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How to Stop Judicial Coups Against Democracy in Nigeria

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2 years ago

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“It’s now so bad that courting the votes of the electorates is no longer an important component of the democratic process since politicians can get from the courts what they lost at the ballot box. That’s a dangerous state for any democracy to be in.”

How to Stop Judicial Coups Against Democracy in Nigeria
By Farooq A. Kperogi
Twitter: @farooqkperogi

The Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Centre (CISLAC), one of Nigeria’s most prominent pro-democracy NGOs, invited me to make a virtual presentation from my base in Atlanta to a national seminar it organized last Thursday on “targeted judicial reforms and enhanced judicial integrity in post-election litigation.” Unfortunately, I couldn’t make it, but here are the thoughts I would have shared on the topic.

It’s oddly ironic that the judiciary, which should be the bulwark of democracy, has become such a dreadful terror to democracy that people are seeking to protect democracy from it. The courts have become the graveyards of electoral mandates. Judges have not only descended to being common purchasable judicial rogues, but they have also become juridical coup plotters.

The major preoccupation of pro-democracy activists is no longer how to keep the military from politics and governance but how to save democracy from the judiciary. In other words, in Nigeria, our problem is no longer fear of military coups but the cold reality of frighteningly escalating judicial coups.

A “judicial coup,” also called a juridical coup d’état, refers to a situation where judicial or legal processes are deployed to subvert the choice of the electorate or to unfairly change the power structure of an existing government.

In other words, a judicial coup occurs when the courts are used to achieve political ends that would not be possible through standard political processes. In a judicial coup, the courts make rulings or interpretations of the law that drastically alter the balance of power, often favoring a particular political group or leader.

This can include invalidating election results, removing elected officials from office, altering the constitution through interpretive tyranny, or other significant legal actions that have profound political implications.

Before 2023, judicial coups happened in trickles and were barely perceptible. The big, bad bugaboo used to be INEC. When the Supreme Court made Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi the governor of Rivers State on October 25, 2007, without winning a single vote, we thought it was merely a curious, one-off democratic anomaly that was nonetheless morally justified because Celestine Omehia—who won the actual votes cast on April 14, 2007, and sworn in as the governor on May 29—was illegally replaced as PDP’s candidate after Amaechi won the party’s primary election.

Our collective toleration of this strange supersession of normal democratic procedures to produce a governor conduced to more aberrations.

On January 14, 2020, the Supreme Court produced its first unofficial “Supreme Court governor” in Hope Uzodimma of Imo State when it used dazzlingly fraudulent judicial abracadabra to subvert the outcome of the governorship election in the state.

The Supreme Court’s judicial helicopter zoomed past PDP’s Emeka Ihedioha who won 273,404 votes to emerge as the winner of the election; flew past Action Alliance’s Uche Nwosu who came second with 190,364 votes; zipped past APGA’s Ifeanyi Ararume who came third with 114,676 votes; and glided gently into the yard of fourth-place finisher Uzodimma of APC with only 96,458 votes.

It then declared that the fourth shall be the first, enthroned Uzodimma as the governor, and dethroned Ihedioha whom Imo voters and INEC had chosen as the legitimate governor.

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I recall being too numb by the scandal of the judgment to even experience any sensation of righteous indignation. Then came the Ahmed Lawan judgment, and I was jolted to my very bones. A man who didn’t run for an election, who admitted he didn’t run for an election, and who gave up trying to steal an election that he himself admitted he didn’t run for, much less win, was declared the “winner” of the election.

Because I closely followed the case and shaped public discourse on it, I was so incensed by the judgment that, in a viral February 6 social media post, I called Supreme Court justices “a rotten gaggle of useless, purchasable judicial bandits,” which prompted an unexampled official response from the Supreme Court, which dripped wet with undiluted bile.

However, many judges, including some conscientious Supreme Court judges, agreed with me. For example, in his farewell speech last month, Justice Musa Dattijo Muhammad re-echoed my sentiments about the Supreme Court and cited former Court of Appeal justice Oludotun Adefope-Okojie who, in her own farewell speech, approvingly quoted my description of Supreme Court justices as “a rotten gaggle of useless, purchasable judicial bandits.”

The judicial banditry I talked about has assumed a different, worrying dimension. It has now become full-on judicial sabotage against the soul of democracy itself. In unprecedented judicial roguery, the Appeal Court has invalidated the election of all 16 PDP lawmakers in the Plateau State House of Assembly and handed unearned victories to APC. It also nullified the victory of PDP’s Governor Caleb Mutfwang and asked that APC’s Nentawe Yilwatda Goshwe, who lost in the actual election, be declared the winner.

The case of the judicial theft of Kano State’s governorship election from NNPP to APC is too well-known to warrant restating. In all these cases, the judiciary invoked matters that were extraneous to the actual vote (called “technicalities”) to decide whom to crown as winners of the elections.

It’s now so bad that courting the votes of the electorates is no longer an important component of the democratic process since politicians can get from the courts what they lost at the ballot box. That’s a dangerous state for any democracy to be in.

The judiciary is becoming an unacceptably treacherous but overpampered monster that is exercising powers that are beyond the bounds of reason. It needs to be stopped through a holistic reworking of the electoral act.

The first thing that needs to be spelled out more clearly and more forcefully in a revised electoral act is that pre-election matters are not litigable after the winner of an election has been announced. All pre-election petitions should be litigated before the conduct of elections. Post-election litigations should be limited to the conduct of the elections. Since this happens once in four years, it should not be too much of a burden for the judiciary.

The second change that needs to be enshrined in a revised electoral act is a provision that divests courts of the powers to declare winners and losers of electoral contests. I am the first to admit that this is problematic because it limits the mechanism for redress available to politicians in cases of INEC-engineered electoral robberies.

But in situations where courts can glibly overrule the will of the electorate by invoking procedural inanities that are extrinsic to elections to declare winners and losers, I would rather deal with INEC alone.

The conduct of elections can be improved in the future to the point that manipulations can be significantly reduced. But I can’t say the same for a rapacious, unjust, and mercenary judiciary such as we have today.

In any case, in all functional democracies, it is voters, not the courts, who elect and remove people from positions of political power. If the courts find sufficient evidence of irregularities in the conduct of elections, they can order a rerun. But they should never be invested with the power to declare winners and losers.

The last suggestion I have for the revision of the electoral act is to constitutionalize the imperative to finalize the adjudication of all election petitions before the inauguration of elected officials into their offices. There are two reasons for this.

First, it is disruptive to put elected officials through the hassles of post-election litigation while they are already officially in office. Governance is often put on hold during the pendency of litigations, and lots of state resources are expended to bribe judges, hire lawyers, and bring witnesses. That’s unfair to Nigerians.

Second, at least at the presidential level, once someone has been declared the president and is inaugurated, they automatically assume enormous symbolic power that is almost impossible to reverse. They also have access to enormous resources that they can deploy to influence the course of justice.

Whatever we do, we must curb the excesses of our out-of-control judiciary before it finally murders what remains of our democracy.

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Opinion

The Politics of Promises Kept: Analyzing the People-Centered Governance Style of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf

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1 hour ago

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May 30, 2026

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By Mohammed Babagana Abubakar
The Unifier Project Coordinator Kano State

Political analyst Larry Sabato once observed that politics is a good deal like religion in that everyone should have some, but it should be the right kind. For many years in Nigeria’s most populous commercial nerve center, the dominant style of politics was deeply transactional defined by entrenched godfatherism, conditional patronage, and a persistent gulf between campaign promises and governmental action.

However, as the administration of marks its third anniversary, Kano State is witnessing a profound philosophical shift in governance. The celebrations currently unfolding across the state’s 44 Local Government Areas are not merely acknowledgments of completed infrastructure projects, they are endorsements of a distinct people-centered leadership model that prioritizes human development over political theatrics.

To analyze the politics of promises kept under Governor Yusuf is to understand how deliberate populist policies, fiscal discipline, and strategic political courage can converge to redefine the relationship between government and the governed.

At the heart of people centered governance lies a simple principle, public resources must produce maximum public value. In a state as demographically significant and economically dynamic as Kano, governance cannot remain an elite driven exercise detached from grassroots realities.

Governor Yusuf’s governing philosophy popularly known as the Gida Gida administration has gained traction because it redirected state priorities from prestige driven spending toward human capital development. When a government consistently aligns public expenditure with the immediate concerns of ordinary citizens, political legitimacy is no longer enforced through patronage, it is naturally earned through trust and visible impact.

One defining characteristic of visionary leadership is the willingness to adequately fund public commitments. Nowhere is this more evident than in Kano’s education sector. By declaring a State of Emergency on education and allocating approximately 31 percent of the state budget to the sector surpassing the UNESCO benchmark the administration transformed education policy from campaign rhetoric into measurable institutional action.

Comprehensive renovation and upgrading of public primary and secondary school classrooms across the state.

Recruitment, regularization, and strategic deployment of qualified teachers to improve classroom to teacher ratios.

Revival of foreign postgraduate scholarship schemes for outstanding graduates, opening global academic opportunities for talented but vulnerable students.

These interventions reflect a long term investment strategy aimed at repositioning education as the foundation of sustainable economic and social advancement

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In healthcare delivery, the administration abandoned the traditional overconcentration on metropolitan tertiary facilities. Instead, it prioritized the revitalization and equipping of Primary Healthcare Centres (PHCs) in rural and underserved communities.

This decentralized healthcare strategy directly addresses maternal and infant mortality rates at the grassroots level, where healthcare vulnerability is often most severe.

Beyond healthcare, the administration has also extended its reform agenda into the justice sector. Through legal and institutional reforms, the government has sought to expand access to legal aid services, strengthen pro bono legal networks, and accelerate the handling of prolonged detention cases. These reforms reinforce a broader philosophy that justice should not be determined by wealth, social status, or political influence.

A critical examination of Governor Yusuf’s leadership style reveals a government that is both adaptive and politically independent. Over the last three years, the Governor has consistently demonstrated that he views his electoral mandate as one entrusted directly by the people not as a proxy arrangement controlled by political godfathers.

His administrative choices have frequently emphasized competence, institutional effectiveness, and public accountability over narrow political loyalty.

Equally significant is the administration’s pragmatic approach to national political engagement. Strategic collaboration with federal institutions and broader national governance structures reflects a sophisticated understanding of Kano’s economic and geopolitical importance within Nigeria and the wider West African sub region.

As the Governor himself has repeatedly emphasized, Kano is too strategically important to isolate itself from national opportunities. By maintaining constructive engagement with the center, the administration has created a more stable environment for commerce, infrastructure development, investment attraction, and security coordination.

Ultimately, leadership is validated not by political slogans but by the economic realities experienced by ordinary citizens.

Under Governor Yusuf’s administration, Kano State’s Internally Generated Revenue (IGR) reportedly rose from earlier baselines of approximately ₦37 to ₦40 billion to over ₦100 billion by the close of the 2025 fiscal year. Significantly, this growth was achieved not through excessive taxation of petty traders and small-scale market operators, but through tighter fiscal controls, improved revenue administration, and the systematic elimination of financial leakages.

The expansion in state revenue has directly supported a welfare centered governance agenda:

The administration has maintained consistent and uninterrupted salary payments, helping to sustain purchasing power and stabilize household incomes across the state.

Thousands of retirees have benefited from aggressive interventions aimed at clearing long-standing pension and gratuity backlogs. For many households, these payments have represented both economic relief and the restoration of dignity after years of uncertainty.

In the final analysis, the politics of promises kept represents one of the highest forms of democratic legitimacy. Political power becomes meaningful only when it is deliberately used to confront the fundamental realities of human existence poverty, illiteracy, disease, unemployment, and structural exclusion.

As the third-anniversary activities continue to showcase the administration’s achievements, the celebrations across Kano are not merely orchestrated political ceremonies. They reflect the sentiments of a population that increasingly feels recognized, included, and valued within the governance process.

Through a combination of fiscal courage, administrative humility, strategic foresight, and grassroots engagement, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf has demonstrated that when leaders protect the mandate of the people, the people, in turn, protect the legacy of leadership.

Kano State appears firmly positioned on a path toward sustainable development, and its future remains exceptionally promising.

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Opinion

Abba Kabir’s 3 Years Beyond Road Projects

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3 hours ago

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May 30, 2026

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Sufyan Lawal Kabo (Sefjamil)
sefjamil3@gmail.com

Some governments build roads, renovate schools and commission projects. Others go beyond physical development to rebuild public confidence, restore institutional trust and reconnect governance with ordinary citizens.

That is the deeper story gradually unfolding in Kano under Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf.

Three years ago, many expected another routine administration. What emerged instead was a government whose speed, visibility and emotional connection with the people have continued to redefine political expectations across Kano.

Today, the discussion is no longer whether Abba Kabir Yusuf is working. The real conversation is how far Kano may go if this pace continues beyond 2027.

Because beyond roads and contracts, Kano is witnessing something deeper. The state is gradually witnessing the return of public belief in governance.

Before 2023, many citizens had psychologically disconnected from governance. Pensioners protested repeatedly over unpaid entitlements. Foreign scholarship students cried publicly over abandonment. Young people increasingly believed politics only served a privileged few. But gradually, the atmosphere changed.

Governance stopped being something citizens merely heard on radio. It became something physically visible.

The administration aggressively launched major road and urban renewal projects including interventions around Tal’udu, Dan Agundi, Lodge Road, Court Road and several township roads across Kano metropolis.

Yet politically, the most important thing was not merely the projects themselves. It was the speed, visibility and energy behind them.

For many citizens, the government projected urgency and seriousness from the very beginning.

The foreign scholarship programme became one of the strongest emotional symbols of the administration. Under the previous administrations, Kano foreign students in countries including India and Uganda repeatedly cried out over unpaid tuition fees and near academic collapse. Several parents and advocacy groups publicly accused the government of neglecting the students.

Upon assumption of office, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf approved billions of naira to settle outstanding liabilities and restore over 1000 Kano students back to classrooms abroad.

For many affected families, the intervention was not merely educational. It was emotional rescue.

In interviews aired by Freedom Radio Kano and other local stations between late 2023 and early 2024, several students narrated how they had nearly abandoned their academic dreams before the intervention arrived. One beneficiary in India reportedly described the intervention as “the difference between disgrace and dignity.”

Politically, the move projected the administration as a government willing to confront inherited crises directly instead of merely offering excuses.

Abba’s administration also declared a state of emergency in education and initiated massive school renovation exercises across the state.

Thousands of students benefited from NECO registration support, while recruitment processes for teachers and investments in learning infrastructure expanded. But beyond statistics, the interventions carried deeper political meaning.The government projected education as a pathway for poor children to compete again.

Within public discussions, many citizens increasingly interpreted the reforms as attempts to restore Kano’s historic educational reputation in Northern Nigeria.

Perhaps the most emotionally sensitive intervention involved pensioners. For years before 2023, retired civil servants repeatedly protested over unpaid gratuities and pension arrears. Elderly pensioners were frequently seen struggling through verification exercises while many openly lamented hardship and neglect. Several pensioners reportedly died while waiting for entitlements.

The issue became more than an administrative problem. It became a moral issue. Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s administration later announced multiple releases running into tens of billions of naira for settlement of pension backlogs and gratuities inherited from previous administrations. Thousands of retirees reportedly benefited through various payment phases coordinated by the Kano State Pension Trustees.

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What changed public perception most were the emotional reactions from beneficiaries themselves. Elderly pensioners openly praised the governor in interviews across Kano media platforms after receiving payments many had lost hope of ever seeing.

The Kano Internal Revenue Service also intensified reforms around revenue collection, compliance and digital restructuring.

Economic observers increasingly linked improved revenue confidence not only to enforcement, but to growing public belief that government activities were becoming visible again. The logic became simple: Visibility created confidence. Confidence encouraged cooperation.

Citizens are more willing to support government financially when they believe governance itself is functioning.

Another remarkable development is Kano’s gradually changing political atmosphere. For years, Kano politics was dominated by rivalries and factional tensions involving major actors such as Senator Barau I. Jibrin, Senator Kawu Sumaila, Hon. Kabiru Alhassan Rurum and others across APC and NNPP blocs. Yet recent years increasingly witnessed conversations around reconciliation, engagement and political coexistence.

The growing understanding between Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso and some APC interests attracted national attention because many observers previously considered such political softening impossible. That perception of political maturity carries major implications for stability, governance and investor confidence in Kano.

Because Kano is not just another state politically. It is one of the major political nerve centres in Northern Nigeria.

Beyond the emotional and political dimensions of the administration, the scale of physical and institutional development witnessed across Kano within the last three years has equally remained difficult to ignore.

From massive road construction and urban renewal projects to aggressive interventions in education, healthcare, agriculture, water resources, youth empowerment, transportation, sanitation, civil service reform, pension settlement, housing, security support and revenue generation, the administration projected unusual speed and visibility across virtually all sectors of governance.

In education alone, foreign scholarship restoration, school rehabilitation, teacher recruitment and examination support programmes changed public conversations around learning and opportunity. In healthcare, general hospitals, primary healthcare centres and medical support services witnessed renewed government attention. In agriculture, farmers benefited from inputs, support initiatives and renewed emphasis on food production across rural communities.

In infrastructure, major roads, drainage systems and metropolitan renewal projects transformed several strategic parts of Kano. In social welfare, pension payments and salary interventions restored confidence among retired and serving workers. In governance and revenue administration, institutional reforms and digital restructuring strengthened public confidence in government functionality.

Even in political management, Kano began gradually witnessing a calmer atmosphere after years of intense rivalries and factional conflicts. Altogether, the administration created the impression of a government determined not merely to govern Kano, but to aggressively reposition the state socially, politically, economically and psychologically for a much bigger future.

Perhaps the most powerful thing about the present administration is this:
√ Kano has started believing again.
√ Young people increasingly believe government can still respond to ordinary citizens.
√ Pensioners increasingly believe retirement may no longer mean abandonment.
√ Students increasingly believe poverty may not permanently destroy educational dreams.
√ All sectors are properly working again after long period of neglect by previous administration.
√ And politically, that may become the administration’s greatest legacy.

Because roads may eventually deteriorate and buildings may require reconstruction. But once a government restores public belief in governance itself, it changes the psychology of society permanently.

That is why Kano today appears to be witnessing something bigger than physical development alone. It is witnessing political reawakening, emotional reconstruction and the gradual return of civic confidence. That is why the real question in Kano today is no longer whether Abba Kabir Yusuf is working. The real question is this: if three years could produce this level of political energy, visibility and public confidence, what exactly may Kano become if this momentum continues into the future?

Sufyan writes from Abuja

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Opinion

Three Years Of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf:Restoring Confidence Through People Centred Governance

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3 hours ago

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May 30, 2026

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By Tijjani Sarki
Good Governance Advocate and Public Policy Analyst

Leadership earns its true value when it restores public confidence, inspires hope, and remains connected to the everyday realities of the people. As the administration of His Excellency, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, marks three years in office, Kano State stands at an important moment of reflection on a journey defined by resilience, grassroots engagement, and renewed commitment to social development.

For many citizens, the emergence of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf represented more than political change, it symbolized the return of inclusive governance and people-oriented leadership. Despite the economic and political challenges facing the nation, the administration has continued to demonstrate commitment toward improving education, healthcare, infrastructure, and social welfare across the state.

Particularly commendable is the renewed attention given to public education through school rehabilitation, scholarship support, and investment in learning facilities. Equally significant are efforts toward reviving abandoned projects and strengthening public service delivery in ways that directly affect ordinary citizens.

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Politically, the administration has also shown stability and resilience amid intense opposition and legal distractions. Yet, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf continues to maintain strong grassroots connection, especially among young people and supporters who see the government as reflective of their aspirations for fairness, development, and responsive leadership.
Like every administration, challenges remain. Economic hardship, unemployment, and growing public expectations continue to demand greater commitment and innovative solutions. Nevertheless, constructive engagement and collective responsibility remain essential in sustaining progress and ensuring that governance continues to serve the interests of the people.

As Kano gradually approaches another political phase, the priority should remain the consolidation of developmental gains, strengthening of institutions, and promotion of policies capable of improving the living standards of citizens across the state.

At this significant milestone, it is important to appreciate the efforts made so far in promoting people-centered governance and restoring confidence in public leadership. While history will continue to judge every administration by its impact, the commitment to public engagement and social development shown within these three years deserves recognition.

I congratulate His Excellency, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, on this three-year anniversary in office and pray that Almighty Allah grants him wisdom, strength, good health, and greater success in his continued service to the people of Kano State.

Tijjani Sarki
Zawaciki, Kano State
May 29, 2026

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