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Debunking the Myth of Christian Genocide in Nigeria: Unmasking America’s Militarism and Invasion Tactics

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By Sani Khamees

In 2017, while serving in Kano through the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) scheme in Nigeria, I crossed paths once more with Professor Horace Campbell. An invitation arrived at the department of Political Science, Aminu Kano College of Islamic and Legal Studies, summoning us to hear Campbell speak on his latest book, ‘Global NATO and Catastrophic Failure in Libya: Lessons for Africa in the forging of African unity.’ I shared with my HOD that I had first met Campbell in 2010, during his condolence visit for the late Dr Tajudeen Abdulraheem, my former school director in Funtua. My HOD eagerly accepted, and we prepared for the evening. After introducing myself to Campbell, he handed me his book and asked for a summary. His work reveals how Western powers, under the banner of NATO, used the UN Security Council’s Resolution 1973 and the so-called ‘responsibility to protect’ as a pretext to invade and devastate Libya (Campbell,2013).

The Libyan uprisings emerged from the Arab Spring, which began in Tunisia in 2010 and spread across Egypt, Yemen, Syria, Bahrain, and finally Libya. After Tunisia’s Bin Ali fled and Egypt’s Mubarak was toppled by a tidal wave of revolution, Benghazi erupted in rebellion just days later. But the West soon intervened, transforming a popular movement into an armed struggle. In response, Gaddafi threatened to unleash the full force of the state to crush the discord.

By February 21, 2011, Western media had rewritten the story, claiming that innocent civilians faced imminent massacre by the Libyan army. Headlines like “Gaddafi Warns of ‘Rivers of Blood’ as UN Prepares to Vote” from The Guardian and reports from CNN suggesting the urgent need for intervention due to potential atrocities influenced public perception. The United States, Britain, and France seized the moment, pushing a UN Security Council resolution under the guise of ‘responsibility to protect.’ This cleared their path into Libya, leading to Gaddafi’s death and the takeover of the nation’s political and economic future.

In the aftermath of Libya’s collapse, chaos swept across the Sahel as militias like Boko Haram, Jama’at Nusrat ul-Islam wa al-Muslimin (JIMIM), Islamic State in the Greater Sahara (ISGS), Islamic State – West Africa Province (ISWAP), Bandits, and Ansaru surged back into prominence. The collapse led to a vacuum of power and increased availability of weapons when Gaddafi’s vast armory was looted and diffused across the region. These armaments and the instability spurred by Libya’s breakdown facilitated the resurgence and strengthening of militant groups in surrounding areas, including Nigeria. In Nigeria, Boko Haram in the Northeast and Bandits in the Northwest became household names, operating mainly in the country’s northern regions. Boko Haram launched its campaign in Borno State with the rallying cry ‘no to western education’, then spread to Yobe, Gombe, Bauchi, and even Kano, areas with deep Muslim roots. Their reign of terror included bombings of worship centers, hospitals, markets, and busy roads, as well as kidnappings for forced marriage, abuse, and other social vices.

Rivaling Boko Haram in brutality are the armed bandits who first emerged in Zamfara State and quickly spread to Sokoto, Kebbi, Niger, and Katsina, now encroaching on the north-central states of Plateau, Benue, and Kwara. Unlike Boko Haram, these bandits are driven by profit, engaging in kidnappings for ransom, assaults on villages and towns, and the deliberate killing of civilians.

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Both Boko Haram and the armed bandits have left a trail of devastation: thousands of civilians killed, worship centers and farmlands destroyed, and entire villages emptied as people flee for safety. Their violence knows no boundaries of religion, tribe, or ethnicity. Boko Haram has bombed mosques, including the Kano city mosque near the Emir’s palace, killing over 120 and injuring around 200. (wikipedia, 2014) Bandits have kidnapped thousands and indiscriminately attacked travelers and villagers. Their latest atrocity saw worshippers in Mantau village, Malumfashi, gunned down during dawn prayers.

It is a fact that most terror attacks in Nigeria occur in the Muslim-majority north. While these groups show no regard for religion or ethnicity, it is the Muslim population that suffers most, simply because they are the majority. However, the narrative of a targeted genocide against Christians fails to hold when we incorporate the experiences of both Muslim and Christian communities in the north. According to a report by the International Crisis Group, the majority of attacks and incidents of violence between 2010 and 2019 occurred in northern regions, with Muslim communities being disproportionately affected. Studies also suggest that around 8 out of 10 victims of Boko Haram’s attacks are Muslims (Group, 2010).  Testimonies from these communities reveal a shared struggle against violence and a mutual rejection of divisive labels imposed from outside. A Muslim community leader from Maiduguri described a neighborhood where Christians and Muslims live side by side, united in their fear and condemnation of extremist violence. Similarly, a Christian resident of Kaduna expressed that they view their Muslim neighbors as partners in resilience rather than adversaries. Such perspectives challenge simplistic genocide narratives and highlight how local identities and solidarities complicate the external binary framing of conflict in Nigeria.

Echoing the tactics used to justify intervention in Libya, a recent claim by American politician Bill Maher alleges that Christians in Nigeria are being targeted for genocide. He asserts that Islamists have killed over 100,000 Christians and destroyed 18,000 churches, painting a picture of a systematic campaign to erase Christianity from Nigeria. These claims are fabrications, designed to set the stage for another ‘responsibility to protect’ intervention. Nigeria’s wealth in natural resources and oil has long made it a target for Western interests.

It is clear that the US seeks to repeat the Libyan scenario in Nigeria. Western media excels at crafting divisive narratives that pave the way for imperial ambitions. This pattern is not new. Samir Amin, in ‘The Liberal Virus: Permanent War and the Americanization of the World,’ describes how Hitler used the Reichstag fire as a ploy for repression, drawing parallels to George Bush’s invasion of Iraq and NATO’s intervention in Libya (Amin, 2004). Now, the same playbook is being opened for Nigeria.

However, it is crucial to recognize the active role Nigerian actors, both in person and groups, play in countering these narratives and steering their own destiny. The Nigerian government has engaged in diplomatic dialogues and sought the support of international bodies to challenge misleading accounts and protect the country’s sovereignty.

Additionally, vibrant civil society organizations in Nigeria work tirelessly to foster inter-communal dialogue and resist attempts to sow discord. Nigerian media outlets, both traditional and digital, have amplified local voices and stories that underline a unified resistance against manipulative foreign interests. These efforts highlight Nigeria’s agency in shaping its future and resisting external exploitation.

Sani Khamees is a community activist and Pan-Africanist from Funtua, Katsina state of Nigeria.
Facebook: SaniKhamees@facebook.com
Twitter (X): @Khamees _sa54571

References
Campbell, H (2013). Global NATO and Catastrophic Failure in Libya: Lessons for Africa in the forging of African unity. New York, Monthly Review Press

Amin, S. (2004). The Liberal Virus: Permanent War and the Americanization of the World. Monthly Review Press. https://nyupress.org/9781583671078/the-liberal-virus/

(2014). 2014 Kano attack. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2014_Kano_attack

Group, I. C. (2010). Northern Nigeria: Background to Conflict. International Crisis Group. https://ciaotest.cc.columbia.edu/wps/icg/0020843/index.html

Amin, S. (2004). The Liberal Virus: Permanent War and the Americanization of the World. Monthly Review Press. https://nyupress.org/9781583671078/the-liberal-virus/

(2020). 90% of Boko Haram’s victims are Muslims — Buhari. https://www.vanguardngr.com/2020/02/90-of-boko-harams-victims-are-muslims-buhari/

Opinion

Your Excellency, the Governor of Kano State Engr. Abba Kabir Yusuf: Welcome to APC the People’s Party

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By Abbati Bako,psc,bsis,mti,Kent,UK, former special adviser on public affairs to former Governor H/E Ganduje

It is with a heart full of joy and a spirit of unity that we welcome a true son of Kano State Engr. Abba Kabir Yusuf into the fold of the APC, the people’s political party and the largest political party in Africa.

Governor Yusuf, an‑engineer by profession and the elected leader of our great State since May 2023 has already made a lasting imprint on Kano State. Sir, thanks.

His bold intention to declare a state of emergency on education allocating a remarkable 30 % (more than 26% of prescription by UNESCO) of the state budget to schools has turned the tide for countless children of downtrodden to be educated and enlightened. From solar‑lit streets that brighten our nights to a N50,000 monthly support for 5,200 women entrepreneurs to cushions economic precarity, his initiatives echo the APC’s vision of a prosperous future, inclusive of the benefits of former councillors in the 44 LGA of Kano State. Also, the benefits of pensioners which have not been paid a long time ago. I’m sure that the next special advisers’ benefit will be on the line.

Hence, the countless roads construction and rehabilitation at both metropolitan and rural areas has been going on without delay. Your Excellency, these gigantic policies by His Excellency have been the same with the central government under His Excellency President Bola Tinubu.

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The APC, under the steadfast guidance of Chairman Prince Abdullahi Abbas and the former national chairman His Excellency Dr. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, has repeatedly affirmed its readiness to receive Governor Yusuf “with open arms”. This invitation is not a political maneuver but a sincere call for unity, reconciliation, and collective responsibility values that will combine our strengths for the progress of Kano State and the entire nation. Take note that today Nigeria is on the way to political, economic and social reforms under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu as Nigeria will be on the same pathway with other economic emerging markets of the Global Southern Hemisphere.

As we extend this warm embrace, we also look forward to the synergy of your seasoned leadership and the APC’s grassroots energy. Together, we shall:

*Strengthen our education sector, ensuring every child has a desk, a book, and a future especially on science, technology and innovation

*Boost agriculture, healthcare system, transport, security and strengthen women‑empowerment programmes that lift families out of poverty. Drive infrastructural development that lights up our streets and connects our markets. And again, this writing and understanding that there’s the need to create “New Kano” as has been done in other nations like Brazil, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Nigeria and other developing nations of the world.

Governor Yusuf, your presence today is a testament to the power of partnership and with that Kano State will be the next commercial centre of Africa. We pledge to walk hand‑in‑hand with you in APC, to build a Kano that shines brighter than ever before the creation of the State in 1967. With your presence in APC the election year of 2027 will be a work over in Kano State and the nation at large.

Thank you, and welcome home!

Abbati Bako,psc,bsis,pl.sc,political strategy and communications consultant and care taker chairman former special advisers to former Governor Dr. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje

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Opinion

The Price of Betrayal: How History Caught Up with Kwankwaso

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Kwankwaso

 

By Dr Usman Sarki Madobi

Political power rarely collapses overnight. More often, it unravels slowly, weighed down by history, memory, and the quiet reckoning of past actions. The steady decline of Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso’s once-formidable political dynasty in Kano is best understood not as coincidence or bad luck, but as political payback. It is a reminder that in politics, as in life, those who help you rise matter, and the cost of betrayal is eventually collected.

Kwankwaso did not emerge in a vacuum, his political journey was shaped, guided, and sustained by mentors and allies who believed in his potential long before he became a household name. Among them was the late Senator Hamisu Musa, a crucial figure in Kwankwaso’s early political career. Hamisu Musa mentored him, opened doors, and helped him establish the contacts necessary to enter the House of Representatives before contesting the governorship at later time, and without such foundational support, Kwankwaso’s rise would have been far more difficult. Yet, history records that this alliance ended in bitterness, with both men eventually standing on opposite sides due to what many viewed as Kwankwaso’s betrayal. The same pattern repeated itself with other political benefactors such as late Musa Gwadabe and Engr. Magaji Abdullahi, both of blessed memory who invested their time, trust, and political capital in Kwankwaso. However, instead of being rewarded with loyalty or respect, they were sidelined when their interests no longer aligned with his ambition.

Perhaps the earliest and most symbolic fracture was with Abubakar Rimi. Rimi, being a political heavyweight, expected to play the role of godfather and chief conductor of the Kwankwaso administration and this was not unusual in Nigerian politics, where senior figures often guide protégés from behind the scenes. Kwankwaso, however, asserted his independence and insisted on running the government himself. While this stance earned him admiration from some quarters, it also marked the beginning of a reputation for political ingratitude and intolerance of shared power. Rimi’s eventual withdrawal of support was not just personal; it signaled to others that alliances with Kwankwaso were conditional and expendable.

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Moreover, the rivalry between Kwankwaso and Alhaji Musa Gwadabe further deepened this narrative. Both of them were influential figures within the PDP in the early 2000s, and their conflict over party leadership, candidacies, and control of the party structure became one of Kano’s most defining political battles. Allegations that Kwankwaso sought Gwadabe’s removal from ministerial office only reinforced perceptions of intolerance and power consolidation. What could have been managed as internal party disagreement instead became another chapter in a growing list of broken relationships.
Ironically, at his lowest point, when Rimi, Musa Gwadabe, and Dangalan distanced themselves due to what they described as Kwankwaso’s political excesses and constant crises, one man stood firmly by him. Ambassador Aminu Wali became the only leader among the Kano PDP conveners that remained loyal, and helped Kwankwaso during the turbulent times. History, however, shows that even such loyalty did not translate into lasting trust, as Kwankwaso later fall out with many who once defended him against the odds.

The Ganduje episode provides perhaps the clearest illustration of history coming full circle. In 1999, Dr. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje won the PDP gubernatorial primaries but was persuaded by party stakeholders to accept Kwankwaso as his running mate in the interest of unity. Years later, when Ganduje became governor in 2015, Kwankwaso attempted to exert control over his administration. Ganduje’s refusal to submit led to a dramatic and bitter split. Today, critics argue that Kwankwaso is repeating the same controlling approach with Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, reducing him to a political puppet in pursuit of personal interests again, at odds with the wishes of many in Kano State.

Recent defections within the NNPP appear to be the final confirmation of a long-standing pattern. The departure of figures such as Hon. Aliyu Madakin Gini, Hon. Kabiru Alhasan Rurum, Secretary to the Kano State Government Dr. Baffa Bichi, and other key stakeholders is widely seen as vindication for those who left Kwankwaso years earlier. Leaders like Dr. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, Alhaji Rabiu Suleiman Bichi, Arch. Aminu Dabo, and others had warned of Kwankwaso’s autocratic and self-centered leadership style long before it became publicly undeniable but Kwankwaso remained adamant.

In the end, the collapse of Kwankwaso’s political dynasty is less about external opposition and more about internal erosion. A movement built on personal control rather than mutual respect cannot endure. The ladder that lifted him was kicked away rung by rung, not by enemies, but by the memories of those who felt used, discarded, and betrayed.

Politics never forgets. And in Kano, history has finally returned the favor.

*Usman Suleiman Sarki Madobi, Ph.D.*

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Opinion

OPINION: The Seniority of Barau Jibrin and the Political Reality of Kano APC

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Senator Barau

​By Ibrahim Aliyu Karaye

 

​The political atmosphere in Kano State has recently been thick with rumors and “jubilations” regarding the potential defection of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf from the NNPP to the All Progressives Congress (APC). While some elements within our party are celebrating this as a strategic move to “block” certain ambitions, it is crucial to temper this excitement with a dose of hard political reality. In the hierarchy of power and party leadership, some seem to have forgotten that the APC is a party of order, respect, and established leadership.
​First and foremost, it must be stated clearly: Senator Barau Jibrin is not just a member of the APC; he is the No. 5 Citizen of Nigeria and the Deputy President of the Senate. By virtue of this high office, he is the highest political office holder from Kano State. In the eyes of the National Leadership and the Presidency, Senator Barau remains the most influential political leader and the primary point of call within the Kano APC fold—take it or leave it.
​To those busy jubilating with the belief that a serving governor’s arrival will truncate Senator Barau’s 2027 aspirations, we see you. We are fully aware of the “secret romance” many of these detractors have maintained with the NNPP since the 2023 elections. These elements, who were neither here nor there during our party’s hours of need, now believe they can dictate the terms of engagement. However, they should realize they are not part of the top-level decision-making process. When the time comes for high-level negotiations regarding any return or defection to the APC, it is Senator Barau Jibrin, along with other elected party leaders, who will facilitate the process. Your “paymasters” will likely find themselves waiting on the balcony while the real decisions are made inside.
​Senator Barau Jibrin has proven himself to be a patient, focused, and strategic leader. He is not in a desperate hurry to realize his political dreams. While others play “spoiler” games, he is busy building the party, recently facilitating the defection of high-ranking NNPP officials into the APC. The APC is a big tent, but no one should mistake a new entry for a takeover. Senator Barau remains the primary gatekeeper of the party’s interests in Kano, and those celebrating his perceived “setback” should save their tears for later. The future of Kano APC will be negotiated by those who have stayed loyal, led by the Deputy President of the Senate himself.

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​Ibrahim Aliyu Karaye
APC Member, Kano State
ibrahimkaraye27@gmail.com

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