By Yusuf Danjuma Yunusa

The war drums have fallen silent in the Middle East. The Strait of Hormuz is once again open for business, and global crude oil prices have crashed back to earth, settling at $71 per barrel even lower than the pre-war price of $75.

But on the bustling streets of Nigeria, a different kind of tension is simmering. For millions of Nigerians, especially commercial drivers and commuters, the economic ceasefire has yet to arrive. While the global price of crude the primary component of petrol has dropped by over 90% from its wartime peak, the price at Nigerian pumps remains stubbornly high.

Petrol, which sold for an average of ₦750 before the war, shot up to as much as ₦1,500 during the crisis. Now, with the crisis over, it has only marginally dropped to hover between ₦1,250 and ₦1,350 per litre, leaving a bitter taste in the mouths of citizens who feel they are being punished for a conflict they had no part in.

Our reporter went to the streets of Mararaba and Abuja to speak with the men and women on the frontlines of this daily struggle the Okada riders and the motorists to ask the question on everyone’s lips: “How much have you bought fuel recently, and what price do you really want the government to reduce it to?”

At a busy bus stop in Mararaba-Karu axis, we met three Okada riders who spoke with a palpable sense of exhaustion.

Nura wiped the sweat from his brow as he recounted his daily expenses.

“Just this morning, I bought fuel for ₦1,300 per litre at a NNPC station. At the filling station by the junction, they are selling for ₦1,450,” he said, shaking his head in disbelief. “Do you know how many trips I have to make to pay for that? Before this madness, I was buying at ₦780. With ₦5,000, I could move my family and still have change. Now? ₦5,000 doesn’t even fill the tank of my motorcycle.”

When asked what price he wants the government to reduce it to, Emeka didn’t hesitate.

“We are not robots. We have families. The government should reduce it to ₦700 per litre. That is where it was. Why should we suffer for America and Israel’s fight? We didn’t ask them to fight. The war is over, so let the price come back to normal. We want ₦700 so we can eat again.”

Suleiman, an Okada rider operating in the Nyanya area of Abuja, echoed the sentiment, his voice laced with frustration as he parked his bike under a tree to escape the heat.

“I bought fuel yesterday for ₦1,400. The marketers say it’s because of ‘exchange rates’ and ‘transportation.’ But did the exchange rate crash during the war? No! When the war started and the price shot up, they said it was because of ‘global factors.’ Now the global factors are gone, but the price is still here. It doesn’t make sense to a simple man like me.”

Suleiman’s demand is precise and measured.

“I want the government to listen to us. I want them to reduce the price to ₦800 per litreI am not asking for the exact price from before, because I know things are hard. But ₦1,400 is a killer. I want ₦800. That is the only way I can survive. If they don’t, I will have to leave this job. It no longer pays.”

Isah Audu, a young rider who navigates through the traffic in the streets of Mararaba said he recently paid a staggering ₦1,500 at one NNPC filling station just to get a few litres to keep him going for the day.

“I wanted to cry, honestly. ₦1,500 and the tank wasn’t full. I had to borrow money from my friend to make up the rest. My passengers are complaining that I am increasing the fare, but what do they want me to do? Fly the bike?”

For Isah, the price of fuel is a matter of survival.

“We are seeing the news. We see that oil is now $71 per barrel. It is lower than before the war! So why is our price still high? It is an insult to our intelligence. The government should reduce the pump price to ₦650 or ₦700. That is the true reflection of the market. If they don’t, they are telling us that our lives do not matter.”

While the Okada riders speak of survival, the motorists speak of managing a household on a burning budget. We spoke to two women whose cars have become a burden.

Isa bella said she has had to drastically cut down on her driving.

“I now buy fuel in ‘units.’ I went to the station yesterday and bought ₦10,000 worth of petrol. The meter read that it was at ₦1,250 per litre. I looked at the pump and almost drove away. But where would I go? I had to buy it because I needed to take my children to school and get to work. Before the war, that ₦10,000 would have almost filled my tank. Now, it’s just a pittance.”

Isa bella who represents the many middle-class women struggling to keep their homes running, made a passionate plea.

“I am begging this government to please look at the formula they are using. If crude oil is $71, what is the justification for ₦1,250? I want the government to reduce petrol to ₦750 per litre. That is a fair price. It allows us to budget. It allows us to survive. We can’t keep adjusting our lives while the government adjusts the price only upwards. When it goes down globally, it must come down here. It is only fair.”

On the other hand was Amara who said the high cost of fuel is draining her salary.

“I try to manage, but it is so hard. I filled my tank last week, and it cost me ₦48,000 at a rate of ₦1,300 per litre. I was horrified. I had to use my food money. I am a single lady trying to make it in Abuja, and this fuel price is setting me back. I spend more on fuel than on my rent at this point.”

For Amara, the price reduction isn’t just a request; it’s a necessity to support a generation that feels economically choked.

“I don’t understand the economics, but I know the principle is wrong. The price was low, it went high because of war, and the war is over. Simple mathematics. I want the government to reduce the pump price to ₦700 per litre. That is what I can afford. That is what will allow me to save money and have a life. ₦1,300 is a punishment, and we did nothing wrong.”

The voices of Nura, Suleiman, Isah, Isabella, and Amara represent the mood of a nation grappling with an economic contradiction.

While the government and oil marketers cite issues like the depreciating Naira and the cost of shipping as factors keeping prices high, the average Nigerian is unwilling to accept that logic.

Why Is The Situation Always Like This?

Speaking with an economist on why such situations continue to prevail in the commodity market, especially here in Nigeria, Mr. Olalekan explained that “crude prices retrace quickly, damaged or underutilized refining capacity, shipping disruption, higher insurance costs, and inventory replacement can continue affecting diesel, freight, petrochemicals, packaging, manufacturing costs, and ultimately consumer prices over the following months.”

He added that, “markets tend to price expectations immediately, but supply chains deliver reality later. Mr. Olalekan concluded by drawing a simple illustration where he argued that the fluctuating price saga of crude oil is due to uncertainty with which manufacturers see things from the ordinary person. “What if tomorrow the war starts again, what are these manufacturers going to do with the products that they had the price reduced because of a temporary announcement of affairs?”, he questioned. “Tomorrow, Trump or the Iranian Leaders may start another war, on the basis that one doesn’t abide by the laid down agreements.” So for the price to come down, it will take time. That’s the simple answer”, he said.

As the day ends, the lines at the few filling stations selling at slightly lower prices only grow longer. Okada riders like Emeka will make a few more trips, hoping to earn enough for tomorrow’s fuel. Motorists like Funke will do the mental arithmetic, trying to figure out how to stretch the petrol in her tank until her next paycheck.

But one question lingers in the hot, humid air: If the war is over, why is the hardship in Nigeria just beginning? For millions, the answer is simple: the global ceasefire came months ago, but the “government ceasefire” on high fuel prices is yet to be declared.

By Yusuf Danjuma Yunusa

The Presidency on Wednesday gave a detailed account of how it alleged that Adeniyi Adeyemi Matthew created and operated a fictitious federal government agency, occupied office space at the Federal Secretariat in Abuja, convened meetings with foreign ambassadors and allegedly forged presidential appointment documents to sustain what it described as an elaborate scam.

The account was contained in a statement issued by the Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga, in response to renewed public interest surrounding Adeyemi’s claim that he was appointed Director-General of a so-called Presidential Foreign Intervention Promotion Council, also referred to as the Presidential Economic Advisory Council.

According to the Presidency, “no such agency exists within the Federal Government, while the Office of the Chief of Staff to the President never issued any appointment letter to Adeyemi.”

The statement said the alleged fraud first came to light after officials of the Nigerian Investment Promotion Council, NIPC, alerted the Presidency that another organisation was operating as though it were a federal agency with overlapping responsibilities. Investigations, according to the statement, revealed that Adeyemi had allegedly established an office on the second floor of the Federal Secretariat Complex Phase III in Abuja, from where he presented himself as Director-General of the fictitious council.

The Presidency alleged that he and his associates held meetings with foreign diplomats and Nigerian stakeholders while claiming to represent the Federal Government. One of such meetings, it said, was held on October 10, 2025, at the Wells Carlton Hotel and Apartments in Asokoro, Abuja, where Adeyemi reportedly “summoned ambassadors without the knowledge or approval of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.”

The ministry was said to have raised the alarm in a letter dated October 15, 2025, describing the meeting as “a violation of established diplomatic procedures” and requesting clarification from both the Office of the National Security Adviser and the Office of the Chief of Staff.

The Presidency said the Chief of Staff had already petitioned the Department of State Services, DSS, and the Nigeria Police Force on October 17, 2025, after discovering that “forged appointment letters bearing fake signatures, official seals and reference numbers were being used to legitimise the fake agency.”

According to the statement, the petition also informed security agencies that Adeyemi had requested the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to issue a diplomatic note verbale to facilitate United States visas for himself and members of his purported staff. The Presidency said copies of the forged appointment letter, the visa request documents and photographs obtained from the fake agency’s website were attached to the petition submitted to security agencies.

It further disclosed that after receiving enquiries from various government institutions regarding Adeyemi’s status, the Chief of Staff repeatedly informed both the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Office of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation that “neither Adeyemi nor the purported council was recognised by the Presidency.”

The statement stressed that “the Office of the Chief of Staff neither creates government agencies nor issues appointment letters, noting that such responsibilities fall within the constitutional mandate of the Office of the Secretary to the Government of the Federation.”

Following the petition, police investigators arrested Adeyemi on October 27, 2025, at the Federal Secretariat office where he allegedly operated the fake agency. Searches conducted at both the office and his residence in Suleja reportedly yielded forged documents and other exhibits.

According to the Presidency, Adeyemi admitted during interrogation that one Dolapo Babatunde Tanimola assisted him in procuring the forged appointment letter. However, police investigations later established that “Tanimola had died in a hotel fire in Abuja five days before Adeyemi’s arrest.”

The statement said investigators concluded that “the agency was entirely fictitious and that Adeyemi allegedly forged official documents, falsely presented himself as a presidential appointee and sought diplomatic privileges reserved for legitimate government officials.”

The Presidency further claimed that investigators discovered 34 bank accounts linked to Adeyemi, including nine allegedly opened in the names of fictitious government agencies. It also alleged that he “fraudulently secured a Central Bank of Nigeria account by misleading the Office of the Accountant-general of the Federation, although investigators confirmed no public funds were paid into the account.

By Yusuf Danjuma Yunusa

The World Bank has marked five states to receive a combined $15 million in performance-based incentives under the World Bank-supported HOPE Governance Programme after emerging as the best-performing states in the implementation of key education and healthcare reforms.

The National Coordinator of the HOPE Governance Programme, Assad Hassan, disclosed this on Tuesday in Abuja during a retreat for commissioners, permanent secretaries and directors of budget and planning from the 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory.

This was contained in a statement issued on Tuesday by the Communications Officer of the HOPE Governance Programme, Joe Mutah.

The programme, domiciled in the Federal Ministry of Budget and Economic Planning, approved a total of $27 million in incentives for states that successfully achieved the Year Zero Disbursement-Linked Results under the programme.

The incentives are based on the findings and recommendations of the Interim Independent Verification Agent, which assessed states’ performance in meeting the programme’s Disbursement-Linked Indicators.

The statement read, “The World Bank-supported HOPE Governance Programme, domiciled in the Federal Ministry of Budget and Economic Planning, is set to disburse $27 million as performance-based incentives to states that successfully achieved the Year Zero Disbursement-Linked Results.”

A breakdown of the incentives showed that Bayelsa, Borno, Kano, Kebbi and Yobe states emerged as the biggest beneficiaries.

The five states will receive $1.5 million each for meeting the requirements under Disbursement-Linked Result (DLR) 2.1, which focuses on the adoption of comprehensive guidelines for the preparation and submission of consolidated work plans for state basic education budgets.

The same five states also qualified for another $1.5 million each under Disbursement-Linked Result (DLR) 2.2, which measures the adoption of comprehensive guidelines for the preparation and submission of consolidated work plans for state primary healthcare budgets.

Together, the five states are expected to receive $15 million from the two indicators alone.

Under Disbursement-Linked Result (DLR) 2.3, which centres on the adoption of harmonised budget guidelines and a chart of accounts by local governments, Adamawa, Bayelsa, Borno, Delta, Gombe, Kano, Plateau, Taraba and Yobe states qualified for incentives of $500,000 each.

Similarly, under Disbursement-Linked Result (DLR) 4.1, which focuses on the publication of the 2025 Citizens Budget for basic education and primary healthcare by February 28, 2025, 15 states qualified for incentives.

The states are Abia, Bayelsa, Borno, Edo, Ekiti, Enugu, Imo, Jigawa, Kano, Kebbi, Kogi, Nasarawa, Ondo, Plateau and Yobe.

Each of the states will receive $500,000.

Explaining the basis for the disbursement, Hassan said only states that met the stipulated conditions within the specified timelines qualified for the incentives.

The statement noted: “The incentives are based on the findings and recommendations of the Interim Independent Verification Agent, which carried out a rigorous assessment of states’ performances against the Year Zero Disbursement-Linked Indicators.

“For DLR 2.1 and DLR 2.2, Bayelsa, Borno, Kano, Kebbi and Yobe states met all the requirements and are therefore eligible to receive $1.5 million each for both indicators.

“For DLR 2.3, nine states successfully adopted harmonised budget guidelines and a chart of accounts for local governments and will receive $500,000 each.

“Also, under DLR 4.1, 15 states met the conditions relating to the publication of the Financial Year 2025 Citizens Budget for basic education and primary healthcare and will equally receive $500,000 each.”

He added that many participating states failed to qualify for the incentives because they either missed the stipulated deadlines or failed to meet the programme’s requirements.

“Other participating states were not eligible for the incentives because they either published the required guidelines after the March 31, 2025 deadline, failed to meet most of the stipulated criteria, or did not publish the required results on their official state websites,” he said.

The coordinator identified weak institutional coordination as one of the major factors responsible for the poor performance recorded by some states.