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SPECIAL REPORT:Broken Frontlines: The Human and Political Costs of Nigeria’s Unfinished Insurgencies”

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By Yusuf Danjuma Yunusa

Since the transition from military to civilian rule in 1999, Nigeria has been grappling with multiple, simultaneous insurgencies and large-scale internal conflicts that have severely tested the authority of the state, resulted in massive humanitarian crises, and threatened national cohesion. The most prominent of these are the Boko Haram Insurgency in the Northeast, the Farmer-Herder Conflicts in the Middle Belt, the Militancy in the Niger Delta, and the rising Banditry in the Northwest. These conflicts are rooted in a complex interplay of historical grievances, economic marginalization, ethno-religious tensions, poor governance, and environmental pressures.

1.The Boko Haram Insurgency:

This is the most lethal and internationally recognized insurgency in Nigeria’s recent history.

Origins & Ideology:

Founded in 2002 by Mohammed Yusuf in Maiduguri, Borno State, as a radical Islamist sect advocating for the strict implementation of Sharia law and rejecting Western education (“Boko Haram” translates to “Western education is forbidden”).

It was initially fueled by widespread poverty, political corruption, and a sense of alienation among the Muslim youth in the Northeast.

However, not long enough, the group turned violently insurgent after a 2009 crackdown by security forces, which resulted in the extrajudicial killing of its founder. Under Abubakar Shekau’s leadership, it launched a full-scale guerrilla war against the Nigerian state.

Key Phases and Evolution:

Phase 1 (2009-2013): Intensification of attacks, including bombings of police stations, the UN headquarters in Abuja (2011), and churches. The declaration of a state of emergency in three northeastern states in 2013.

Phase 2 (2014-Present): Peak of territorial control. The group captured and held significant territory, including Gwoza, which Shekau declared the capital of an Islamic caliphate. The Chibok schoolgirls’ abduction in 2014 brought global attention.

Factionalization (2015-Present): In 2015, Boko Haram pledged allegiance to the Islamic State (ISIS), becoming the “Islamic State West Africa Province” (ISWAP). A rift grew between the more globally-focused ISWAP and Shekau’s more brutal faction, leading to his death in a clash with ISWAP in 2021. ISWAP now dominates, controlling rural areas and lake islands, employing sophisticated tactics, and imposing taxes on communities.

The Impact:

Human Cost: Over 35,000 deaths and millions displaced, creating a severe humanitarian crisis.

Territorial & Economic: Vast areas of Borno, Yobe, and Adamawa states were rendered ungovernable, devastating agriculture and trade.

Regional Spillover: The conflict has spread to neighboring Chad, Niger, and Cameroon.

Government Response:

Primarily military, involving large-scale operations and the establishment of a Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF).

Criticized for human rights abuses, a slow initial response, and failure to fully secure liberated territories, leading to a protracted conflict.

2.The Farmer-Herder Conflict in the Middle Belt
Often described as Nigeria’s “silent war,” this conflict has resulted in more annual fatalities than Boko Haram in recent years.

Root Causes:

Environmental Pressure: Desertification in the north has pushed Fulani herders southward into the fertile Middle Belt farmlands.

Resource Competition: Competition over dwindling water and pasture resources, exacerbated by climate change.

Breakdown of Traditional Protocols: The collapse of traditional conflict-resolution mechanisms and cattle routes.

Ethno-Religious Dimension: The conflict is often framed as Muslim (Fulani herders) versus Christian (predominantly Christian farming communities), adding a volatile layer to the resource struggle.

Nature of the Conflict:

Characterized by brutal attacks on villages, with reprisal killings creating a cycle of violence.

The conflict has become increasingly militarized, with farming communities and herder groups forming militias for self-defense, which often turn to aggression.

The Impact:

Death and Displacement: Thousands killed annually, with massive internal displacement

Food Security: Attacks on farming communities threaten Nigeria’s food basket, contributing to food inflation.

Communal Polarization: Deepened ethno-religious divides, threatening national integration.

Government Response:

Widely perceived as inadequate and slow. The government has been accused of bias and failing to hold perpetrators accountable.

Proposed solutions like the National Livestock Transformation Plan (NLTP) have seen limited implementation due to funding and political challenges.

3.Niger Delta Militancy
This insurgency is fundamentally an economic and environmental struggle, directly targeting the nation’s economic lifeline—oil production.

What Led to the Emergence of the Militancy?

Resource Curse & Marginalization: Despite producing the nation’s wealth, the Niger Delta region suffers from extreme poverty, environmental devastation from oil spills, and a lack of basic infrastructure.

Grievance: Communities feel cheated out of the benefits of their resources, leading to deep-seated anger against the federal government and multinational oil companies.

Evolution of the Conflict:

1990s – Early 2000s: Localized protests and activism (e.g., the Ogoni movement led by Ken Saro-Wiwa).

Mid-2000s Insurgency: Escalation into a full-blown insurgency led by groups like the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND). They conducted widespread pipeline bombings, kidnappings of oil workers, and attacks on oil installations, crippling oil production.

Government Amnesty (2009): President Yar’Adua’s administration introduced an Amnesty Program, offering monthly stipends and training to militants who disarmed. This was largely successful in reducing violence and restoring oil production for several years.

The amnesty program has been criticized as a temporary fix that did not address underlying issues of development and corruption.

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A new wave of “oil bunkering” or artisanal refining has emerged, led by sophisticated criminal syndicates, causing massive pollution and revenue loss. Groups like the “Delta Avengers” have also threatened a return to militancy.

4.Banditry and Rural Violence in the Northwest
This is a rapidly escalating crisis, often described as an “insurgency” due to its scale and organization.

Nature of the Conflict:

Initially attributed to criminal gangs involved in cattle rustling, these groups have evolved into highly organized, militarized networks.

They operate from forest reserves, launching attacks on villages, mass kidnappings for ransom (especially from schools), and imposing taxes on communities.
The primary drivers are similar to the Middle Belt: climate change, poverty, and a breakdown of rural security.

The Impact:

Humanitarian Crisis: Widespread displacement, making parts of Zamfara, Katsina, Kaduna, and Sokoto states unlivable, until the recent development which has escalated to almost every part of the country. Nigerians in most parts of the northern regions of the country have been experiencing grave terrorism since the beginning of the month of November this year.

Food Security: Farmers are unable to access their fields, threatening agricultural output.

Collapse of Education: Mass school abductions have led to widespread school closures. From higher institutions down to primary schools have been closed down in the past few days due to abduction of students.

Government Response:

Military operations and aerial bombardments have had limited success.The conflict is complicated by allegations of collaboration between bandits and some security officials and local elites. The Kebbi School Girls were released but no one knows if the terrorists were the ones who willingly let them go; or if it’s the government that negotiated with them by paying ransom; or if they were captured by the security operatives. The citizens are being left in the dark.
Terrorism as illustrated in its four different kinds above, are the things fueling insurgencies in this country.

Why Are All These Happening?

A decade Analyst of Nigeria’s security, Yakubu Mohammed, shared that insurgencies are happening in Nigeria for several obvious reasons of which failure of governance, economic factors and the degenerated security capacity of the country’s military engine room are not left out.

“All these insurgencies are, at their core, symptoms of state failure—the inability to provide security, justice, economic opportunity, and basic services to all citizens,” he said.

Mr. Yakubu said that poverty, unemployment (especially among youth), and rampant corruption are key drivers of recruitment into all these violent groups. Here, the Analyst made mentioned of one Mamman Nur–a close associate of the late Boko Haram leader, Abubakar Shekau. According to Mr. Yakubu, the Mamman Nur was lured back into the Boko Haram structure after he had left with money in hard currency when his friend, Shekau, heard that he was suffering, riding Okada before he could feed his family.

On the security architecture of the Nigeria’s military, Mr. Mohammed highlighted that “the Nigerian security forces are overstretched, underfunded, and sometimes accused of corruption and human rights abuses, undermining public trust.”

Why Has Nigerian Government Successively Failed To End The Insurgencies?

Speaking with a retired Major, Abubakar Salisu, he disclosed that the inability of successive governments of Nigeria to conquer insurgencies lies in the fact that they have made “fundamental and repeated errors.”

“We did not fail to tackle insurgencies because the task was impossible. We failed because our governments have made fundamental and repeated errors,” Major Salisu said.

The retired Major also added that funds meant for the fight against the terrorism are always diverted or misappropriated for selfish gains.

“Cancer of corruption, as I always call it, has been one of the reasons we failed in the fight against insecurity.”

He continued, “funds meant for arms, ammunition, intelligent equipment, and troops welfare have been systemically looted overtime.”

Major Salisu was generous enough to mention how some of the funds are being looted by stating emphatically that payrolls are padded with non-existent soldiers, and the salaries are pocketed by commanders and politicians. This means you have a battalion on paper that is, in reality, a company-strength unit on the ground, stretched thin and overwhelmed.

In his responses, the retired Major made it clear that the government at the helm of affairs always strive to do their best, but bottleneck effect usually occurs from the corridors of the military Chiefs who are the ones culpable of the funds diversion crimes.

“Billions are allocated for new weapons, armoured vehicles, and drones. What arrives, if it arrives at all, is often outdated, overpriced, or completely unsuitable for the theatre of operation.
This puts our men at a severe tactical disadvantage against insurgents who often have better, more mobile weaponry.”

The plot twist in the interview came shocking and disappointing when he mentioned that some of the top military officers are in bed with the terrorists. He mentioned that operations are most times being sabotaged due to breach in the security arrangements which gives the terrorists upper hand during confrontation.

“There are powerful individuals in the political and business class whose financial interests are tied to the continuation of the conflict”, Major Salisu asserted.

When asked to buttress, he further mentioned that “a prolonged insurgency is a cash cow. It allows for continuous security votes, inflated contracts, and a diversion of national resources. Ending it would end their gravy train.”

The retired Major conclusively mentioned that military operations from behind the scenes are being politicised, reason why results are not coming forth with regards to the fight against insecurity.

“The operational command of the military is often influenced by political considerations. There is constant interference from Abuja. We are told to advance, then ordered to halt for “negotiations” or “ceasefires” that the enemy uses to regroup and rearm.”

On that note, Major Salisu boastfully mentioned that a certain former governor from one of the Northern states–North West–who is now serving as a Minister is a better illustration of what he insinuated about political interference in the military operations against insurgencies in the country

A word of advice from the retired Major emphasized that until a government is ready to cut out the cancer of corruption, empower the military professionally, and follow a clear, consistent, and comprehensive national strategy that combines security with development, the country will continue to fight these insurgencies in perpetuity. A situation he described as a national tragedy.

Yusuf Danjuma Yunusa is a freelance journalist and a reporter with the Nigerian Tracker News. He can be reached via: 07069180810, or theonlygrandeur@gmail.com

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Beyond Connectivity: How a Community Network Is Changing Life in Dakwa

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By Ali Sabo

Dakwa is the kind of community that can easily be overlooked in Nigeria’s digital story.

Located along the Zuba–Dei-Dei–Zuma corridor of the Federal Capital Territory, the agrarian community is only about 29 kilometres from Abuja, yet proximity to the nation’s capital has not always translated into access to reliable and affordable internet. For many residents, particularly young people, accessing the opportunities of the digital world meant looking beyond their immediate environment.

That is beginning to change.

Through the efforts of the Centre for Information Technology and Development (CITAD), the Association for Progressive Communications (APC), Hello World and 48 Percent, a community network and internet hub was established in Dakwa, bringing affordable connectivity closer to residents and creating a space where people can use the internet for learning, communication and accessing opportunities.

But the real story of the Dakwa Community Network is not the infrastructure. It is what the people of Dakwa are beginning to do with it.

During a recent visit to the community, the District Head of Dakwa, Alhaji Shuaibu Samu, described the intervention as a “life-changing opportunity” for residents.

His description is rooted in what the community experienced before the hub came into existence.

“Before the establishment of this facility, access to reliable and affordable internet was a major challenge for our people.”

For a community increasingly connected to a world where education, employment, communication and access to information are moving online, that challenge carries consequences. Being offline or poorly connected does not simply mean having no internet. It can mean missing opportunities that others take for granted.

Today, Samu says the situation is changing.

“Now, our youths can access information, learn new skills and explore opportunities online without having to travel far from the community.”

That statement captures perhaps the most important change taking place in Dakwa: the world of opportunities is becoming physically closer to the people who live there.

A window beyond Dakwa

For Ismail Shuaibu, a Community Champion at the hub, the facility has already become part of the community’s daily life.

He explained that young people now use the hub to study, search for jobs, access online opportunities and communicate with others.

“Many young people now come here to study, search for jobs, access online opportunities and communicate with others.”

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These may sound like simple activities. But in a community where reliable and affordable internet was previously a major challenge, they represent something much bigger.

A young person who comes to the hub to search for a job is no longer limited to opportunities advertised within the community. A student who comes to study can access information and learning resources that may not be available locally. Someone looking for information can reach beyond the boundaries of Dakwa and engage with a much wider world.

In that sense, the community network is not merely connecting devices. It is expanding people’s horizons.

From a project to a community asset

Perhaps equally important is the way residents are beginning to see the facility.

Ismail explained that the hub operates through a community-driven model, with users paying a small fee that contributes to maintaining the equipment and keeping the service running.

“The idea is for the community to see this as its own facility. The small amount paid by users helps us maintain the equipment and provide the service continuously.”

This is significant.

Many development interventions struggle after external support ends because the communities that benefit from them were not sufficiently involved in their ownership or management. Dakwa is attempting a different path: making the community part of the solution.

The District Head has also called on residents to take ownership of the facility and support efforts to keep it operational.

That sense of ownership could ultimately determine whether the digital opportunity created in Dakwa becomes a temporary intervention or a lasting community institution.

The real measure of digital inclusion

Dakwa’s experience offers a broader lesson about digital inclusion in Nigeria.

For years, discussions about the digital divide have often focused on infrastructure, broadband coverage and the number of people connected to the internet. These are important measures, but they do not tell the whole story.

The more important question is: What changes when people get connected?

In Dakwa, the early answers are emerging from the residents themselves: young people are studying, searching for jobs, accessing opportunities, communicating and becoming more familiar with digital tools and online services.

The organisations that helped bring the community network into existence deserve recognition for creating that opportunity. But the most important voices in determining its impact are those of the people who now use it.

And their testimonies suggest that something deeper than internet access is taking place.

Dakwa is beginning to discover that distance does not necessarily have to determine opportunity.

A young person can live in a community outside the centre of Abuja and still search for employment online. A student can access learning resources without travelling to the city. A resident can communicate, find information and explore opportunities that were previously difficult to reach.

That is what meaningful connectivity should ultimately achieve.

The success of Dakwa’s community network will not be measured simply by how many people connect to it. It will be measured by how many possibilities people discover because they can.

And perhaps that is the most important transformation happening in Dakwa: the internet is not only bringing the wider world into the community. It is giving the people of Dakwa a stronger opportunity to reach out and participate in that world.

Ali Sabo is the Campaign and Communication Officer of the Centre for Information Technology and Development and can be reached at asabo@citad.org

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Kenyan Presidential Aspirant Warns Dangote: ‘Don’t Rush Lamu Refinery, I’ll Send You Back to Nigeria’

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By Yusuf Danjuma Yunusa

A man identified in a viral video as Kenyan presidential aspirant Patrick Osoi has sparked a heated online debate after warning Nigerian billionaire Aliko Dangote not to rush into establishing an oil refinery in Lamu, saying he would send the businessman back to Nigeria if elected president.

In the clip, said to have been recorded at a Lions Movement event, Osoi says: “I want to tell Aliko Dangote, please don’t rush to start the refinery because, when I’m sworn in as President of Kenya next year, you will be heading back to Nigeria.”

The remarks appear to reference a proposed $16 billion refinery project in Lamu, a coastal county that Kenya has promoted as a future hub for oil and gas infrastructure. Osoi argued that Kenyan investors have the capacity to build and run such a facility without foreign ownership.

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“We don’t need to beg foreigners to develop our resources,” he said, according to a partial transcript of the video. “Kenyans can do it.”

The video has been shared widely on Facebook, X and WhatsApp, drawing mixed reactions. Supporters praised Osoi for what they called a bold defense of economic sovereignty. Critics warned that the comments could scare off foreign investors and strain Kenya’s diplomatic and trade ties with Nigeria.

Dangote, Africa’s richest man and chairman of Dangote Group, has not publicly responded to the clip. His conglomerate operates one of the world’s largest single-train refineries in Nigeria and has investments in cement, sugar, fertilizer and petroleum across Africa.

The Kenyan government has not commented on the video. It was not immediately clear whether the Lamu refinery project involving Dangote is still active or whether Osoi’s remarks reflect any official policy.

Political analysts say the controversy underscores growing public debate in Kenya over foreign investment, local content and control of natural resources ahead of the next general election, expected in 2027.

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NDC’s Kano Governorship Candidate Gwarzo Missing From INEC Final List

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By Yusuf Danjuma Yunusa

The National Democratic Congress (NDC) governorship candidate in Kano State, Aminu Abdussalam Gwarzo, is absent from the final list of governorship candidates released by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).

The three-page list, signed by INEC Secretary Rose Oriaran-Anthony, contains 17 governorship candidates and their running mates for the Kano election, but neither Gwarzo nor any other NDC candidate appears on it.

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Those listed include Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Abacha Muhammed Sani of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), and candidates from the African Democratic Congress (ADC), Labour Party (LP), Social Democratic Party (SDP), Action Alliance (AA), African Action Congress (AAC), Action Democratic Party (ADP), All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), Allied Peoples Movement (APM), and New Democratic Party (NDP), among others.

The document provides the names, political parties, ages, genders, and educational qualifications of the candidates and their deputy governorship candidates.

INEC did not state why the NDC candidate was omitted, and the published list does not indicate whether the omission is connected to the party’s nomination process, documentation, or another issue.

The development raises questions about the NDC’s participation in the Kano governorship election, although the list alone does not establish the reason for Gwarzo’s absence.

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