who shared coins.” It was a title born out of admiration for his habit of distributing small denominations of the Nigerian naira to every boy or girl he met.

Today, Alhaji Tijjani Rabiu (Spikin) remains a shining example of how kindness, generosity, and good neighbourliness can leave a lasting impact on a community, especially in the minds of the children who have now become youths and stakeholders in society. His legacy is reflected not only in the lives he has touched but also in the fond memories cherished by generations of children who experienced his compassion firsthand.

May Almighty Allah (SWT) continue to bless Alhaji Tijjani Rabiu and his entire family abundantly. May He increase him in wealth, grant him sound health, strengthen him in Iman (faith), protect him from all harm, and reward his kindness with His endless mercy in this world and in the Hereafter. Ameen.

Mudassir can be reached via:
mudassiray@gmail.com

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Opinion

Arewa Media Summit:Big Promises, Little Substance-Tijjani Sarki 

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Tijjani Sarki

I was genuinely amazed that the inaugural Arewa Media Summit ended with a communique. For an event presented as a defining conversation on media, governance and accountability in Northern Nigeria, the silence was difficult to understand. It was only after analysts and observers questioned the omission that a comprehensive communiqué eventually emerged.

I have read the document carefully. It is professionally written, politically appealing and rich in democratic vocabulary. Unfortunately, it is also painfully short on substance.

Beyond the impressive language, there is no implementation framework, no timelines, no measurable targets and no independent mechanism to ensure that its resolutions become reality. That is not how transformational policy conversations are measured. It is how public relations documents are often written.

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Even more disappointing is what the communiqué failed to confront. The media space in Arewa is under siege, not only from misinformation but from increasing political manipulation. Today, media platforms are too often deployed to inflame unnecessary controversies, deepen divisions, promote personality cults, settle political scores and manufacture enemies instead of advancing public enlightenment and good governance. This dangerous trend deserved to be the centrepiece of the summit, yet it received only passing attention.

If the gathering truly sought to reshape the future of media in Northern Nigeria, it should have produced practical strategies to strengthen investigative journalism, protect editorial independence, support indigenous media institutions and insulate the media from political capture.

Arewa does not need another annual media jamboree with polished speeches and elegant communiqués. It needs a platform that speaks truth to power, promotes professional journalism, unites rather than divides our people, and produces measurable reforms. Until then, many will continue to question whether this summit advanced the public interest or merely refined the language of political communication.

Tijjani Sarki
Good Governance Advocate and Public Policy Analyst

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Opinion

IDP Is More Than A Humanitarian Case-Ekanem Joan

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By
EKANEM JOAN

When discussions about Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) arise, attention often turns to numbers and relief packages. Yet behind every statistic is a family that has lost a home, a child whose education has been disrupted, and a community torn apart by conflict. While compensation may replace damaged structures, it cannot restore the memories, dignity, and sense of belonging that displacement takes away.

Recompensation does not make it fine; How do you compensate a child staring at the fire and iron as it takes their lands, while uniforms hang up in a room? How do you price the memory of a mother who once called these lands home. She cuddled her children and the savoury flavour of meals each smiles on her family’s faces, or, the men who spent decades building a life, a family, a shelter, only to watch unconventional disasters take it away. The youths! With their lives sketched on a rough map, all gone – indefinitely. IDPs are just victims of a conflict or a humanitarian crisis waiting to be part of a scheme but humans with lives.

Nigeria is transitioning into durable solutions and we must remind the policy makers that a house is not merely a structure to be replaced but a sanctuary that has been entirely erased, some are memories. These compensations do not weigh the emotional fabric of what has been torn away. At first, it was a crisis to put an end to but then the plan changed, by the end of year 2023, statistics recorded by United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees to about 1.1 million IDPs (approximately 1,134,828 persons) with 50.3% below 18 years old and 49.7% above 18 years old. The same year saw 81.2% Boko Haram insurgency, 1.6% banditry and 16.2% herder clashes. This crisis was most prominent in the North-West region. The issue was worsening, leading to a humanitarian disaster and as the years grew the IDP numbers rose to 3.5 million persons.

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This rise in persons is alarming. An increase of 2.4 million estimated is not fine. Compensation is not enough! as the number of internally displaced persons increased the government shifted its focus from protection and curbing the disaster to putting infrastructure in place. These infrastructures included the 2025 financial injection and the African Union Convention for Protection and Assistance of IDPs into law to provide food and shelter (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees). The policy makers have decided to place these infrastructures but numbers alone cannot capture the true weight of internal displacement. Statistics do not feel hunger, do not grieve the sudden loss of an ancestral home, and do not carry the psychological weight of an uncertain tomorrow.

The last IDP count done in 2026 by United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees shows total displaced persons as over 3.7 million. The causes still remain armed insurgency, farmer-herder conflicts, banditry and climate change across the affected regions including the North-East, Middle Belt and North-West (Borno, Zamfara, Sokoto and Benue).
87% of the IDPs live below the international poverty line and 60% face high levels of food insecurity, close to decades of displacement leads to limited access to healthcare and schooling. How do we fight a problem without digging out its roots. Across Nigeria millions of Nigerians have lost their land, homes and monuments of memories because of armed conflicts, terrorism, communal clashes, flooding and other disasters.
This does not end in loss of structures but lives too. Imagine a mother who carried a child for 9 months – nurtured and bred, that child wasted! or a father who struggled to give a child all that is needed to watch his own flesh and blood lay on the floor, lifeless.

Displacement hits the most vulnerable demographics hardest. Children are exposed to interrupted education and emotional distress or what about gender-based violence? The uncertainty and emotional weight of being displaced in your own country, your own land.

The Government must address the security gap. There must be increased, professionalized, and transparent security presence in vulnerable regions to prevent the “unconventional disasters” that turn citizens into refugees in their own country. Banditry and herder-farmer clashes are often hyper-local. Success requires empowering local traditional leaders, civil society, and grassroots peace committees to mediate disputes before they escalate into armed conflict.

As the policy makes provision for emergency food, clean water and canvas tents. Yet we know that the deepest wounds of displacement are ones that don’t bleed. Displacement is not just a change of address; it is a sudden, violent fracturing of life, identity and dignity. It is the theft of a person’s yesterday and the total blinding of their tomorrow. The approach is shifting from short term “crisis management” to long term poverty reduction and healing but our main focus should be the roots – reduce or eradicate banditry, set infrastructure to settle communal crisis and provide resources for all citizens, it is not just about moving the CSR to invest in vocational rehabilitation but removing the cause for a better Nigeria.
Fight for IDP and fight for a better Nigeria! It could be you and it could be I. Together we fix this humanitarian crisis.

EKANEM JOAN
200LVL STUDENT OF DEVELOPMENT AND STRATEGIC COMMUNICATION, UNIVERSITY OF ABUJA.
1ST JULY, 2026.

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