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SPECIAL REPORT:Broken Frontlines: The Human and Political Costs of Nigeria’s Unfinished Insurgencies”

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By Yusuf Danjuma Yunusa

Since the transition from military to civilian rule in 1999, Nigeria has been grappling with multiple, simultaneous insurgencies and large-scale internal conflicts that have severely tested the authority of the state, resulted in massive humanitarian crises, and threatened national cohesion. The most prominent of these are the Boko Haram Insurgency in the Northeast, the Farmer-Herder Conflicts in the Middle Belt, the Militancy in the Niger Delta, and the rising Banditry in the Northwest. These conflicts are rooted in a complex interplay of historical grievances, economic marginalization, ethno-religious tensions, poor governance, and environmental pressures.

1.The Boko Haram Insurgency:

This is the most lethal and internationally recognized insurgency in Nigeria’s recent history.

Origins & Ideology:

Founded in 2002 by Mohammed Yusuf in Maiduguri, Borno State, as a radical Islamist sect advocating for the strict implementation of Sharia law and rejecting Western education (“Boko Haram” translates to “Western education is forbidden”).

It was initially fueled by widespread poverty, political corruption, and a sense of alienation among the Muslim youth in the Northeast.

However, not long enough, the group turned violently insurgent after a 2009 crackdown by security forces, which resulted in the extrajudicial killing of its founder. Under Abubakar Shekau’s leadership, it launched a full-scale guerrilla war against the Nigerian state.

Key Phases and Evolution:

Phase 1 (2009-2013): Intensification of attacks, including bombings of police stations, the UN headquarters in Abuja (2011), and churches. The declaration of a state of emergency in three northeastern states in 2013.

Phase 2 (2014-Present): Peak of territorial control. The group captured and held significant territory, including Gwoza, which Shekau declared the capital of an Islamic caliphate. The Chibok schoolgirls’ abduction in 2014 brought global attention.

Factionalization (2015-Present): In 2015, Boko Haram pledged allegiance to the Islamic State (ISIS), becoming the “Islamic State West Africa Province” (ISWAP). A rift grew between the more globally-focused ISWAP and Shekau’s more brutal faction, leading to his death in a clash with ISWAP in 2021. ISWAP now dominates, controlling rural areas and lake islands, employing sophisticated tactics, and imposing taxes on communities.

The Impact:

Human Cost: Over 35,000 deaths and millions displaced, creating a severe humanitarian crisis.

Territorial & Economic: Vast areas of Borno, Yobe, and Adamawa states were rendered ungovernable, devastating agriculture and trade.

Regional Spillover: The conflict has spread to neighboring Chad, Niger, and Cameroon.

Government Response:

Primarily military, involving large-scale operations and the establishment of a Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF).

Criticized for human rights abuses, a slow initial response, and failure to fully secure liberated territories, leading to a protracted conflict.

2.The Farmer-Herder Conflict in the Middle Belt
Often described as Nigeria’s “silent war,” this conflict has resulted in more annual fatalities than Boko Haram in recent years.

Root Causes:

Environmental Pressure: Desertification in the north has pushed Fulani herders southward into the fertile Middle Belt farmlands.

Resource Competition: Competition over dwindling water and pasture resources, exacerbated by climate change.

Breakdown of Traditional Protocols: The collapse of traditional conflict-resolution mechanisms and cattle routes.

Ethno-Religious Dimension: The conflict is often framed as Muslim (Fulani herders) versus Christian (predominantly Christian farming communities), adding a volatile layer to the resource struggle.

Nature of the Conflict:

Characterized by brutal attacks on villages, with reprisal killings creating a cycle of violence.

The conflict has become increasingly militarized, with farming communities and herder groups forming militias for self-defense, which often turn to aggression.

The Impact:

Death and Displacement: Thousands killed annually, with massive internal displacement

Food Security: Attacks on farming communities threaten Nigeria’s food basket, contributing to food inflation.

Communal Polarization: Deepened ethno-religious divides, threatening national integration.

Government Response:

Widely perceived as inadequate and slow. The government has been accused of bias and failing to hold perpetrators accountable.

Proposed solutions like the National Livestock Transformation Plan (NLTP) have seen limited implementation due to funding and political challenges.

3.Niger Delta Militancy
This insurgency is fundamentally an economic and environmental struggle, directly targeting the nation’s economic lifeline—oil production.

What Led to the Emergence of the Militancy?

Resource Curse & Marginalization: Despite producing the nation’s wealth, the Niger Delta region suffers from extreme poverty, environmental devastation from oil spills, and a lack of basic infrastructure.

Grievance: Communities feel cheated out of the benefits of their resources, leading to deep-seated anger against the federal government and multinational oil companies.

Evolution of the Conflict:

1990s – Early 2000s: Localized protests and activism (e.g., the Ogoni movement led by Ken Saro-Wiwa).

Mid-2000s Insurgency: Escalation into a full-blown insurgency led by groups like the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND). They conducted widespread pipeline bombings, kidnappings of oil workers, and attacks on oil installations, crippling oil production.

Government Amnesty (2009): President Yar’Adua’s administration introduced an Amnesty Program, offering monthly stipends and training to militants who disarmed. This was largely successful in reducing violence and restoring oil production for several years.

The amnesty program has been criticized as a temporary fix that did not address underlying issues of development and corruption.

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A new wave of “oil bunkering” or artisanal refining has emerged, led by sophisticated criminal syndicates, causing massive pollution and revenue loss. Groups like the “Delta Avengers” have also threatened a return to militancy.

4.Banditry and Rural Violence in the Northwest
This is a rapidly escalating crisis, often described as an “insurgency” due to its scale and organization.

Nature of the Conflict:

Initially attributed to criminal gangs involved in cattle rustling, these groups have evolved into highly organized, militarized networks.

They operate from forest reserves, launching attacks on villages, mass kidnappings for ransom (especially from schools), and imposing taxes on communities.
The primary drivers are similar to the Middle Belt: climate change, poverty, and a breakdown of rural security.

The Impact:

Humanitarian Crisis: Widespread displacement, making parts of Zamfara, Katsina, Kaduna, and Sokoto states unlivable, until the recent development which has escalated to almost every part of the country. Nigerians in most parts of the northern regions of the country have been experiencing grave terrorism since the beginning of the month of November this year.

Food Security: Farmers are unable to access their fields, threatening agricultural output.

Collapse of Education: Mass school abductions have led to widespread school closures. From higher institutions down to primary schools have been closed down in the past few days due to abduction of students.

Government Response:

Military operations and aerial bombardments have had limited success.The conflict is complicated by allegations of collaboration between bandits and some security officials and local elites. The Kebbi School Girls were released but no one knows if the terrorists were the ones who willingly let them go; or if it’s the government that negotiated with them by paying ransom; or if they were captured by the security operatives. The citizens are being left in the dark.
Terrorism as illustrated in its four different kinds above, are the things fueling insurgencies in this country.

Why Are All These Happening?

A decade Analyst of Nigeria’s security, Yakubu Mohammed, shared that insurgencies are happening in Nigeria for several obvious reasons of which failure of governance, economic factors and the degenerated security capacity of the country’s military engine room are not left out.

“All these insurgencies are, at their core, symptoms of state failure—the inability to provide security, justice, economic opportunity, and basic services to all citizens,” he said.

Mr. Yakubu said that poverty, unemployment (especially among youth), and rampant corruption are key drivers of recruitment into all these violent groups. Here, the Analyst made mentioned of one Mamman Nur–a close associate of the late Boko Haram leader, Abubakar Shekau. According to Mr. Yakubu, the Mamman Nur was lured back into the Boko Haram structure after he had left with money in hard currency when his friend, Shekau, heard that he was suffering, riding Okada before he could feed his family.

On the security architecture of the Nigeria’s military, Mr. Mohammed highlighted that “the Nigerian security forces are overstretched, underfunded, and sometimes accused of corruption and human rights abuses, undermining public trust.”

Why Has Nigerian Government Successively Failed To End The Insurgencies?

Speaking with a retired Major, Abubakar Salisu, he disclosed that the inability of successive governments of Nigeria to conquer insurgencies lies in the fact that they have made “fundamental and repeated errors.”

“We did not fail to tackle insurgencies because the task was impossible. We failed because our governments have made fundamental and repeated errors,” Major Salisu said.

The retired Major also added that funds meant for the fight against the terrorism are always diverted or misappropriated for selfish gains.

“Cancer of corruption, as I always call it, has been one of the reasons we failed in the fight against insecurity.”

He continued, “funds meant for arms, ammunition, intelligent equipment, and troops welfare have been systemically looted overtime.”

Major Salisu was generous enough to mention how some of the funds are being looted by stating emphatically that payrolls are padded with non-existent soldiers, and the salaries are pocketed by commanders and politicians. This means you have a battalion on paper that is, in reality, a company-strength unit on the ground, stretched thin and overwhelmed.

In his responses, the retired Major made it clear that the government at the helm of affairs always strive to do their best, but bottleneck effect usually occurs from the corridors of the military Chiefs who are the ones culpable of the funds diversion crimes.

“Billions are allocated for new weapons, armoured vehicles, and drones. What arrives, if it arrives at all, is often outdated, overpriced, or completely unsuitable for the theatre of operation.
This puts our men at a severe tactical disadvantage against insurgents who often have better, more mobile weaponry.”

The plot twist in the interview came shocking and disappointing when he mentioned that some of the top military officers are in bed with the terrorists. He mentioned that operations are most times being sabotaged due to breach in the security arrangements which gives the terrorists upper hand during confrontation.

“There are powerful individuals in the political and business class whose financial interests are tied to the continuation of the conflict”, Major Salisu asserted.

When asked to buttress, he further mentioned that “a prolonged insurgency is a cash cow. It allows for continuous security votes, inflated contracts, and a diversion of national resources. Ending it would end their gravy train.”

The retired Major conclusively mentioned that military operations from behind the scenes are being politicised, reason why results are not coming forth with regards to the fight against insecurity.

“The operational command of the military is often influenced by political considerations. There is constant interference from Abuja. We are told to advance, then ordered to halt for “negotiations” or “ceasefires” that the enemy uses to regroup and rearm.”

On that note, Major Salisu boastfully mentioned that a certain former governor from one of the Northern states–North West–who is now serving as a Minister is a better illustration of what he insinuated about political interference in the military operations against insurgencies in the country

A word of advice from the retired Major emphasized that until a government is ready to cut out the cancer of corruption, empower the military professionally, and follow a clear, consistent, and comprehensive national strategy that combines security with development, the country will continue to fight these insurgencies in perpetuity. A situation he described as a national tragedy.

Yusuf Danjuma Yunusa is a freelance journalist and a reporter with the Nigerian Tracker News. He can be reached via: 07069180810, or theonlygrandeur@gmail.com

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TMS Inaugurates Kano North’s 13 LG Executives and Empowers Social Media Representatives

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The Tinubu Maliya Shonikan (TMS) Organisation has inaugurated its local government coordinators across Kano North Senatorial District, with a pledge to strengthen grassroots mobilisation and support the All Progressives Congress (APC) ahead of future political engagements.

The inauguration ceremony, which was held on Sunday at Amani Event Centre, Nassarawa GRA, Kano, was led by the organisation’s leader, Alhaji Ibrahim Yusuf Garo, popularly known as Shonikan, alongside the Kano State Chairman of TMS, Barrister Nura Abdullahi Bagwai.

Speaking at the event, the organisers said the establishment of TMS in Kano North was motivated by the desire to support and promote programmes and political activities associated with Senator Barau I. Jibril Maliya, whom they described as having contributed significantly to the development and representation of the area.

According to the organisation, the initiative is also intended to mobilise support for the APC and strengthen its grassroots structure across Kano North and the wider Kano State.

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As part of the inauguration, social media agents from 141 wards across Kano North were provided with android tablet pc and data support to enable them to effectively communicate the activities, programmes and achievements of the organisation and its political allies through digital platforms.

The leadership of TMS said the provision of the devices and monthly data support formed part of a broader strategy to establish an organised and effective digital communication network across the senatorial district.

The organisation further announced plans to introduce additional programmes and initiatives aimed at strengthening grassroots mobilisation and contributing to the success of the APC from the grassroots to the state level.

The event attracted important diginataries like MD Hadejia Jama’are River Basin Development Authority, Engr. Rabi’u Suleiman Bichi whonis the Guest Speaker if rhe Occasion, APC National Vice Chairman North West Hon. Garba Datti Mohammed, the commissioner National Assembly Service Commission Hon. Yusuf A. Yusuf Tabuka, Representative of rhe State Minister Housing and Urban Development, APC leaders, members, supporters and representatives of the organisation from across Kano North.

The organisers expressed appreciation to God for the successful and peaceful conclusion of the inauguration ceremony, describing the event as an important step towards strengthening the organisation’s structure and activities across the senatorial district.

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No Pay, No Escape: Unpacking Shehu Sani’s Account of Abuja Hospital Lock-Ins

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By Yusuf Danjuma Yunusa

 

The escalating cost of healthcare in Nigeria has reached a critical inflection point, with private hospitals in the Federal Capital Territory now reportedly resorting to security protocols to prevent patients from absconding at night without settling their bills. This stark reality was brought to light on Thursday by former Kaduna Central Senator, Shehu Sani.

In a post on his Facebook page, Sani described witnessing the practice firsthand during a visit to a private clinic in Abuja.

“Some Abuja private hospitals have started taking security measures to ensure that patients don’t escape at night without completely settling their bills. That’s the case when I visited one of the private clinics today,” he wrote.

While he refrained from naming the facility or detailing the specific security steps, his observation underscores a deepening national crisis where medical care is rapidly becoming a luxury, trapping families between the desperation for treatment and the burden of debt.

This practice is merely the symptom of a systemic failure where the rising costs of drugs, diagnostic scans, surgery, and hospital admission fees are pushing citizens to the brink. For many, the choice is no longer between private and public care, but between treatment and survival.

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While patients suffer, health workers argue that hospitals are also struggling under the weight of economic headwinds. With inflation eroding the naira’s value, forex challenges limiting the import of medical supplies, and the removal of fuel subsidies impacting logistics and energy costs, the operational expenses for healthcare facilities have more than doubled in the last 18 months.

While on the other hand, a health practitioner, Ummee Manson, painted a stark picture of Nigeria’s healthcare burden, citing the ordeal of a fictional mother, Mama Chinedu, who had to sell her earrings and borrow money to raise ₦185,000 for her children’s malaria treatment—a bill that, despite saving the children, left the family skipping meals for weeks.

The practitioner noted that this experience mirrors the reality for millions, as it’s documented that in 2024, out‑of‑pocket spending still accounted for 58.3% of total health expenditure, meaning families directly bear the cost of drugs, tests, and hospital care.

The practitioner further warned that such high financial exposure pushes over one million Nigerians into poverty each year, since a single illness can deplete savings, create crushing debt, or force households to abandon care altogether, locking them in a relentless cycle of worsening health and economic distress.

The statistics paint a grim picture of a broken system. Recently released data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) indicates that out-of-pocket spending still accounts for over 70% of total health expenditure in Nigeria. With most families lacking any form of health insurance, they are left to pay directly for services, often depleting their life savings in the process.

In response, both the Nigerian Medical Association (NMA) and various patient advocacy groups are renewing their calls for urgent government intervention. They urge the Federal Government to aggressively expand the National Health Insurance Scheme (NHIS) to cover a larger percentage of the population and to regulate the prices of essential medicines to curb exploitation.

For now, however, survival often depends on the kindness of strangers. Many Nigerians are forced to resort to crowdfunding, church donations, and social media appeals to raise funds for life-saving procedures—a precarious lifeline that is not available to everyone.

Health economists and medical professionals warn that without comprehensive reforms, the trend will only worsen, and until structural changes are made, the haunting reality remains: for millions of Nigerians, a hospital bed is a financial gamble, and the price of life is becoming too high to pay.

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Gov. Yusuf Increases Salaries of Two Varsities’ Academic and Non-Academic Staff

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Kano State Governor, Alhaji Abba Kabir Yusuf, has approved the implementation of a new salary review for Academic and Non-Academic Staff of Aliko Dangote University of Science and Technology, Wudil, and Northwest University, Kano.

The new increase in salary was adopted from the Federal Government’s new remuneration package implemented at the Federal Universities in Nigeria.

This was contained in a statement issued by the governor’s spokesman, Sunusi Bature Dawakin Tofa, on Monday.

The approval followed a report and recommendations of a committee constituted by the State Executive Council to examine and review requests by the two state-owned universities for the domestication of the new salary package.

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Under the approved arrangement, the new remuneration package will take effect from January 2026, while payment will commence in September 2026.

The salary review will have a total financial implication of ₦391,847,555.24 monthly, amounting to ₦4,702,170,662.88 annually for the two universities.

For Aliko Dangote University of Science and Technology, Wudil, the monthly financial implication is ₦228,195,210.83, comprising ₦141,082,223.37 for Academic Staff under the ASUU agreement and ₦87,112,987.46 for Non-Academic Staff under SSANU.

For Northwest University, Kano, the monthly implication is ₦163,652,344.41, comprising ₦112,238,985.30 for Academic Staff and ₦51,413,359.11 for Non-Academic Staff.

The government has approved the inclusion of ₦1,567,390,220.96 in the 2026 Supplementary Budget to cover payments from September to December 2026.

Similarly, arrears covering the period from January to August 2026, amounting to ₦3,134,780,441.92, will be provided for under the 2027 Budget.

The decision, according to the committee’s report, is aimed at ensuring industrial harmony and improving the welfare of staff of the two institutions, in line with the implementation of the new remuneration package in federal universities and other state-owned universities.

Governor Yusuf also approved the consideration of Visitation Panels for the two universities and other tertiary institutions in the state, as provided by relevant laws, to strengthen accountability, administration and effective management of the institutions.

The Governor reaffirmed his administration’s commitment to improving the welfare of workers and strengthening the quality of higher education as part of its broader investment in human capital development.

 

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