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Opinion

Who Will Listen to ASUU?

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Mahmoud Zukogi

 

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Maikudi Abubakar Zukogi

mandzukogisawaba@yahoo.com

If this is a question needing answer, I will venture to say nobody, at least from amongst the critical stakeholders of university education in Nigeria will. And if I can go further, I will say that if there is anybody among these stakeholders who will want the universities, and I mean public universities to be killed and buried for good, that body is the government, our own very government which promises to breathe fresh air into our distraught lives. It will be difficult to support this position especially because this government recently established nine brand new universities across the country with a blank cheque to take off immediately without delay as if building a university is like incubating an egg. And between the other two- parents and students- there seemed to be a conspiracy of silence; they only make some faint involuntary comments when ASUU rings the bell of strike, which is the only bell loud enough to penetrate our government’s steel ears. The more surprising of the two are the parents who are still to appreciate the direction of government’s policy towards university education but who will bear the brunt of coughing out new regime of fees to educate their wards. If the government succeeds in deregulating university education as it is bent on doing, only few parents will be able to afford to pay and will prefer instead to send their lucky wards to private universities who allegedly have ‘‘stable and uninterrupted sessions’’, ‘‘qualified teachers’’ and ‘‘standard facilities.’’ The students, on the other hand, are faced with double jeopardy. Because they are victims of government’s serial starving and relegation of education, they passed through systems where only negligible few appreciates their condition and are able to voice it out. Consequent upon this, it becomes extremely difficult for them to organize themselves and speak with one voice on issues affecting them and sundry other issues of national importance as were the case some two to three decades ago when Labaran Maku, now Minster of Information and Chief Marketer of Petroleum subsidy removal, was a frontline student union leader who fought draconian policies of government, including petroleum subsidy removal and thought it as the worst evil that could be visited on a people already at the bar of poverty.

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The subject of this discourse is a very familiar one. It is about the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU). It is about one union that people have grown accustomed to and become weary of. It is about a union that has refused to throw in the towel when others have done so a long time ago; it is about a union that has refused to lose its head when others have had their heads cracked in the course of trying to come to terms with our government’s incredible capacity to eat its word and have it at the same time. Majority of Nigerians- parents, students and concerned citizens- have become tired of ASUU’s litany of demands, genuine and germane as they were, and are asking it to let the sleeping dog lie and join the bandwagon to national self damnation. The government is a giant mountain and nobody scratched the mountain with his fingers without getting scalded. As it is with all aspects of our national life, either you accept what policy government churns out or you go to jump into the lagoon. And if you think this is a usual cynical jibe, you will be shocked to find out that the fate of removing fuel subsidy was sealed a long time ago, long before the Chief Servant graciously provided the supposedly privileged information on the decision of government at the recent Faculty Board of Initiatives lecture. Therefore, this culture of submission, of not asking questions and standing up to what you think is right and appropriate, is what Nigerians, and surprisingly a segment of the media, think ASUU should embrace. Otherwise, why is particularly the media always silent during the periods of interregnum when ASUU is asked to sheath its sword and go back to the classes? The media does not follow up to know what government is doing or not doing as far as its promises are concerned. The thinking within the Nigerian public circle is that ASUU is almost, like most unions and organizations, at the end of its tether, and should quietly take a retreat; join the band wagon and accepts what crumbs is thrown at it. After all, it’s only weapon- strike- has become music to government’s ears. Unfortunately, ASUU represents an industry that is driven not by emotions and sentiments of any kind but by ideas and empirical information. If ASUU represents the knowledge industry, it will be a great tragedy for the nation if it accepts to succumb to forces that are anti-development and growth. More than mere machines and tools, the most inescapable force that drives the economy is knowledge. Knowledge precedes machines and tools; to reverse this natural order is to accept to remain perpetual slave to foreign consumption and underdevelopment. ASUU is therefore fighting forces that are greater than the Federal government, and these forces are none other than the World Bank, IMF and a host of their allied institutions. It is perfectly in order for these institutions if government continues to put the cart before the horse. Their sing song to the government always is that you can never get it right, so don’t even try. This concept is what has retarded our progress. How else can you describe the Ajaokuta Steel today except to say that it is Nigeria’s giant house of mass unrelated steel as were our unrelated and ill-defined policies and slimy, seething corruption? Today, in the name of raising megawatts and providing power, we see trillions of naira hurriedly expended into erecting sub stations made up of giant concatenations of steel, as if the sheer size is meant to justify the amounts expended on them. Unfortunately and tragically, some of those constructions belong to the generation of fast receding technology as far as power generation and transmission are concerned. Dependency remains at the heart of any relationship with the West and its slavish institutions.

ASUU can never get tired of employing its time tested tactics of strike, even if the people, on whose behalf it is fighting, are. It is well over two months since it suspended its warning strike and harkens to government’s plea of two months within which to respond to the outstanding issues in the 2009 agreement. As was to be expected- ASUU has for long become familiar with government’s chess games- government frittered the whole two months without as much thinking of anything other than to continue in the all too familiar culture of business as usual. Our government has long become a trial and error one. At the start of each day, the man at the helms kick start the Nigerian engine and heaves a graceful sigh of relief as soon as it comes to life. Therefore, for the Nigerian leader, the point of worry is always at the start of each day. Surprisingly and incredibly, the Nigerian engine failed our leaders’ only once- during the Civil war. That’s why it is easier for anyone to get behind its saddle and race it to exhaustion.

The arguments of ASUU are still as germane today as they were some thirty years ago. The 2009 agreement provides for funding requirements to revitalize the Nigerian universities; progressive increase in the budgetary allocation to education; payment of earned allowances and amendment of pension and retirement age for professors. Thus far, only the salary aspect and the passage of ETF (now TEFT) Act have been implemented. The 2009 agreement is due for renegotiation in 2012 but its implementation is largely in the breach. The only way out is for the government to honour its words and demonstrate willingness to see through the issues with a view to addressing them as urgently as possible. Does it make sense for government to dismiss people who have repeatedly demonstrated commitment to the growth and development of this nation but whose only means of doing so is peace and dialogue? If only government will listen, and if only those who have a stake in the system will listen, the nation will be better for it. And the media must truly live up to its responsibility of keeping everybody on its toes, including especially the government which has the constitutional responsibility to listen and not close its ears to the people.

Opinion

Dr Bello Matwallle: Why Dialogue Still Matters in the Fight Against Insecurity

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By Musa Iliyasu Kwankwaso

In the history of leadership, force may be loud, but wisdom delivers results. This is why security experts agree that while military action can suppress violence temporarily, dialogue is what permanently closes the door to conflict. It is a lesson the world has learned through blood, loss, and painful experience.

When Dr. Bello Matawalle, as Governor of Zamfara State, chose dialogue and reconciliation, it was not a sign of weakness. It was a different kind of courage one that placed the lives of ordinary citizens above political applause. A wise leader measures success not by bullets fired, but by lives saved.

Across conflict zones, history has consistently shown that force alone does not end insecurity. Guns may damage bodies, but they do not eliminate the roots of violence. This understanding forms the basis of what experts call the non-kinetic approach conflict resolution through dialogue, reconciliation, justice, and social reform.

When Matawalle assumed office, Zamfara was deeply troubled. Roads were closed, markets shut down, farmers and herders operated in fear, and citizens lived under constant threat. Faced with this reality, only two options existed: rely solely on military force or combine security operations with dialogue. Matawalle chose the path widely accepted across the world security reinforced by dialogue not out of sympathy for criminals, but to protect innocent lives.

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This approach was not unique to Zamfara. In Katsina State, Governor Aminu Bello Masari led peace engagements with armed groups. In Maiduguri granted amnesty to repentant offenders of Boko Haram, In Sokoto, dialogue was also pursued to reduce bloodshed. These precedents raise a simple question: if dialogue is acceptable elsewhere, why is Matawalle singled out?

At the federal level, the same logic applies. Through Operation Safe Corridor, the Federal Government received Boko Haram members who surrendered, offered rehabilitation and reintegration, and continued military action against those who refused to lay down arms. This balance
rehabilitation for those who repent and force against those who persist is the core of the non-kinetic approach.

Security experts globally affirm that military force contributes only 20 to 30 percent of sustainable solutions to insurgency. The remaining 70 to 80 percent lies in dialogue, justice, economic reform, and addressing poverty and unemployment. Even the United Nations states clearly: “You cannot kill your way out of an insurgency.”

During Matawalle’s tenure, several roads reopened, cattle markets revived, and daily life began to normalize. If insecurity later resurfaced, the question is not whether dialogue was wrong, but whether broader coordination failed.

Today, critics attempt to recast past security strategies as crimes. Yet history is not blind, and truth does not disappear. Matawalle’s actions were rooted in expert advice, national precedent, and global best practice.

The position of Sheikh Ahmad Gumi, who publicly affirmed that Matawalle’s approach was appropriate and that military force accounts for only about 25 percent of counterinsurgency success, further reinforces this reality. Such views cannot be purchased or manufactured; they reflect established security thinking.

In the end, dialogue is not a betrayal of justice it is often its foundation. And no amount of political noise can overturn decisions grounded in evidence, experience, and the priority of human life.

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Opinion

Matawalle: The Northern Anchor of Loyalty in Tinubu’s Administration

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By Adebayor Adetunji, PhD

In the broad and competitive terrain of Nigerian politics, loyalty is often spoken of, yet rarely sustained with consistency, courage and visible action. But within the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, one Northern appointee has demonstrated this quality not as a slogan, but as a lifestyle, as a political principle and as a national duty — Hon. (Dr.) Bello Muhammad Matawalle, Minister of State for Defence.

Since his appointment, Matawalle has stood out as one of the most loyal, outspoken and dependable pillars of support for the Tinubu administration in the North. He has never hesitated, not for a moment, to stand firmly behind the President. At every turn of controversy, in moments of public misunderstanding, and at times when political alliances waver, Matawalle has continued to speak boldly in defence of the government he serves. For him, loyalty is not an occasional gesture — it is a commitment evidenced through voice, alignment, and sacrifice.

Observers within and outside the ruling party recall numerous occasions where the former Zamfara State Governor took the front line in defending the government’s policies, actions and direction, even when others chose neutrality or silence. His interventions, always direct and clear, reflect not just loyalty to a leader, but faith in the future the President is building, a future anchored on economic reform, security revival, institutional strengthening and renewed national unity.

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But Matawalle’s value to the administration does not stop at loyalty. In performance, visibility and active delivery of duty, he stands among the most engaged ministers currently serving in the federal cabinet. His portfolio, centred on defence and security, one of the most sensitive sectors in the country, demands expertise, availability and unbroken presence. Matawalle has not only embraced this responsibility, he has carried it with remarkable energy.

From high-level security meetings within Nigeria to strategic engagements across foreign capitals, Matawalle has represented the nation with clarity and confidence. His participation in defence summits, international cooperation talks, and regional security collaborations has positioned Nigeria as a voice of influence in global security discourse once again. At home, his involvement in military policy evaluation, counter-terrorism discussions and national defence restructuring reflects a minister who understands the urgency of Nigeria’s security needs, and shows up to work daily to address them.

Away from partisan battles, Matawalle has proven to be a bridge — between North and South, civilian leadership and military institutions, Nigeria and the wider world. His presence in government offers a mix of loyalty, performance and deep grounding in national interest, the type of partnership every President needs in turbulent times.

This is why calls, campaigns and whisperings aimed at undermining or isolating him must be resisted. Nigeria cannot afford to discourage its best-performing public servants, nor tighten the atmosphere for those who stand firmly for unity and national progress. The nation must learn to applaud where there is performance, support where there is loyalty, and encourage where there is commitment.

Hon. Bello Matawalle deserves commendation, not suspicion. Support — not sabotage. Encouragement, not exclusion from political strategy or power alignment due to narrow interests.

History does not forget those who stood when it mattered. Matawalle stands today for President Tinubu, for security, for loyalty, for national service. And in that place, he has earned a space not only in the present political equation, but in the future judgment of posterity.

Nigeria needs more leaders like him. And Nigeria must say so openly.

Adebayor Adetunji, PhD
A communication strategist and public commentator
Write from Akure, Ondo State, Nigeria

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Opinion

Drug Abuse Among People With Disabilities: The Hidden Crisis Nigeria Is Yet to Address

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By Abdulaziz Ibrahim

Statistically Invisible, Persons with Disabilities feel shut out of Nigeria’s drug abuse war as a report from Adamawa reveals lacks data and tailored support needed, forcing a vulnerable group to battle addiction alone.

In Adamawa State, the fight against drug abuse is gaining attention, but for many people living with disabilities (PWDs), their struggles remain largely unseen. A new report has uncovered deep gaps in support, treatment, and data tracking for PWDs battling addiction despite official claims of equal access.

For nearly three decades, Mallam Aliyu Hammawa, a visually impaired resident of Yola, navigated a world increasingly shrouded by drug dependency. He first encountered psychoactive substances through friends, and what began as casual use quickly escalated into long-term addiction.

“I used cannabis, tramadol, tablets, shooters everything I could get my hands on,” he recalled. “These drugs affected my behaviour and my relationship with the people close to me.”

Family members say his addiction changed him entirely. His friend, Hussaini Usman, described feeling “sad and worried” when he realized Aliyu had fallen into drug use.

Aliyu eventually made the decision to quit. It was marriage and the fear of hurting his wife that finally forced him to seek a new path. “Whenever I took the drugs, I felt normal. But my wife was confused about my behaviour,” he said. “I decided I had to stop before she discovered the full truth of what I was taking.”

A National Problem With Missing Data

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Nigeria has one of the highest drug-use rates in West Africa, according to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). Over 14 million Nigerians between the ages of 15 and 64 use psychoactive substances. Yet, within that massive user base, PWDs are statistically invisible.

There is almost no national data on drug abuse among persons with disabilitiesa critical gap that experts warn makes it impossible to design effective, inclusive rehabilitation programmes.

Ibrahim Idris Kochifa, the Secretary of the Adamawa State Association of Persons with Physical Disability, told this reporter that PWDs face unique, systemic pressures that intensify their vulnerability to drug abuse, specifically citing poverty, unemployment, isolation, and social discrimination.

“Whenever a person with disability is caught with drugs, the common decision is to seize the drugs and let him go,” Kochifa said, speaking on behalf of the disabled community leadership. “But if they consult us, we have advice to offer on how they can be treated and rehabilitated. Without involving us, no programme will fully benefit people with disabilities.”

NDLEA Responds

At the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) Command in Adamawa, officials insist their services are open to everyone without discrimination.

Mrs. Ibraham Nachafia, the Head of Media and Advocacy for the NDLEA Adamawa State Command, said during an interview, “Our rehabilitation centre is open to all. There is no discrimination. Anyone including persons with disabilities can access treatment.”

While the official position suggests inclusiveness, disability advocates call it “tokenistic.” They argue that equal access on paper does not translate to tailored support in practice. True rehabilitation for PWDs requires specialized counselling that understands their unique traumas, physically accessible facilities, and significantly stronger community engagement to prevent relapse.

A Call for More Inclusive Action

Advocates are now urging the Nigerian government and drug-control agencies to build a response framework that recognizes PWDs as a vulnerable group in need of targeted support.

The advocate Goodness Fedrick warns that until rehabilitation and prevention programmes reflect the realities faced by people with disabilities, Nigeria’s battle against drug abuse will remain incomplete.

For people like Aliyu Hammawa, who managed to recover without structured support, the message is clear: many others may not be as fortunate.

This story highlights the urgent need for inclusive, data-driven, and community-supported approaches in Nigeria’s fight against drug addiction. Until the nation sees and serves this ‘hidden crisis,’ its overall battle against addiction will continue to be fought with one hand tied behind its back.

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