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Publishers Kick Against FG’s Textbook Ranking Policy

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By Yusuf Danjuma Yunusa

The Nigerian Publishers Association (NPA) has expressed reservations over the Federal Ministry of Education’s plan to introduce a classroom textbook ranking system for basic and secondary schools.

Specifically, it described the proposal as a fundamental policy overreach with far-reaching implications for Nigeria’s education sector.

The Ministry had announced that the policy, expected to take effect from the 2026/2027 academic session, would be implemented by a committee constituted outside the Nigerian Educational Research and Development Council (NERDC), the statutory body established to develop curricula and oversee instructional materials nationwide.

Reacting to the development, Executive Secretary of the association, Rotimi Iyiola, said the initiative, though presented as a reform aimed at improving learning outcomes and standardising textbook selection, risks undermining established educational structures.

The association argued that textbooks are not creative works subject to competitive ranking, but structured academic outputs developed strictly in line with approved national curricula.

“The idea that textbooks can be ranked like awards in the creative arts sector is fundamentally flawed. Textbooks are the product of a regulated scientific and academic process anchored on the curriculum developed by the NERDC.”

The association further stressed that once textbooks are produced, they undergo a formal vetting process by the NERDC to ensure compliance with curriculum standards before approval for use in schools, adding that introducing an external ranking system would weaken this established regulatory framework.

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The NPA also questioned the rationale for establishing an additional committee to reassess textbooks that have already been vetted and approved by the NERDC, describing the move as suggestive of a lack of confidence in the council’s statutory mandate.

“It raises serious questions when a body created by an Act of Parliament, and entrusted with curriculum development and quality assurance, has its processes effectively bypassed. This appears to be a vote of no confidence in an institution that has served Nigeria’s education system for decades.”

According to the group, the policy contradicts globally accepted standards for textbook evaluation and risks destabilising a system that has remained functional over the years. It warned that introducing such a ranking mechanism could amount to “reinventing the wheel in a way that damages a working structure.”

Beyond institutional concerns, the association raised constitutional issues, noting that education falls under the Concurrent Legislative List in the 1999 Constitution, allowing both federal and state governments to play roles in educational administration.

By centralising textbook ranking at the federal level, the NPA argued that the ministry risks encroaching on state authority over instructional materials within their jurisdictions.

“The federal ministry’s role is expected to be coordinative and advisory, not directive or monopolistic. This approach shifts the balance of federalism from cooperation to control,” the group noted.

The publishers also raised concerns over transparency in the proposed system, questioning the criteria for evaluating textbooks and the process for selecting committee members. It noted that key operational details of the ranking exercise had not been made public.

“Who appoints the committee? What safeguards exist against bias or undue influence? Why is a process affecting a national industry shielded from stakeholder scrutiny?” the association queried.

It added that transparency must be demonstrated through clear standards, inclusive participation, and verifiable procedures, warning that closed systems, regardless of intent, undermine public trust.

The NPA further criticised the exclusion of key stakeholders, particularly publishers, from the policy formulation process. It described the publishing sector as central to the education value chain, comprising authors, editors, printers, distributors, and investors whose roles are critical to content production and delivery.

Excluding such stakeholders, it said, raises serious concerns about fairness and inclusivity in policymaking.

On the economic front, the association warned that the policy could have significant consequences for Nigeria’s book industry, which operates as a complex value chain supporting thousands of jobs.

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Alleged Fake Presidential DG Insists Gbaja Was Aware of His Appointment

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By Yusuf Danjuma Yunusa

Prince Adeniyi Adeyemi, who allegedly paraded himself as the Director-General of the non-existent Presidential Foreign Intervention Promotion Council and Presidential Economic Advisory Council, Thursday, denied any wrongdoing, insisting that Chief of Staff to the President, Mr Femi Gbajabiamila, was aware of his appointment. ExecutiveBranch

Adeyemi, who is facing allegations of impersonation and related offences, said the matter was already before a court and expressed confidence that he would be vindicated.

He spoke on Politics Today, a Channels TV programme, through a telephone interview. Asked whether he was running away from the law, he said: “Not at all.” Politics

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Asked whether he was ready to face the law, he said: “Definitely, if I am wrong, let the court of law do that; if I am right, let the court of law do the right thing. Do you know what? Since the matter is in the court, let the court of competent jurisdiction vindicate me because I am ready to clear my name. Let the court take its course. Since my lawyers are involved, everybody will follow us, they will monitor the whole thing. Let the court of competent jurisdiction do the needful. I have a letter of appointment. However, since the matter is in the court, I won’t be able to say much about it, I am on medication. I am a bit down, I am sick.”

Asked whether he is a criminal, he said: “No, I am not a criminal. However, the court will do justice to that.”

On whether Gbajabiamila has knowledge about his appointment, he said: “Yes.”

On whether he got the confirmation of appointment through Gbajabiamila’s office, he said: “Yes, let the court vindicate all those things.”

On his message to Nigerians regarding the issue, he said: “I want Nigerians to know that, for one second, let us assume the agency does not exist, would I have the temerity, the audacity, to be going all over the country, meeting the head of ministry, department and agency, if I know that the agency does not exist, or as they allege me that I cooked up everything? No Nigerian can dare do that. I could not have summoned the courage to be going from one place to another for almost three years. Nigeria is not a banana republic.”

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Why Are We Still Paying War Prices? Nigerians Demand Fuel Price Cut as Global Oil Fall

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By Yusuf Danjuma Yunusa

The war drums have fallen silent in the Middle East. The Strait of Hormuz is once again open for business, and global crude oil prices have crashed back to earth, settling at $71 per barrel even lower than the pre-war price of $75.

But on the bustling streets of Nigeria, a different kind of tension is simmering. For millions of Nigerians, especially commercial drivers and commuters, the economic ceasefire has yet to arrive. While the global price of crude the primary component of petrol has dropped by over 90% from its wartime peak, the price at Nigerian pumps remains stubbornly high.

Petrol, which sold for an average of ₦750 before the war, shot up to as much as ₦1,500 during the crisis. Now, with the crisis over, it has only marginally dropped to hover between ₦1,250 and ₦1,350 per litre, leaving a bitter taste in the mouths of citizens who feel they are being punished for a conflict they had no part in.

Our reporter went to the streets of Mararaba and Abuja to speak with the men and women on the frontlines of this daily struggle the Okada riders and the motorists to ask the question on everyone’s lips: “How much have you bought fuel recently, and what price do you really want the government to reduce it to?”

At a busy bus stop in Mararaba-Karu axis, we met three Okada riders who spoke with a palpable sense of exhaustion.

Nura wiped the sweat from his brow as he recounted his daily expenses.

“Just this morning, I bought fuel for ₦1,300 per litre at a NNPC station. At the filling station by the junction, they are selling for ₦1,450,” he said, shaking his head in disbelief. “Do you know how many trips I have to make to pay for that? Before this madness, I was buying at ₦780. With ₦5,000, I could move my family and still have change. Now? ₦5,000 doesn’t even fill the tank of my motorcycle.”

When asked what price he wants the government to reduce it to, Emeka didn’t hesitate.

“We are not robots. We have families. The government should reduce it to ₦700 per litre. That is where it was. Why should we suffer for America and Israel’s fight? We didn’t ask them to fight. The war is over, so let the price come back to normal. We want ₦700 so we can eat again.”

Suleiman, an Okada rider operating in the Nyanya area of Abuja, echoed the sentiment, his voice laced with frustration as he parked his bike under a tree to escape the heat.

“I bought fuel yesterday for ₦1,400. The marketers say it’s because of ‘exchange rates’ and ‘transportation.’ But did the exchange rate crash during the war? No! When the war started and the price shot up, they said it was because of ‘global factors.’ Now the global factors are gone, but the price is still here. It doesn’t make sense to a simple man like me.”

Suleiman’s demand is precise and measured.

“I want the government to listen to us. I want them to reduce the price to ₦800 per litreI am not asking for the exact price from before, because I know things are hard. But ₦1,400 is a killer. I want ₦800. That is the only way I can survive. If they don’t, I will have to leave this job. It no longer pays.”

Isah Audu, a young rider who navigates through the traffic in the streets of Mararaba said he recently paid a staggering ₦1,500 at one NNPC filling station just to get a few litres to keep him going for the day.

“I wanted to cry, honestly. ₦1,500 and the tank wasn’t full. I had to borrow money from my friend to make up the rest. My passengers are complaining that I am increasing the fare, but what do they want me to do? Fly the bike?”

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For Isah, the price of fuel is a matter of survival.

“We are seeing the news. We see that oil is now $71 per barrel. It is lower than before the war! So why is our price still high? It is an insult to our intelligence. The government should reduce the pump price to ₦650 or ₦700. That is the true reflection of the market. If they don’t, they are telling us that our lives do not matter.”

While the Okada riders speak of survival, the motorists speak of managing a household on a burning budget. We spoke to two women whose cars have become a burden.

Isa bella said she has had to drastically cut down on her driving.

“I now buy fuel in ‘units.’ I went to the station yesterday and bought ₦10,000 worth of petrol. The meter read that it was at ₦1,250 per litre. I looked at the pump and almost drove away. But where would I go? I had to buy it because I needed to take my children to school and get to work. Before the war, that ₦10,000 would have almost filled my tank. Now, it’s just a pittance.”

Isa bella who represents the many middle-class women struggling to keep their homes running, made a passionate plea.

“I am begging this government to please look at the formula they are using. If crude oil is $71, what is the justification for ₦1,250? I want the government to reduce petrol to ₦750 per litre. That is a fair price. It allows us to budget. It allows us to survive. We can’t keep adjusting our lives while the government adjusts the price only upwards. When it goes down globally, it must come down here. It is only fair.”

On the other hand was Amara who said the high cost of fuel is draining her salary.

“I try to manage, but it is so hard. I filled my tank last week, and it cost me ₦48,000 at a rate of ₦1,300 per litre. I was horrified. I had to use my food money. I am a single lady trying to make it in Abuja, and this fuel price is setting me back. I spend more on fuel than on my rent at this point.”

For Amara, the price reduction isn’t just a request; it’s a necessity to support a generation that feels economically choked.

“I don’t understand the economics, but I know the principle is wrong. The price was low, it went high because of war, and the war is over. Simple mathematics. I want the government to reduce the pump price to ₦700 per litre. That is what I can afford. That is what will allow me to save money and have a life. ₦1,300 is a punishment, and we did nothing wrong.”

The voices of Nura, Suleiman, Isah, Isabella, and Amara represent the mood of a nation grappling with an economic contradiction.

While the government and oil marketers cite issues like the depreciating Naira and the cost of shipping as factors keeping prices high, the average Nigerian is unwilling to accept that logic.

Why Is The Situation Always Like This?

Speaking with an economist on why such situations continue to prevail in the commodity market, especially here in Nigeria, Mr. Olalekan explained that “crude prices retrace quickly, damaged or underutilized refining capacity, shipping disruption, higher insurance costs, and inventory replacement can continue affecting diesel, freight, petrochemicals, packaging, manufacturing costs, and ultimately consumer prices over the following months.”

He added that, “markets tend to price expectations immediately, but supply chains deliver reality later. Mr. Olalekan concluded by drawing a simple illustration where he argued that the fluctuating price saga of crude oil is due to uncertainty with which manufacturers see things from the ordinary person. “What if tomorrow the war starts again, what are these manufacturers going to do with the products that they had the price reduced because of a temporary announcement of affairs?”, he questioned. “Tomorrow, Trump or the Iranian Leaders may start another war, on the basis that one doesn’t abide by the laid down agreements.” So for the price to come down, it will take time. That’s the simple answer”, he said.

As the day ends, the lines at the few filling stations selling at slightly lower prices only grow longer. Okada riders like Emeka will make a few more trips, hoping to earn enough for tomorrow’s fuel. Motorists like Funke will do the mental arithmetic, trying to figure out how to stretch the petrol in her tank until her next paycheck.

But one question lingers in the hot, humid air: If the war is over, why is the hardship in Nigeria just beginning? For millions, the answer is simple: the global ceasefire came months ago, but the “government ceasefire” on high fuel prices is yet to be declared.

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BREAKING: Federal High Court Affirms Mark-led Leadership of ADC, Awards Fine Against Abejide

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By Yusuf Danjuma Yunusa

The Federal High Court in Abuja on Thursday affirmed Sen. David Mark-led leadership of the African Democratic Congress, ADC.

Justice Musa Liman, in a judgment, also dismissed the suit filed by Rep Leke Abejide challenging Mark and Rauf Aregbesola as national chairman and national secretary of the party for lacking in merit.

Justice Liman upheld the preliminary objections filed by ADC, Chief Ralph Nwosu, Messrs Mark and Aregbesola which challenged Mr Abejide’s suit.

The judge held that the court lacked the jurisdiction to dabble into the internal affairs of ADC, as the suit was non-justiciable.

He also held that Abejide lacked the legal right to have instituted the suit, having failed to show to the court that his rights had been violated in any way as a result of the emergence of Mark-led leadership.

He equally held that Abejide, who is a member of House of Representatives, failed to explore the party’s internal mechanism for dispute resolution.

Justice Liman also resolved the three issues in the substantive suit in favour of the defendants.

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On whether Mark, the former Senate president and Aregbesola, who was former Governor of Osun, emerged as leaders of the party in compliance with the enabling laws, the judge resolved this against Abejide, the plaintiff in the suit.

He held that the handing over of the leadership of the party by Nwosu to Mark did not violate the provisions of the party’s constitution.

The judge agreed that the disputed July 2, 2025 meeting of the party was a stakeholder meeting which preceded the party’s National Executive Council (NEC) meeting held on July 29, 2025, that produced Mark and Aregbesola as party’s leaders which was monitored by Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).

Justice Liman, therefore, declared that the emergence of Mark and Aregbesola as leaders of ADC was valid and in accordance with the constitution, the Electoral Act, 2026 and party’s law.

The judge consequently awarded a fine of N2 million each in favour of all the defendants which shall be paid by Abejide.

He also awarded a N10 million fine against Abejide’s lawyer in compliance with the Electioral Act, 2026.

The News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) reports that Abejide had instituted the suit to stop Mark-led leadership of ADC.

In the originating summons, marked: FHC/ABJ/CS/1637/2025 filed on Feb. 15 by Idris, the lawmaker sued ADC, Ralph Nwosu, Mark, Aregbesola and INEC as 1st to 5th defendants respectively.

NAN reports that Nwosu was the former national chairman of ADC who stepped down for Mark, the ex-Senate president.

Abejide, among the eight reliefs, sought an order nullifying Nwosu’s handover or transfer of ADC’s leadership to Mark and Aregbesola as interim national chairman and intenm national secretary respectively on July 2, 2025, at Shehu Musa Yar’adua Centre, Abuja for being illegal, unlawful, null and void.

He sought an order of perpetual injunction restraining Mark and Aregbesola from parading themselves as leaders of the party “as thelr purported appointment, selection or election was unlawful, illegal, null and void.”

He also sought perpetual injunction, restraining INEC from recognising Mark and Aregbesola as ADC’s interim national chairman and interim national secretary “.

He alleged that their appointment, selection or election did not meet the requirements of Section 82 of the Electoral Act, 2022,” among other prayers.

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