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SPECIAL REPORT:Broken Frontlines: The Human and Political Costs of Nigeria’s Unfinished Insurgencies”

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By Yusuf Danjuma Yunusa

Since the transition from military to civilian rule in 1999, Nigeria has been grappling with multiple, simultaneous insurgencies and large-scale internal conflicts that have severely tested the authority of the state, resulted in massive humanitarian crises, and threatened national cohesion. The most prominent of these are the Boko Haram Insurgency in the Northeast, the Farmer-Herder Conflicts in the Middle Belt, the Militancy in the Niger Delta, and the rising Banditry in the Northwest. These conflicts are rooted in a complex interplay of historical grievances, economic marginalization, ethno-religious tensions, poor governance, and environmental pressures.

1.The Boko Haram Insurgency:

This is the most lethal and internationally recognized insurgency in Nigeria’s recent history.

Origins & Ideology:

Founded in 2002 by Mohammed Yusuf in Maiduguri, Borno State, as a radical Islamist sect advocating for the strict implementation of Sharia law and rejecting Western education (“Boko Haram” translates to “Western education is forbidden”).

It was initially fueled by widespread poverty, political corruption, and a sense of alienation among the Muslim youth in the Northeast.

However, not long enough, the group turned violently insurgent after a 2009 crackdown by security forces, which resulted in the extrajudicial killing of its founder. Under Abubakar Shekau’s leadership, it launched a full-scale guerrilla war against the Nigerian state.

Key Phases and Evolution:

Phase 1 (2009-2013): Intensification of attacks, including bombings of police stations, the UN headquarters in Abuja (2011), and churches. The declaration of a state of emergency in three northeastern states in 2013.

Phase 2 (2014-Present): Peak of territorial control. The group captured and held significant territory, including Gwoza, which Shekau declared the capital of an Islamic caliphate. The Chibok schoolgirls’ abduction in 2014 brought global attention.

Factionalization (2015-Present): In 2015, Boko Haram pledged allegiance to the Islamic State (ISIS), becoming the “Islamic State West Africa Province” (ISWAP). A rift grew between the more globally-focused ISWAP and Shekau’s more brutal faction, leading to his death in a clash with ISWAP in 2021. ISWAP now dominates, controlling rural areas and lake islands, employing sophisticated tactics, and imposing taxes on communities.

The Impact:

Human Cost: Over 35,000 deaths and millions displaced, creating a severe humanitarian crisis.

Territorial & Economic: Vast areas of Borno, Yobe, and Adamawa states were rendered ungovernable, devastating agriculture and trade.

Regional Spillover: The conflict has spread to neighboring Chad, Niger, and Cameroon.

Government Response:

Primarily military, involving large-scale operations and the establishment of a Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF).

Criticized for human rights abuses, a slow initial response, and failure to fully secure liberated territories, leading to a protracted conflict.

2.The Farmer-Herder Conflict in the Middle Belt
Often described as Nigeria’s “silent war,” this conflict has resulted in more annual fatalities than Boko Haram in recent years.

Root Causes:

Environmental Pressure: Desertification in the north has pushed Fulani herders southward into the fertile Middle Belt farmlands.

Resource Competition: Competition over dwindling water and pasture resources, exacerbated by climate change.

Breakdown of Traditional Protocols: The collapse of traditional conflict-resolution mechanisms and cattle routes.

Ethno-Religious Dimension: The conflict is often framed as Muslim (Fulani herders) versus Christian (predominantly Christian farming communities), adding a volatile layer to the resource struggle.

Nature of the Conflict:

Characterized by brutal attacks on villages, with reprisal killings creating a cycle of violence.

The conflict has become increasingly militarized, with farming communities and herder groups forming militias for self-defense, which often turn to aggression.

The Impact:

Death and Displacement: Thousands killed annually, with massive internal displacement

Food Security: Attacks on farming communities threaten Nigeria’s food basket, contributing to food inflation.

Communal Polarization: Deepened ethno-religious divides, threatening national integration.

Government Response:

Widely perceived as inadequate and slow. The government has been accused of bias and failing to hold perpetrators accountable.

Proposed solutions like the National Livestock Transformation Plan (NLTP) have seen limited implementation due to funding and political challenges.

3.Niger Delta Militancy
This insurgency is fundamentally an economic and environmental struggle, directly targeting the nation’s economic lifeline—oil production.

What Led to the Emergence of the Militancy?

Resource Curse & Marginalization: Despite producing the nation’s wealth, the Niger Delta region suffers from extreme poverty, environmental devastation from oil spills, and a lack of basic infrastructure.

Grievance: Communities feel cheated out of the benefits of their resources, leading to deep-seated anger against the federal government and multinational oil companies.

Evolution of the Conflict:

1990s – Early 2000s: Localized protests and activism (e.g., the Ogoni movement led by Ken Saro-Wiwa).

Mid-2000s Insurgency: Escalation into a full-blown insurgency led by groups like the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND). They conducted widespread pipeline bombings, kidnappings of oil workers, and attacks on oil installations, crippling oil production.

Government Amnesty (2009): President Yar’Adua’s administration introduced an Amnesty Program, offering monthly stipends and training to militants who disarmed. This was largely successful in reducing violence and restoring oil production for several years.

The amnesty program has been criticized as a temporary fix that did not address underlying issues of development and corruption.

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A new wave of “oil bunkering” or artisanal refining has emerged, led by sophisticated criminal syndicates, causing massive pollution and revenue loss. Groups like the “Delta Avengers” have also threatened a return to militancy.

4.Banditry and Rural Violence in the Northwest
This is a rapidly escalating crisis, often described as an “insurgency” due to its scale and organization.

Nature of the Conflict:

Initially attributed to criminal gangs involved in cattle rustling, these groups have evolved into highly organized, militarized networks.

They operate from forest reserves, launching attacks on villages, mass kidnappings for ransom (especially from schools), and imposing taxes on communities.
The primary drivers are similar to the Middle Belt: climate change, poverty, and a breakdown of rural security.

The Impact:

Humanitarian Crisis: Widespread displacement, making parts of Zamfara, Katsina, Kaduna, and Sokoto states unlivable, until the recent development which has escalated to almost every part of the country. Nigerians in most parts of the northern regions of the country have been experiencing grave terrorism since the beginning of the month of November this year.

Food Security: Farmers are unable to access their fields, threatening agricultural output.

Collapse of Education: Mass school abductions have led to widespread school closures. From higher institutions down to primary schools have been closed down in the past few days due to abduction of students.

Government Response:

Military operations and aerial bombardments have had limited success.The conflict is complicated by allegations of collaboration between bandits and some security officials and local elites. The Kebbi School Girls were released but no one knows if the terrorists were the ones who willingly let them go; or if it’s the government that negotiated with them by paying ransom; or if they were captured by the security operatives. The citizens are being left in the dark.
Terrorism as illustrated in its four different kinds above, are the things fueling insurgencies in this country.

Why Are All These Happening?

A decade Analyst of Nigeria’s security, Yakubu Mohammed, shared that insurgencies are happening in Nigeria for several obvious reasons of which failure of governance, economic factors and the degenerated security capacity of the country’s military engine room are not left out.

“All these insurgencies are, at their core, symptoms of state failure—the inability to provide security, justice, economic opportunity, and basic services to all citizens,” he said.

Mr. Yakubu said that poverty, unemployment (especially among youth), and rampant corruption are key drivers of recruitment into all these violent groups. Here, the Analyst made mentioned of one Mamman Nur–a close associate of the late Boko Haram leader, Abubakar Shekau. According to Mr. Yakubu, the Mamman Nur was lured back into the Boko Haram structure after he had left with money in hard currency when his friend, Shekau, heard that he was suffering, riding Okada before he could feed his family.

On the security architecture of the Nigeria’s military, Mr. Mohammed highlighted that “the Nigerian security forces are overstretched, underfunded, and sometimes accused of corruption and human rights abuses, undermining public trust.”

Why Has Nigerian Government Successively Failed To End The Insurgencies?

Speaking with a retired Major, Abubakar Salisu, he disclosed that the inability of successive governments of Nigeria to conquer insurgencies lies in the fact that they have made “fundamental and repeated errors.”

“We did not fail to tackle insurgencies because the task was impossible. We failed because our governments have made fundamental and repeated errors,” Major Salisu said.

The retired Major also added that funds meant for the fight against the terrorism are always diverted or misappropriated for selfish gains.

“Cancer of corruption, as I always call it, has been one of the reasons we failed in the fight against insecurity.”

He continued, “funds meant for arms, ammunition, intelligent equipment, and troops welfare have been systemically looted overtime.”

Major Salisu was generous enough to mention how some of the funds are being looted by stating emphatically that payrolls are padded with non-existent soldiers, and the salaries are pocketed by commanders and politicians. This means you have a battalion on paper that is, in reality, a company-strength unit on the ground, stretched thin and overwhelmed.

In his responses, the retired Major made it clear that the government at the helm of affairs always strive to do their best, but bottleneck effect usually occurs from the corridors of the military Chiefs who are the ones culpable of the funds diversion crimes.

“Billions are allocated for new weapons, armoured vehicles, and drones. What arrives, if it arrives at all, is often outdated, overpriced, or completely unsuitable for the theatre of operation.
This puts our men at a severe tactical disadvantage against insurgents who often have better, more mobile weaponry.”

The plot twist in the interview came shocking and disappointing when he mentioned that some of the top military officers are in bed with the terrorists. He mentioned that operations are most times being sabotaged due to breach in the security arrangements which gives the terrorists upper hand during confrontation.

“There are powerful individuals in the political and business class whose financial interests are tied to the continuation of the conflict”, Major Salisu asserted.

When asked to buttress, he further mentioned that “a prolonged insurgency is a cash cow. It allows for continuous security votes, inflated contracts, and a diversion of national resources. Ending it would end their gravy train.”

The retired Major conclusively mentioned that military operations from behind the scenes are being politicised, reason why results are not coming forth with regards to the fight against insecurity.

“The operational command of the military is often influenced by political considerations. There is constant interference from Abuja. We are told to advance, then ordered to halt for “negotiations” or “ceasefires” that the enemy uses to regroup and rearm.”

On that note, Major Salisu boastfully mentioned that a certain former governor from one of the Northern states–North West–who is now serving as a Minister is a better illustration of what he insinuated about political interference in the military operations against insurgencies in the country

A word of advice from the retired Major emphasized that until a government is ready to cut out the cancer of corruption, empower the military professionally, and follow a clear, consistent, and comprehensive national strategy that combines security with development, the country will continue to fight these insurgencies in perpetuity. A situation he described as a national tragedy.

Yusuf Danjuma Yunusa is a freelance journalist and a reporter with the Nigerian Tracker News. He can be reached via: 07069180810, or theonlygrandeur@gmail.com

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2027: “I have no apology for supporting re-election bid of President Tinubu”, Gov. Yusuf declares

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Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf has reaffirmed his administration’s commitment to mobilising support for the re-election of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu in the 2027 general elections.

Ostensibly reacting to opposition comments, Gov. Yusuf insisted he has no cause of regret of apologetic to any figure, owing to his support for Tinubu’s re-election.

The governor made the declaration during an interactive session with elected and appointed government officials held at the Coronation Hall of the Government House in Kano.

Expressing confidence in President Tinubu’s chances of securing a second term, Yusuf assured that Kano would deliver overwhelming votes for the President in the 2027 presidential election.

According to him, “our administration in Kano has no reason to apologise for supporting President Tinubu”, stressing that the President’s re-election remains a collective responsibility of all party members and government officials.

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The Governor however directed all political appointees serving in his administration who are yet to register as members of the All Progressives Congress (APC) to do so without further delay.

Yusuf stressed that every elected and appointed government official must identify with the party and actively participate in strengthening its structures ahead of the 2027 polls.

He reaffirmed his administration’s determination to ensure the APC records victories in the presidential, governorship, National Assembly, State Assembly and local government elections.

As part of measures aimed at motivating political office holders, the governor approved the allocation of plots of land to more than 300 political aides, including Senior Special Assistants, Special Assistants, Senior Special Reporters, Special Reporters and Personal Assistants. He also approved the payment of N100,000 to each of the beneficiaries.

Speaker of the Kano State House of Assembly, Rt. Hon. Ismail Falgore, also at the meeting re-emphaised that APC in Kano owes no apology for promoting the achievements of President Tinubu in Kano State.

Falgore noted that constituency projects executed by members of the State Assembly, with the support of Governor Yusuf, had further strengthened the party’s popularity across the state and positioned it for victory in the 2027 elections.

Meanwhile, the APC Chairman in Kano State, Hon. Umar Haruna Doguwa, declared that “the battle line has been drawn” with the Kwankwasiyya movement, expressing confidence that the party would emerge victorious in the forthcoming elections.

At the end of the meeting, elected and appointed government officials unanimously passed a vote of confidence in President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf.

The officials also pledged to intensify grassroots mobilisation and work collectively towards ensuring the success of the APC at all levels during the 2027 general elections.

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BUK Emerges Top Performing Nigerian University In Global Ranking

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Nigeria has reinforced its growing influence in global higher education as 24 universities secured places in the 2026 Times Higher Education (THE) World University Rankings and the Times Higher Education Sub-Saharan Africa University Rankings, the highest representation by any country in Sub-Saharan Africa.

The latest rankings place the University of Ibadan and the University of Lagos among Nigeria’s highest-ranked universities, while Bayero University Kano emerged as one of the country’s top-performing institutions. Nigeria also increased its representation in the global rankings from 21 universities in 2024 and 2025 to 24 universities in 2026, making it the most represented country in Sub-Saharan Africa.

The Nigerian contingent comprises 17 federal universities, three state universities and four private universities, underscoring the increasing competitiveness of the country’s tertiary education sector across teaching, research, knowledge transfer and international outlook.

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The rankings also reflect the growing recognition of specialised institutions, with several federal universities of technology and agriculture earning places, while state-owned universities continued to strengthen their global standing through improved academic performance and research output.

Reacting to the latest rankings, the Minister of Education, Dr. Tunji Alausa, described the achievement as a significant milestone for Nigeria’s higher education sector, saying it reflects the positive outcomes of ongoing reforms aimed at strengthening the nation’s universities. He noted that the growing international recognition of Nigerian institutions underscores the Federal Government’s commitment to transforming tertiary education into a catalyst for innovation, research, human capital development and sustainable national growth.

Pundits say the latest recognition is expected to boost the international profile of Nigerian universities, enhance opportunities for global collaborations, attract research funding and encourage sustained investment in quality teaching, innovation and institutional development across the country’s higher education landscape.

The 24 Nigerian universities that featured in the 2026 THE rankings are:

1. University of Ibadan

2. University of Lagos

3. Bayero University Kano

4. Covenant University

5. Landmark University

6. Ahmadu Bello University

7. Federal University of Technology, Minna

8. University of Ilorin

9. University of Jos

10. University of Nigeria, Nsukka

11. Babcock University

12. Delta State University, Abraka

13. Ekiti State University

14. Federal University of Agriculture, Abeokuta

15. Federal University of Technology, Akure

16. Federal University of Technology, Owerri

17. Federal University Oye-Ekiti

18. Ladoke Akintola University of Technology

19. Lagos State University

20. Nnamdi Azikiwe University

21. Obafemi Awolowo University

22. University of Benin

23. University of Calabar

24. University of Port Harcourt

 

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PWD Groups Commend Waiya’s Inclusive Engagement, Urge Kano Government to Operationalise Disability Commission

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Commissioner Waiya addressing the Press during the session

 

 

Associations representing Persons with Disabilities (PWDs) in Kano State have commended Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf for what they described as his commitment to inclusive governance while calling for the immediate implementation and take-off of the Kano State Disability Commission to strengthen disability inclusion and representation.

In a press release jointly signed by leaders of various disability associations in the state on Friday, the groups also praised the Commissioner for Information and Internal Affairs, Comrade Ibrahim Abdullahi Waiya, for what they described as his consistent engagement with disability organisations and efforts to ensure that their voices are reflected in government decision-making processes.

According to the statement, the associations said Waiya’s inclusive approach has strengthened confidence among members of the disability community and demonstrated the Kano State Government’s commitment to social justice, equal participation and inclusive governance.

The groups, however, expressed concern over what they described as persistent challenges in their relationship with the Ministry of Women Affairs, Children and Persons with Disabilities, despite what they acknowledged as the governor’s commitment to improving the welfare of vulnerable groups in the state.

The associations stated that the ministry’s current approach does not adequately reflect Governor Yusuf’s vision of promoting the dignity, empowerment and inclusion of Persons with Disabilities in governance. They warned that the situation could undermine the objectives for which the ministry was established.

According to the statement, the disability groups have on several occasions submitted formal complaints and observations to relevant authorities over what they described as poor treatment and inadequate engagement of recognised disability organisations by the ministry.

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The associations cited the recent distribution of Eid sacrificial cows donated by Governor Yusuf as one example of their concerns. They alleged that the items were distributed to selected individuals based on personal affiliations rather than through recognised disability leadership structures, which they said had been the established practice in previous interventions.

The statement noted that the development generated dissatisfaction among many members of the disability community across Kano State, adding that transparent engagement with recognised organisations would have promoted fairness and accountability.

Highlighting their grievances, the associations alleged that recognised disability organisations and representative bodies are frequently sidelined in decision-making processes and in the implementation of programmes directly affecting Persons with Disabilities in the state.

They also expressed concern over what they described as inadequate consultation with disability stakeholders during the design and implementation of policies, programmes and interventions targeted at Persons with Disabilities.

Furthermore, the groups alleged that legitimate umbrella bodies representing Persons with Disabilities are often excluded from important government engagements and the distribution of welfare packages, a situation they said weakens effective representation and participation.

According to the statement, the current situation is inconsistent with Governor Yusuf’s publicly stated commitment to inclusive governance and social protection for vulnerable groups, particularly Persons with Disabilities.

To address these concerns, the associations appealed to the Kano State Government to establish a high-powered committee to facilitate the implementation and operational take-off of the Kano State Disability Commission. They noted that similar commissions already exist in several states across Nigeria and have strengthened disability inclusion and rights protection.

The groups said an operational Disability Commission would provide a dedicated institutional framework for protecting the rights of Persons with Disabilities, coordinating interventions, promoting accountability and ensuring the effective implementation of disability-inclusive policies across Kano State.

The associations expressed confidence that the establishment and operationalisation of the commission would significantly improve inclusion, service delivery, representation and accountability in matters affecting Persons with Disabilities.

The statement was jointly signed by the Chairman of the PWDs Association, Kano State, alongside cluster heads including Musa Muhammad Shaga of the Joint National Association of Persons with Disabilities, Abdurrahman Uba Daushe of the Spinal Cord Injuries Association, Musa Muhammad Kura of the National Association of the Blind, Salisu Da’u Dawakin Kudu of the Lepers Association, Mariya Ishaq of the Albinism Association, Sani Babachanka of the Deaf Association, and Yahaya A. Yahaya of the Physically Challenged Association.

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