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Opinion

NANS : From Radicalism to inessentialism

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By Adnan Mukhtar

The National Association of Nigerian Students NANS, an umbrella of more than 30 million students in Nigeria was known to be a radical force in the fight against corruption, an agency for national construction, a critique of the National economy and foreign policy. NANS of yesterday was as radical as the mass labour movements not just in Nigeria but internationally.

I decided to write this article for the benefit of upcoming student leaders, as a final year student in the University, I have eleven months to graduate as a student. Immediately after my graduation, I promise to disengage from student politics not for any other reason but because of my integrity and my great contribution in the fight against corruption.

I see being in students Union while I am no longer a student, either a drop out or a graduate as a form of corruption. That is what is happening in students Union in Nigeria. There are dominated by old crooks and corrupt youths that happens to be non students especially NANS.

However, it is my hope that there will be a positive aftermaths of this article that would manifest in ideologically and politically strengthen the Students Union and a new NANS.

As I said earlier, I am writing this for the benefit of our younger generation that may finds interest in students Union, as I was told the radicalism of NANS and the role it plays towards the restoration of democracy and democratization of education during the military regimes in Nigeria, let me give my readers a brief historical analysis of NANS, a radical student movement that evolved as the most important voice for a democratic society and a democratic, accessible educational system funded and managed effectively.

The National Association of Nigerian Students NANS, was formed in July 1980 at a meeting of students representatives and activists across the country held at the Yaba College of Technology Lagos after the proscription and banning of the National Union of Nigerian Students (NUNS) in 1978 by the Obasanjo regime, after a nation wide students unrest. The major objectives of NANS was encapsulated in the NANS charter of demand that was launched in December 1982. The charter of demands consists of the main objectives of NANS, it’s demands from the government and it’s constitutional doctrine as a guiding principle of how it operates.

The major objective is democratization of education at all levels, adequate funding of educational system from primary to tertiary level to the extent that every Nigerian has access to quality education.

The charter insisted that socio-economic justice and equality should form the basis of democracy.

NANS was a demonstration of youth radicalism, idealism and dogged commitment to an egalitarian society.

It is unfortunate that students Union of today and NANS have subjected to begging, mouthpiece and defendants of anti masses policies. Students are into NANS not only to fight for a just cause and the rights of themselves, but for materialistic gains. Holding meetings in expensive hotels and using huge amounts of money as a tool of winning elections.

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Many of office aspirants in NANS are sponsored by government just to protect its interest and above all, if you are not financially stable, forget about NANS as delegates usually ask for money during elections. This is to show you how corrupt NANS is today.

I was worried when I saw this for myself in Gombe aborted 2016 NANS convention and the recent one conducted at old parade ground Abuja.

The aspirants for the presidential office have spent whooping millions just to clinch the presidential seat, if you see how money was spent by these aspirants and how desperate they are willing to win election, you will ask yourself that something is going wrong. One worst thing is that, it is happening under an administration that claims to be fighting corruption and mostly with support of the office of the special assistant to the president on youth and students affairs.

NANS have turned and changed from the radical stance it was known to inessentialism. NANS that was known to be an agency of National construction and it’s dogged resistance to Babangida’s structural adjustment programme has subjected itself to a critical mouthpiece of governmental policies either anti masses or not.

During the NANS convention of 2016 at Pantami stadium in Gombe, the federal government is doing it’s best to ensure the success of it’s own Aspirant Aruna Kadiri and even after it was aborted and an aspirant Chinonso Obasi who claimed to be from Ebonyi State University declared a faction, the government still ensured the emergence of it’s candidate Aruna Kadiri in the recent reconvened convention at old parade ground.

Both Kadiri, Chinonso Obasi and all the aspirants that contested are all claiming to be postgraduate students, some are in their early 40’s while the most youngest among them is Chinonso Obasi. I am doubting what a 40 year old is looking for as a student leader, most of the radical and left wing NANS leaders that we heard happens to be undergraduate students and that should be the tradition, it is not sensible to have a postgraduate student as NANS president when you compared the population of the undergraduate and that of the postgraduate. It looks as an incessant and unnecessary domination of right people.

I am sure, this will not happen in the NANS of yesterday, the radical students then will not allow and support this attitude.

NANS was known to have less involved itself from governmental affairs, it is unfortunate that the NANS we are currently having is fully involved and supportive to whatever policy the government has brought.

NANS was known in building alliances with some radical ideological movements like the progressive youth movement of Nigeria (PYMN) and Alliance of progressive students (APS) etc.

Today NANS, is a toothless bulldog to some unideological political parties in the country.

Upcoming student leaders need to know that the quest to rebuild NANS is a binding on them, NANS must be principled to it’s aims and objectives, the charter of demands should be amended and updated because of the current neo liberal policies in the country.

The upcoming students leaders should continue from where the radical former NANS leaders stopped, stick to its charter and aims and objectives, let them come into NANS with good intention of making the lives of students better.

The current happenings in NANS is a reflection of what is happening in Nigeria, problems of corruption, Alliance with governments and money mongering by students need to be addressed as the NANS we read about is not what we are seeing today. NANS has since turned to an inessential umbrella of Nigerian Students unless of it’s problems are addressed.

Adnan Mukhtar is the Secretary General of Northwest University, Students Council Kano. He was formerly a special assistant in NANS zone A. He wrote this article in December 2016 on his way to Kazaure, Jigawa State.

Opinion

Dr Bello Matwallle: Why Dialogue Still Matters in the Fight Against Insecurity

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By Musa Iliyasu Kwankwaso

In the history of leadership, force may be loud, but wisdom delivers results. This is why security experts agree that while military action can suppress violence temporarily, dialogue is what permanently closes the door to conflict. It is a lesson the world has learned through blood, loss, and painful experience.

When Dr. Bello Matawalle, as Governor of Zamfara State, chose dialogue and reconciliation, it was not a sign of weakness. It was a different kind of courage one that placed the lives of ordinary citizens above political applause. A wise leader measures success not by bullets fired, but by lives saved.

Across conflict zones, history has consistently shown that force alone does not end insecurity. Guns may damage bodies, but they do not eliminate the roots of violence. This understanding forms the basis of what experts call the non-kinetic approach conflict resolution through dialogue, reconciliation, justice, and social reform.

When Matawalle assumed office, Zamfara was deeply troubled. Roads were closed, markets shut down, farmers and herders operated in fear, and citizens lived under constant threat. Faced with this reality, only two options existed: rely solely on military force or combine security operations with dialogue. Matawalle chose the path widely accepted across the world security reinforced by dialogue not out of sympathy for criminals, but to protect innocent lives.

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This approach was not unique to Zamfara. In Katsina State, Governor Aminu Bello Masari led peace engagements with armed groups. In Maiduguri granted amnesty to repentant offenders of Boko Haram, In Sokoto, dialogue was also pursued to reduce bloodshed. These precedents raise a simple question: if dialogue is acceptable elsewhere, why is Matawalle singled out?

At the federal level, the same logic applies. Through Operation Safe Corridor, the Federal Government received Boko Haram members who surrendered, offered rehabilitation and reintegration, and continued military action against those who refused to lay down arms. This balance
rehabilitation for those who repent and force against those who persist is the core of the non-kinetic approach.

Security experts globally affirm that military force contributes only 20 to 30 percent of sustainable solutions to insurgency. The remaining 70 to 80 percent lies in dialogue, justice, economic reform, and addressing poverty and unemployment. Even the United Nations states clearly: “You cannot kill your way out of an insurgency.”

During Matawalle’s tenure, several roads reopened, cattle markets revived, and daily life began to normalize. If insecurity later resurfaced, the question is not whether dialogue was wrong, but whether broader coordination failed.

Today, critics attempt to recast past security strategies as crimes. Yet history is not blind, and truth does not disappear. Matawalle’s actions were rooted in expert advice, national precedent, and global best practice.

The position of Sheikh Ahmad Gumi, who publicly affirmed that Matawalle’s approach was appropriate and that military force accounts for only about 25 percent of counterinsurgency success, further reinforces this reality. Such views cannot be purchased or manufactured; they reflect established security thinking.

In the end, dialogue is not a betrayal of justice it is often its foundation. And no amount of political noise can overturn decisions grounded in evidence, experience, and the priority of human life.

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Opinion

Matawalle: The Northern Anchor of Loyalty in Tinubu’s Administration

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By Adebayor Adetunji, PhD

In the broad and competitive terrain of Nigerian politics, loyalty is often spoken of, yet rarely sustained with consistency, courage and visible action. But within the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, one Northern appointee has demonstrated this quality not as a slogan, but as a lifestyle, as a political principle and as a national duty — Hon. (Dr.) Bello Muhammad Matawalle, Minister of State for Defence.

Since his appointment, Matawalle has stood out as one of the most loyal, outspoken and dependable pillars of support for the Tinubu administration in the North. He has never hesitated, not for a moment, to stand firmly behind the President. At every turn of controversy, in moments of public misunderstanding, and at times when political alliances waver, Matawalle has continued to speak boldly in defence of the government he serves. For him, loyalty is not an occasional gesture — it is a commitment evidenced through voice, alignment, and sacrifice.

Observers within and outside the ruling party recall numerous occasions where the former Zamfara State Governor took the front line in defending the government’s policies, actions and direction, even when others chose neutrality or silence. His interventions, always direct and clear, reflect not just loyalty to a leader, but faith in the future the President is building, a future anchored on economic reform, security revival, institutional strengthening and renewed national unity.

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But Matawalle’s value to the administration does not stop at loyalty. In performance, visibility and active delivery of duty, he stands among the most engaged ministers currently serving in the federal cabinet. His portfolio, centred on defence and security, one of the most sensitive sectors in the country, demands expertise, availability and unbroken presence. Matawalle has not only embraced this responsibility, he has carried it with remarkable energy.

From high-level security meetings within Nigeria to strategic engagements across foreign capitals, Matawalle has represented the nation with clarity and confidence. His participation in defence summits, international cooperation talks, and regional security collaborations has positioned Nigeria as a voice of influence in global security discourse once again. At home, his involvement in military policy evaluation, counter-terrorism discussions and national defence restructuring reflects a minister who understands the urgency of Nigeria’s security needs, and shows up to work daily to address them.

Away from partisan battles, Matawalle has proven to be a bridge — between North and South, civilian leadership and military institutions, Nigeria and the wider world. His presence in government offers a mix of loyalty, performance and deep grounding in national interest, the type of partnership every President needs in turbulent times.

This is why calls, campaigns and whisperings aimed at undermining or isolating him must be resisted. Nigeria cannot afford to discourage its best-performing public servants, nor tighten the atmosphere for those who stand firmly for unity and national progress. The nation must learn to applaud where there is performance, support where there is loyalty, and encourage where there is commitment.

Hon. Bello Matawalle deserves commendation, not suspicion. Support — not sabotage. Encouragement, not exclusion from political strategy or power alignment due to narrow interests.

History does not forget those who stood when it mattered. Matawalle stands today for President Tinubu, for security, for loyalty, for national service. And in that place, he has earned a space not only in the present political equation, but in the future judgment of posterity.

Nigeria needs more leaders like him. And Nigeria must say so openly.

Adebayor Adetunji, PhD
A communication strategist and public commentator
Write from Akure, Ondo State, Nigeria

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Opinion

Drug Abuse Among People With Disabilities: The Hidden Crisis Nigeria Is Yet to Address

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By Abdulaziz Ibrahim

Statistically Invisible, Persons with Disabilities feel shut out of Nigeria’s drug abuse war as a report from Adamawa reveals lacks data and tailored support needed, forcing a vulnerable group to battle addiction alone.

In Adamawa State, the fight against drug abuse is gaining attention, but for many people living with disabilities (PWDs), their struggles remain largely unseen. A new report has uncovered deep gaps in support, treatment, and data tracking for PWDs battling addiction despite official claims of equal access.

For nearly three decades, Mallam Aliyu Hammawa, a visually impaired resident of Yola, navigated a world increasingly shrouded by drug dependency. He first encountered psychoactive substances through friends, and what began as casual use quickly escalated into long-term addiction.

“I used cannabis, tramadol, tablets, shooters everything I could get my hands on,” he recalled. “These drugs affected my behaviour and my relationship with the people close to me.”

Family members say his addiction changed him entirely. His friend, Hussaini Usman, described feeling “sad and worried” when he realized Aliyu had fallen into drug use.

Aliyu eventually made the decision to quit. It was marriage and the fear of hurting his wife that finally forced him to seek a new path. “Whenever I took the drugs, I felt normal. But my wife was confused about my behaviour,” he said. “I decided I had to stop before she discovered the full truth of what I was taking.”

A National Problem With Missing Data

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Nigeria has one of the highest drug-use rates in West Africa, according to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). Over 14 million Nigerians between the ages of 15 and 64 use psychoactive substances. Yet, within that massive user base, PWDs are statistically invisible.

There is almost no national data on drug abuse among persons with disabilitiesa critical gap that experts warn makes it impossible to design effective, inclusive rehabilitation programmes.

Ibrahim Idris Kochifa, the Secretary of the Adamawa State Association of Persons with Physical Disability, told this reporter that PWDs face unique, systemic pressures that intensify their vulnerability to drug abuse, specifically citing poverty, unemployment, isolation, and social discrimination.

“Whenever a person with disability is caught with drugs, the common decision is to seize the drugs and let him go,” Kochifa said, speaking on behalf of the disabled community leadership. “But if they consult us, we have advice to offer on how they can be treated and rehabilitated. Without involving us, no programme will fully benefit people with disabilities.”

NDLEA Responds

At the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) Command in Adamawa, officials insist their services are open to everyone without discrimination.

Mrs. Ibraham Nachafia, the Head of Media and Advocacy for the NDLEA Adamawa State Command, said during an interview, “Our rehabilitation centre is open to all. There is no discrimination. Anyone including persons with disabilities can access treatment.”

While the official position suggests inclusiveness, disability advocates call it “tokenistic.” They argue that equal access on paper does not translate to tailored support in practice. True rehabilitation for PWDs requires specialized counselling that understands their unique traumas, physically accessible facilities, and significantly stronger community engagement to prevent relapse.

A Call for More Inclusive Action

Advocates are now urging the Nigerian government and drug-control agencies to build a response framework that recognizes PWDs as a vulnerable group in need of targeted support.

The advocate Goodness Fedrick warns that until rehabilitation and prevention programmes reflect the realities faced by people with disabilities, Nigeria’s battle against drug abuse will remain incomplete.

For people like Aliyu Hammawa, who managed to recover without structured support, the message is clear: many others may not be as fortunate.

This story highlights the urgent need for inclusive, data-driven, and community-supported approaches in Nigeria’s fight against drug addiction. Until the nation sees and serves this ‘hidden crisis,’ its overall battle against addiction will continue to be fought with one hand tied behind its back.

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