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Opinion

PDP Must Evolve, ‘Drop’ the Past, Embrace the Future

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By Ikenna Ellis-Ezenekwe, Abuja

It has become extremely difficult for the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to operate in the current political climate in Nigeria where the political demography has shifted considerably away from the period when the PDP held sway of the affairs of the country. This is due to its inability to shake off the cobwebs from its past, largely due to its unwillingness to move beyond its terribly outdated methodologies and personalities.

Recently, the national news dailies and electronic media were agog with news about operators within PDP auguring to reposition their principal for the top position ahead of 2027 presidential elections. Particularly, the political handlers of Alhaji Atiku Abubakar were spread out in virtually all the media houses to present their principal as the PDP candidate.

Although the principal himself did not comment openly on the public discourse of his vying again for the presidential seat, he however, did not shun his operators to desist from marketing his candidacy to the general public. He allowed the discourse, almost as though to encourage the insensitivity to the untold hardships currently bedeviling the country, the insensitivity to the astronomic inflation in everyday food prices, and the activities surrounding the day-to-day survival of Nigerians.

This insensitivity to the plight of Nigerians owing to callous greed and blind quest for power defines the group that currently holds the PDP firmly by its jugular. They are termed the “Old PDP” – the ones that refuse to embrace the future for a new PDP. They consist of the part of PDP that has refused to embrace the new realities of the changing times. In their understanding, the PDP serves solely as means to power rather than means to deliver good governance.

From all indications, what the operators of the “Old PDP” appears to be preoccupied by is the battle for the top seat at the Presidential Villa, and not the alleviation of the suffering of the masses who appear increasingly unable to provide two square meals a day or pay the tuition fees for their children in schools or even pay their way to and from work. The need to play the role of opposition party in the manner it needs to do as the leading opposition party in the country evades them.

For this reason, the PDP must be born again.

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A new PDP devoid of the shenanigans who gave way to repeated failures at the national stage since the defeat of its national flagbearer and ex-President of Nigeria, Dr. Goodluck Ebelemi Jonathan by the then opposition party, the All Progressive Congress (APC), is what will reposition the party to the people of Nigeria as the people’s party. The old PDP in its old way of doing things has repeatedly fielded the same presidential candidate, Atiku Abubakar since Jonathan was defeated at the polls in 2015. Interestingly, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar has exhibited the capacity to fail politically more than any presidential candidate in the history of modern Nigeria. He has participated in virtually all the presidential contests in some capacity and has failed to bring the bacon home each time. Atiku Abubakar epitomizes the past.

Again, the new born-again PDP must step away from the past to examine a new template for leadership selection.

Nigeria is populated with over 200million people and gifted with adequate human resources. Leadership selection ought not revolve around one person or a few persons. The new PDP must shy away from tying itself to a single politician’s aspiration. It must create an environment for open growth and new talents to help breed new life into the party.

Furthermore, the party must re-visit its stance on regional sensitivities with respect to leadership selection. The geo-dynamics in the polity has changed considerably since the formulation of the PDP. New comers with proven track records should be accommodated and allowed to showcase themselves.

This inability to untie itself from the personal aspiration of Atiku Abubakar led the PDP in a quagmire too potent to resolve.

Unarguably, this resulted from what transpired in the period leading up to the 2023 presidential elections when the PDP tied its destiny to the private political aspiration of Atiku Abubakar, thus leading to the abandonment of the party by Mr Peter Obi – and to some extent, Nyesom Wike – who decided to support the candidacy of the APC presidential candidate in the person of Bola Tinubu. The reactionary actions of both Peter Obi and Nyesom Wike is believe by many to have eventually led to the defeat of the PDP at the polls. Resultantly, Tinubu has rewarded Nyesom Wike with the juicy ministerial position as the Federal Minister for the Federal Capital Territory [FCT] — a position he holds while still remaining a PDP member and daring the PDP leadership to expel him from the party.

Surprisingly, the PDP appears stuck in limbo, still unable to untangle itself from the quagmire.

Howbeit, if the PDP must move forward, it must retool and learn to become an opposition party. In the over eight years it stayed out of power, the PDP has yet to recover from the shock of the 2015 defeat, and thus has yet to embrace the task of opposition party, a task it must embrace and rightly perform if it must or intends to recover power from the ruling party, APC.

Finally, PDP, as a political party must look to the people and have them at the back of their minds in every step and action it takes. It must see and feel the pain of the people not from a distance but from within. Until one understands the root of his problem, he may end up not achieving any solution to it. After all, it was Albert Einstein who said We cannot solve our problems with the same thinking we used when we created them.

Ikenna Ellis Ezenekwe is the publisher of 247ureports.

Opinion

Dr Bello Matwallle: Why Dialogue Still Matters in the Fight Against Insecurity

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By Musa Iliyasu Kwankwaso

In the history of leadership, force may be loud, but wisdom delivers results. This is why security experts agree that while military action can suppress violence temporarily, dialogue is what permanently closes the door to conflict. It is a lesson the world has learned through blood, loss, and painful experience.

When Dr. Bello Matawalle, as Governor of Zamfara State, chose dialogue and reconciliation, it was not a sign of weakness. It was a different kind of courage one that placed the lives of ordinary citizens above political applause. A wise leader measures success not by bullets fired, but by lives saved.

Across conflict zones, history has consistently shown that force alone does not end insecurity. Guns may damage bodies, but they do not eliminate the roots of violence. This understanding forms the basis of what experts call the non-kinetic approach conflict resolution through dialogue, reconciliation, justice, and social reform.

When Matawalle assumed office, Zamfara was deeply troubled. Roads were closed, markets shut down, farmers and herders operated in fear, and citizens lived under constant threat. Faced with this reality, only two options existed: rely solely on military force or combine security operations with dialogue. Matawalle chose the path widely accepted across the world security reinforced by dialogue not out of sympathy for criminals, but to protect innocent lives.

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This approach was not unique to Zamfara. In Katsina State, Governor Aminu Bello Masari led peace engagements with armed groups. In Maiduguri granted amnesty to repentant offenders of Boko Haram, In Sokoto, dialogue was also pursued to reduce bloodshed. These precedents raise a simple question: if dialogue is acceptable elsewhere, why is Matawalle singled out?

At the federal level, the same logic applies. Through Operation Safe Corridor, the Federal Government received Boko Haram members who surrendered, offered rehabilitation and reintegration, and continued military action against those who refused to lay down arms. This balance
rehabilitation for those who repent and force against those who persist is the core of the non-kinetic approach.

Security experts globally affirm that military force contributes only 20 to 30 percent of sustainable solutions to insurgency. The remaining 70 to 80 percent lies in dialogue, justice, economic reform, and addressing poverty and unemployment. Even the United Nations states clearly: “You cannot kill your way out of an insurgency.”

During Matawalle’s tenure, several roads reopened, cattle markets revived, and daily life began to normalize. If insecurity later resurfaced, the question is not whether dialogue was wrong, but whether broader coordination failed.

Today, critics attempt to recast past security strategies as crimes. Yet history is not blind, and truth does not disappear. Matawalle’s actions were rooted in expert advice, national precedent, and global best practice.

The position of Sheikh Ahmad Gumi, who publicly affirmed that Matawalle’s approach was appropriate and that military force accounts for only about 25 percent of counterinsurgency success, further reinforces this reality. Such views cannot be purchased or manufactured; they reflect established security thinking.

In the end, dialogue is not a betrayal of justice it is often its foundation. And no amount of political noise can overturn decisions grounded in evidence, experience, and the priority of human life.

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Opinion

Matawalle: The Northern Anchor of Loyalty in Tinubu’s Administration

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By Adebayor Adetunji, PhD

In the broad and competitive terrain of Nigerian politics, loyalty is often spoken of, yet rarely sustained with consistency, courage and visible action. But within the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, one Northern appointee has demonstrated this quality not as a slogan, but as a lifestyle, as a political principle and as a national duty — Hon. (Dr.) Bello Muhammad Matawalle, Minister of State for Defence.

Since his appointment, Matawalle has stood out as one of the most loyal, outspoken and dependable pillars of support for the Tinubu administration in the North. He has never hesitated, not for a moment, to stand firmly behind the President. At every turn of controversy, in moments of public misunderstanding, and at times when political alliances waver, Matawalle has continued to speak boldly in defence of the government he serves. For him, loyalty is not an occasional gesture — it is a commitment evidenced through voice, alignment, and sacrifice.

Observers within and outside the ruling party recall numerous occasions where the former Zamfara State Governor took the front line in defending the government’s policies, actions and direction, even when others chose neutrality or silence. His interventions, always direct and clear, reflect not just loyalty to a leader, but faith in the future the President is building, a future anchored on economic reform, security revival, institutional strengthening and renewed national unity.

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But Matawalle’s value to the administration does not stop at loyalty. In performance, visibility and active delivery of duty, he stands among the most engaged ministers currently serving in the federal cabinet. His portfolio, centred on defence and security, one of the most sensitive sectors in the country, demands expertise, availability and unbroken presence. Matawalle has not only embraced this responsibility, he has carried it with remarkable energy.

From high-level security meetings within Nigeria to strategic engagements across foreign capitals, Matawalle has represented the nation with clarity and confidence. His participation in defence summits, international cooperation talks, and regional security collaborations has positioned Nigeria as a voice of influence in global security discourse once again. At home, his involvement in military policy evaluation, counter-terrorism discussions and national defence restructuring reflects a minister who understands the urgency of Nigeria’s security needs, and shows up to work daily to address them.

Away from partisan battles, Matawalle has proven to be a bridge — between North and South, civilian leadership and military institutions, Nigeria and the wider world. His presence in government offers a mix of loyalty, performance and deep grounding in national interest, the type of partnership every President needs in turbulent times.

This is why calls, campaigns and whisperings aimed at undermining or isolating him must be resisted. Nigeria cannot afford to discourage its best-performing public servants, nor tighten the atmosphere for those who stand firmly for unity and national progress. The nation must learn to applaud where there is performance, support where there is loyalty, and encourage where there is commitment.

Hon. Bello Matawalle deserves commendation, not suspicion. Support — not sabotage. Encouragement, not exclusion from political strategy or power alignment due to narrow interests.

History does not forget those who stood when it mattered. Matawalle stands today for President Tinubu, for security, for loyalty, for national service. And in that place, he has earned a space not only in the present political equation, but in the future judgment of posterity.

Nigeria needs more leaders like him. And Nigeria must say so openly.

Adebayor Adetunji, PhD
A communication strategist and public commentator
Write from Akure, Ondo State, Nigeria

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Opinion

Drug Abuse Among People With Disabilities: The Hidden Crisis Nigeria Is Yet to Address

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By Abdulaziz Ibrahim

Statistically Invisible, Persons with Disabilities feel shut out of Nigeria’s drug abuse war as a report from Adamawa reveals lacks data and tailored support needed, forcing a vulnerable group to battle addiction alone.

In Adamawa State, the fight against drug abuse is gaining attention, but for many people living with disabilities (PWDs), their struggles remain largely unseen. A new report has uncovered deep gaps in support, treatment, and data tracking for PWDs battling addiction despite official claims of equal access.

For nearly three decades, Mallam Aliyu Hammawa, a visually impaired resident of Yola, navigated a world increasingly shrouded by drug dependency. He first encountered psychoactive substances through friends, and what began as casual use quickly escalated into long-term addiction.

“I used cannabis, tramadol, tablets, shooters everything I could get my hands on,” he recalled. “These drugs affected my behaviour and my relationship with the people close to me.”

Family members say his addiction changed him entirely. His friend, Hussaini Usman, described feeling “sad and worried” when he realized Aliyu had fallen into drug use.

Aliyu eventually made the decision to quit. It was marriage and the fear of hurting his wife that finally forced him to seek a new path. “Whenever I took the drugs, I felt normal. But my wife was confused about my behaviour,” he said. “I decided I had to stop before she discovered the full truth of what I was taking.”

A National Problem With Missing Data

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Nigeria has one of the highest drug-use rates in West Africa, according to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). Over 14 million Nigerians between the ages of 15 and 64 use psychoactive substances. Yet, within that massive user base, PWDs are statistically invisible.

There is almost no national data on drug abuse among persons with disabilitiesa critical gap that experts warn makes it impossible to design effective, inclusive rehabilitation programmes.

Ibrahim Idris Kochifa, the Secretary of the Adamawa State Association of Persons with Physical Disability, told this reporter that PWDs face unique, systemic pressures that intensify their vulnerability to drug abuse, specifically citing poverty, unemployment, isolation, and social discrimination.

“Whenever a person with disability is caught with drugs, the common decision is to seize the drugs and let him go,” Kochifa said, speaking on behalf of the disabled community leadership. “But if they consult us, we have advice to offer on how they can be treated and rehabilitated. Without involving us, no programme will fully benefit people with disabilities.”

NDLEA Responds

At the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) Command in Adamawa, officials insist their services are open to everyone without discrimination.

Mrs. Ibraham Nachafia, the Head of Media and Advocacy for the NDLEA Adamawa State Command, said during an interview, “Our rehabilitation centre is open to all. There is no discrimination. Anyone including persons with disabilities can access treatment.”

While the official position suggests inclusiveness, disability advocates call it “tokenistic.” They argue that equal access on paper does not translate to tailored support in practice. True rehabilitation for PWDs requires specialized counselling that understands their unique traumas, physically accessible facilities, and significantly stronger community engagement to prevent relapse.

A Call for More Inclusive Action

Advocates are now urging the Nigerian government and drug-control agencies to build a response framework that recognizes PWDs as a vulnerable group in need of targeted support.

The advocate Goodness Fedrick warns that until rehabilitation and prevention programmes reflect the realities faced by people with disabilities, Nigeria’s battle against drug abuse will remain incomplete.

For people like Aliyu Hammawa, who managed to recover without structured support, the message is clear: many others may not be as fortunate.

This story highlights the urgent need for inclusive, data-driven, and community-supported approaches in Nigeria’s fight against drug addiction. Until the nation sees and serves this ‘hidden crisis,’ its overall battle against addiction will continue to be fought with one hand tied behind its back.

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