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PMB Lands Softly On A Sofa Floor

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President Muhammad Buhari in a regimental toga during a farewell dinner by the Nigerian Army

 

This has been a week of reflection, introspection, and rumination. It’s the last full week of a journey that started eight years ago. And like Yoruba people say, if you can ponder, then you will wonder, and be filled with thanksgiving to God.

That was what Wednesday was dedicated to. Looking backwards, inwards, and forward, as the last Federal Executive Council meeting under President Muhammadu Buhari held. “This is the last that we shall dance together,” Wole Soyinka wrote in his work, Kongi’s Harvest.

Yes, dances do end, no matter how much you love to pirouette. You dance like butterfly and sting like a bee. It will end. You gyrate, whirl and spiral. Very good. It’s a delightful part of life. But then, there’s always the last dance. That’s what Luther Vandross sang about in Dance With My Father:

Back when I was a child
Before life removed all the innocence
My father would lift me high
And dance with my mother and me then
Spin me around till I fell asleep
Then up the stairs he would carry me
And I knew for sure I was loved

If I could get another chance
Another walk, another dance with him
I’d play a song that would never ever end
How I’d love, love, love to dance with my father again.

For Vandross and his father, the dance ended at a time. As it’s bound to be. Nothing lasts forever. Not the good. Not the bad. Not even life itself.

Reflections. That was what happened on Wednesday, as the Federal Executive Council meeting held for the last time under this administration. Such days had come for many governments in the past, and would also come in the future. It’s inexorable, as sure as night follows the day.

Each Minister, and Minister of State, was given time to speak on times and seasons under the Buhari administration. Some had been there since 2015, some others came in 2019, and yet others in 2021, after a minor cabinet rejig.

It was appreciation, eulogy and tributes to the President all the way. Not fawning praise singing, but factual appraisal of opportunity given to serve the country, and to make a difference.

Do you know that Ministers rarely spend four years in position, not to talk of eight years? But a lot did under Buhari, because he’s not a supercilious man, who just likes to sack for the kick he would get from it. Yes, some appointors love to play God over their appointees. They hire and fire at will, just because they have the powers. For some other leaders, it’s job for the boys. You serve for a year or two, and you are dropped, so that the largesse can go round. Not Buhari. Unless you fall short of the mark, you are caught with your hand in the cookie jar, or commit some other grave malfeasance, then you can be sure of a guaranteed time. You have been called to serve, and not to be ridiculed and humiliated out of office.

The Ministers went down the memory lane. And it’s been quite a journey, said the Minister of Justice/Attorney-General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami, SAN. He’s the longest serving in that position in history of the country. Just a few months short of eight years.

His summation: “With all sense of responsibility, we’ve left the country better than we met it.”

Senator Hadi Sirika was at first Minister of State, Transportation, and later full Minister in charge of Aviation. He said the English language was insufficient for him to say thank you to the President for the honor done him, allowing him to serve.

And he spoke about the non-interfering, non-intrusive style of the principal. He recalled when he was going to close the runway of the Abuja airport for many weeks, a momentous decision. President Buhari just listened to him patiently, and said: “Go and plan very well.” The job got done.

Professor Ali Isa Pantami, Minister of Communications and Digital Economy, told the President: “You are the best. We’ve learnt a lot from you, and we will forever be grateful.”

He said he came from a poor and deprived background, and he could never have sat in the hallowed Council Chamber, if not for someone like President Buhari.

“It’s the last FEC meeting, but we will continue to meet with you through our prayers,” he submitted.

Mohammed Bello, Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, said he was picked out of the blues, a testimony typical of most of his colleagues. And he is today the longest serving Minister in his portfolio. He also said the English language was inadequate to express his appreciation. So he borrowed an Hausa word the President loves to use: Madalla, meaning ‘well done, thank you, excellent.’

Dr Ramatu Aliyu, Minister of State, FCT, wondered how a minority from Kogi State, a woman, could have entered the Federal Cabinet, if not for a President who believes in equitable distribution of power. She called Buhari ‘Father of Nigeria’s Infrastructure Renaissance.’ True.

Mrs Zainab Shamsuna Ahmed, Minister of Finance, Budget and National Planning, said what she and her colleagues had gone through was “PMB School of Governance,” saying the President never called her once to see anybody, or give anybody anything.

Minister of Foreign Affairs, Geoffrey Onyeama, glorified God for the restored and renewed health of the President, after the severe health challenge of 2017, which saw him in and out of hospital for about eight months.

“Your sterling leadership qualities are admired all over Africa, and, indeed, the world,” he declared.

All the Ministers spoke, but for want of space, let us adopt this highly applauded one from Dr Olorunnimbe Mamora, in charge of Science, Technology and Innovation:

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“My intervention will commence on a note of gratitude to God by whose grace we are all alive and here to witness this glorious day. Next, is to thank you, Mr President, because our appointment as members of FEC is through your presidential benevolence. I am particularly grateful for being a member of this legacy team of your administration. You had earlier appointed me as MD, NIWA, and Minister of State for Health. A day like this is a day of thanksgiving, it is a day of reminiscences and it is a day of celebration of God’s faithfulness.

“Before proceeding further, please permit me to share a true life story on a lighter note. When I was Speaker in the Lagos State House of Assembly in 1999, as the presiding officer, I could sit for 5 – 6 hours without getting up from my seat. I was much younger then, but I cannot do that now that I am 70. After one of such sessions one day, some of my colleagues in the chambers walked to my seat at the platform searching underneath my table and I asked what they were looking for. They told me they came to find out whether I had a urinary catheter connected to a container under my table to explain my ability to sit for such long hours without the urge to go and ease myself.

“Mr Chairman Sir, I wonder how you are able to do the same at over 80! It’s simply incredible and can only be explained by your Spartan discipline. This Spartan discipline is one of the qualities that define you as a leader. I have observed you from a privileged position as one of your foot soldiers in the capacity of Deputy Director General of your Presidential Campaign both in 2015 and 2019. You are a man of calm disposition under any circumstance.

“In 2015 while wooing delegates for the presidential primaries, l sat with you in the car traversing several States from Kano to Bauchi, Kebbi, Zamfara and finally to Sokoto. The journey from Zamfara to Sokoto was in the night and the convoy was moving at neck breaking speed, so much that my heart was virtually in my mouth and skipping beats! Here was l sitting next to a General. I was so scared. Lo and behold, Oga was calm all through the journey without uttering a word on the driver’s speed! We arrived in Sokoto at about 12.30am!

“Mr President is a man of compassion and great humility. We had just finished the Presidential nomination convention at Teslim Balogun stadium in Lagos lasting from Wednesday night to early hours of Friday, about 2am. After delivering his acceptance speech, he left the podium and I thought Mr President had gone back to the hotel where we both came from. How wrong I was! He was sitting quietly in the car patiently waiting for me.

“When word came to me through Sarki Abba that Oga was waiting for me, I quickly rushed to join him in the car with a load of apology. He said “Distinguished Mamora, how could l have left you behind, when we rode in here together?” I felt greatly touched.

“Mr President has an uncommon sense of humor. At one of our virtual FEC meetings during COVID, following the presentation of a memo by the Aviation Minister, the Minister of Police Affairs was called to make his comment, having indicated to speak, but he was not available after repeated calls; Mr President then retorted, maybe he has gone for “Road block”!

“At another FEC meeting, while debating a memo on augmentation of the contract sum for the reconstruction of a particular road, the issue arose as to how Nigeria can maximise the use of local resources for road construction. Following an energetic submission by the Interior Minister, Mr President set up a Cabinet Committee to look into the matter. In his characteristic passion for what he believes in, the Interior Minister sought Mr President’s permission to be co-opted into the 3-member committee to which Mr President retorted, “Hon Minister of Interior, we do not need a passport for road construction!”

“Mr President, you have carefully put a great team together to assist you in the prosecution of your agenda for Nigeria, starting with Mr Vice President who has not only been truly Vice Presidential in words and deeds, but has combined professorial erudition with pastoral zeal. He heads the team of legal minds in FEC, whose contributions oftentimes illuminate and enrich debates at our meetings…

“Mr President and distinguished council members, I recall the comic relief always introduced to debate by the duo of Hon Minister of Works and Housing, and Hon Minister of Labour. Following the presentation of a memo on road construction and rehabilitation one day, by the Minister of Works and Housing, the Labour Minister said the Minister of Works has begged and lobbied him to sheath his sword and not attack his memo. He further said the Works Minister is an Ikate boy who migrated to Surulere. In his response, the Works Minister said the incessant strikes by the labour unions was caused by the Labour Minister who moved from Okija to Victoria Island in Lagos thereby giving the false impression that he has a lot of money. Hence Labour has been on strike with a view to benefiting from the Labour Minister’s wealth.

“The banters they throw at each other bring a lot of comic relief to the council chambers and they can be likened to “Tom and Jerry” of children’s comedy fame.

“Distinguished Council members, we have jointly served our country to the best of our abilities, hence we raise our hands in joyful adoration and shout “Thus far the Lord has helped us”! To God be the glory!

“Mr President, l join my colleagues and millions of your well wishers to congratulate you and Mr Vice President for the giant strides made under your eight-year presidency, your achievements, in the various sectors, already documented, will remain indelible in the annals of our nation’s history. You have finished well and strong. Yours has been a life of struggle but full of grace. Now is the time to take a bow and enjoy your well deserved rest.
Congratulations, Mr President and best wishes.”

Kizz Daniel and Tekno, in the popular song, Buga, said: “When I land I land softly on a sofa floor…” That is what is happening to President Buhari. Despite evil speaking, evil thoughts, false prophecies, lies, de-marketing from some quarters, the President is landing well, finishing strong. To Daura for a well deserved rest after serving the country for many decades. Awesome God.

And today is also our last dance on this platform, From the Inside, which has featured for many years, without failing for a single week. God be praised. And by His grace, we meet on another platform in the not too distant future.

So long. Au revoire.

*Adesina is Special Adviser to President Buhari on Media and Publicity

Opinion

Amnesty International Report and My Questions to Them

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– Sufyan Lawal Kabo

sefjamil3@gmail.com

 

The recent condemnation issued by Amnesty International against the Kano State Government over the alleged killing of five persons during activities surrounding the swearing in of the new Deputy Governor has continued to raise serious concerns among many observers in Kano.

 

While every responsible citizen condemns violence and the loss of innocent lives, many are asking whether Amnesty International acted professionally and fairly before rushing to issue a strong public accusation against the government of Kano State.

 

Amnesty International, can a government that has invested heavily in ending political thuggery and street violence genuinely be accused of sponsoring the same violence it is fighting to eliminate?

 

Would a government that established the Safe Corridor Kano Model, profiled thousands of repentant youths, and committed over six hundred million naira for rehabilitation, empowerment and reintegration of former thugs suddenly turn around to encourage killings and chaos?

 

Can Amnesty International deny the fact that Kano has battled political thuggery and Yan Daba violence for decades, long before the present administration came into office? And among previous administrations, which government confronted the problem more directly than the administration of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf?

 

What political benefit would any serious government gain from encouraging violence against citizens at a time it is working to secure public trust ahead of future elections?

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Before issuing its condemnation, did Amnesty International contact the Kano State Government, the Police, DSS, Civil Defence, or any recognised security agency in Kano to verify the allegation properly? Or has social media content now become sufficient evidence for an international organisation claiming credibility and neutrality?

 

How did Amnesty International arrive at such a sensitive conclusion without presenting verifiable evidence to the public? And how sure are the people of Kano that those supplying information to the organisation are not politically biased individuals determined to damage the image of the present administration?

 

Is it professional for a respected international body to release emotionally charged reports involving deaths and violence without balanced investigation, fair hearing, or proper engagement with relevant authorities?

 

Can Amnesty International also deny the visible security efforts of the Kano State Government under Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf, including stronger collaboration with security agencies, community security initiatives, deployment of operational support, and consistent public warnings against political violence and hooliganism?

 

If the government’s objective was violence, why would it continue investing public resources into youth rehabilitation, anti thuggery programmes and community peace initiatives?

 

The truth remains that Kano State Government has already condemned every act of violence connected to the incident and security agencies are reportedly investigating the matter. The government has also maintained its commitment to bringing perpetrators to justice according to law.

 

Amnesty International must therefore understand that careless or poorly verified reports on sensitive matters can create unnecessary tension, damage public confidence and unfairly malign governments making visible efforts to solve difficult social problems.

Kano deserves fairness. The people deserve peace. And organisations claiming international credibility must uphold professionalism, objectivity and thorough investigation before issuing reports capable of inflaming public emotions and damaging institutional reputations.

 

Sefjamil writes from Abuja

 

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Opinion

Evidence First: Why Amnesty International’s Kano Claims Cannot Stand-Mamman Iro

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By Mamman Iro Kano

May 7, 2026

On May 5, 2026, Kano State witnessed a moment of constitutional significance. Alhaji Murtala Sule Garo was formally sworn in as Deputy Governor, completing the executive structure of an administration that has navigated months of political turbulence with a clarity and a purposefulness that its governance record continues to validate. Within hours of that ceremony, Amnesty International released a report alleging that five people had been killed in connection with the event. The Kano State Government, in a formal press statement signed by the Commissioner for Information and Internal Affairs, Ibrahim Abdullahi Waiya, described the claim as misleading, unfounded, and mischievous, stating that active inquiries conducted with relevant security agencies produced no official report or credible evidence to support it, and that no violent incident occurred at the Kano State Government House or its surroundings during the official function. That irreconcilable gap between what Amnesty International alleged and what verified institutional assessments confirm is where this analysis begins, and where the evidence, examined honestly and without partisan filter, must ultimately speak for itself.

Let us be precise about what Amnesty International has alleged, because precision about the nature of an allegation determines the standard of evidence required to sustain it. This is not a vague claim about generalised insecurity in a northern Nigerian state. It is a specific allegation that five human beings were killed in direct connection with a formal state government ceremony, at or near the seat of the Kano State executive. That is among the most serious categories of claim available in the vocabulary of human rights reporting, and it carries a correspondingly heavy evidentiary burden. It attributes to a sitting administration not merely a failure to prevent violence but a direct and operational causal relationship between its own institutional activities and the deaths of five people. The fundamental question this analysis asks is straightforward: does the available evidence meet that burden? On the basis of the documented record, the answer is no.

The government’s rebuttal, issued through Commissioner Waiya on the same day as the Amnesty International report, establishes several institutionally grounded counter-claims that any responsible assessment must engage with seriously rather than dismiss as reflexive political defensiveness. The government states that it conducted active inquiries with relevant security agencies specifically to investigate the alleged incident and found no official report or credible evidence to support it. It states that no violent incident occurred at Government House or its surroundings during the swearing-in ceremony. It further notes that the Nigerian leadership of Amnesty International has, in its assessment, repeatedly demonstrated bias and unprofessional conduct in reports relating to Kano State while overlooking comparable developments elsewhere in the country, and it has called upon the organisation’s international leadership to monitor its Nigerian chapter’s activities in order to protect the organisation’s global integrity. These are specific, falsifiable, and institutionally grounded positions. They deserve the same investigative engagement that Amnesty International’s original allegations received, and the absence of independent forensic confirmation of the alleged deaths from any local security structure, community stakeholder, or civil society organisation with verifiable on-the-ground presence represents a critical and unresolved gap in the evidentiary foundation upon which the international narrative rests.

The methodological questions raised by this incident go beyond the specific facts of May 5, 2026, and engage with a broader and more consequential concern about how international human rights monitoring is conducted in environments as politically complex as Kano State. In today’s digital information environment, allegations circulate at velocities that far outpace the deliberate, forensically grounded verification processes that responsible documentation requires. Video content spreads without verified timestamps, geographic authentication, or editorial context. Short clips are selectively edited and repurposed, constructing plausible-seeming narratives from fragmentary and decontextualised evidence. Responsible human rights reporting, particularly in a state with Kano’s political and security complexity, must demonstrably rise above these limitations. Any attempt to directly implicate a state government in acts of organised violence must be supported by credible forensic evidence establishing verifiable operational linkages between institutional authority and the specific conduct alleged, verified intelligence assessments from recognised security structures, a documented understanding of the longstanding criminal rivalries and territorial disputes operating among youth groups in the affected communities, and independent on-the-ground verification involving community leaders, traditional authorities, and civil society organisations before conclusions are publicly disseminated. The Unifier Project’s considered assessment is that the claims advanced against Kano State on May 7, 2026, do not demonstrably meet these standards.

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Beyond the specific facts of May 5, the broader institutional record of the Kano State Government presents a body of documented evidence that fundamentally complicates the narrative of state-sponsored violence. The administration’s Safe Corridor Kano Model, its flagship rehabilitative intervention targeting youth restiveness and street violence, has already profiled over 2,030 repentant youths for enrollment into its structured rehabilitation and reintegration programme. More than six hundred million naira has been approved for the first phase alone, targeting one thousand beneficiaries through vocational training, psychosocial support, and community reintegration pathways. These are not aspirational policy commitments. They are quantified, budgeted, and operationally active institutional investments in dismantling the conditions that produce youth violence. The logical incompatibility between an administration that has committed over N600 million to youth rehabilitation and an administration simultaneously accused of orchestrating the killing of citizens at its own official functions is not a rhetorical flourish. It is a substantive evidentiary consideration that any responsible investigation is obligated to address directly and honestly before reaching the conclusions that Amnesty International has chosen to advance.

The full governance record of this administration further deepens that incompatibility. Kano State is implementing a N1.477 trillion budget for 2026, the largest in its history, with 68 percent directed at capital projects. It has invested over N800 million in youth empowerment programmes benefiting more than 5,300 young people, disbursed over N334 million directly to 6,680 women entrepreneurs across all 44 local government areas, and deployed 2,000 trained Neighbourhood Watch operatives as a community-centred security intervention designed to reduce violent confrontations at the grassroots level. Kano ranked first in Nigeria’s 2025 NECO results. Its hospitals are being upgraded. Its roads are being rebuilt. Its farmers are receiving fertiliser, its dams are being constructed, and its young people are being empowered with tools, capital, and opportunity. This is the operational context within which any characterisation of this administration’s relationship to the welfare and safety of its citizens must be situated. It is a context that demands engagement rather than dismissal from any monitoring body that claims to be conducting evidence-based human rights assessment.

There is a further dimension to this controversy that must be named clearly and without diplomatic evasion. The perception, held by a growing number of informed observers within Kano’s civic and political communities, that Amnesty International applies differential levels of scrutiny to Kano State relative to comparable or more severe situations elsewhere in Nigeria, is not a fringe complaint or a partisan deflection. It is a concern about the institutional evenhandedness that determines whether human rights advocacy functions as a genuine instrument of accountability or as a mechanism of selective narrative construction. When a state government with a documented N600 million rehabilitation investment, a quantified youth empowerment record, and a formal security agency finding of no evidence for the alleged incident is subjected to internationally amplified allegations of organised violence without the forensic verification that such allegations require, the credibility deficit that results belongs not only to the monitoring organisation but to the broader enterprise of international human rights advocacy whose authority depends on its perceived consistency and impartiality. This is a concern that the international leadership of Amnesty International, if it takes its institutional mission seriously, cannot afford to disregard.

The position advanced in this commentary is neither anti-accountability nor pro-impunity. It is, precisely and unambiguously, pro-evidence. Accountability without evidence is not accountability. It is accusation. And accusation, however institutionally prestigious its source, does not become fact through repetition, amplification, or the authority of the body advancing it. It becomes fact through verification, corroboration, and the honest and transparent application of the evidentiary standards that distinguish responsible human rights documentation from the uncritical transmission of unverified claims. Kano State, its government, its institutions, and its 20 million people deserve to be assessed on the basis of verified evidence rather than viral narratives. The international community deserves human rights reporting that it can trust because it has earned that trust through methodological rigour rather than claimed through institutional reputation. And the communities of Kano State, who live with the real and daily consequences of how their home is characterised to the world, deserve nothing less than the truth, told with the honesty, the precision, and the evidentiary integrity that their situation demands. Evidence must come first. It must always come first. And until it does, claims of the gravity advanced against Kano on May 7, 2026, cannot, in good conscience, be allowed to stand unchallenged.

 

 

 

Mamman Iro Kano wrote in from Gwarzo Road, Kano, Kano State.

May 7, 2026

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Opinion

The Unifier Perspective: Unifier Project Formally Contests the Evidentiary Basis of Amnesty International’s Claims Regarding the May 5 Kano Incident

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Issued by the Unifier Project, Kano State

May 7, 2026

The Unifier Project, a strategic grassroots coordination and civic engagement initiative with operational structures across all 44 Local Government Areas of Kano State, has formally and comprehensively contested the evidentiary basis, the methodological framework, and the investigative rigour of the claims recently circulated by Amnesty International regarding the unfortunate events of May 5, 2026. In a statement issued from its State Secretariat in Kano, the organisation expressed serious concern about what it characterises as a pattern of premature conclusion-drawing that privileges the velocity of digital content circulation over the deliberate, community-engaged, and forensically grounded verification processes that responsible human rights documentation demands.

The Unifier Project wishes to state unequivocally that its position in this matter is not one of reflexive institutional defensiveness or partisan political alignment. It is a principled insistence on the application of the same evidentiary standards, the same contextual rigour, and the same methodological discipline that credible human rights advocacy demands of the governments and institutions it monitors. The organisation stands firmly for truth, due process, and the protection of community peace, and it is precisely those values that compel it to challenge characterisations of the May 5 incident that, in its assessment, rely disproportionately on fragmented viral content and speculative interpretive frameworks rather than verified, independently corroborated, and contextually grounded investigative evidence.

The incident of May 5, 2026, as assessed by local security institutions, community stakeholders, and civil society organisations with direct knowledge of the affected communities, involved individuals and groups with longstanding criminal histories, territorial disputes, and inter-factional rivalries whose origins significantly predate the current administration and whose dynamics are embedded in the specific social and geographic conditions of the communities in which they operate. The Unifier Project maintains that any credible and responsible investigation of events in these communities must engage substantively with this documented local context before advancing conclusions about political motivation, institutional complicity, or state-level orchestration. To assign political causation to events whose most proximate and most documented explanation is criminal confrontation, in the absence of forensic evidence establishing direct operational linkages between political decision-making and the conduct alleged, is to substitute analytical convenience for investigative integrity.

The organisation draws particular attention to the documented policy commitments of the Kano State Government as a body of institutional evidence that any serious investigative framework is obligated to engage with rather than treat as irrelevant background. The administration has pursued a structured, programmatically defined, and resource-backed approach to addressing youth restiveness and street violence through the Safe Corridor initiative, a rehabilitative framework explicitly designed to create pathways for the social reintegration, vocational empowerment, and psychosocial recovery of vulnerable young people previously associated with organised criminality and street violence. The internal coherence of any allegation of state-sponsored violence must be evaluated against the totality of a government’s documented institutional behaviour. An administration that has invested public resources, political capital, and programmatic infrastructure in a deescalation framework of this scope cannot credibly be implicated, without compelling forensic evidence, in the simultaneous engineering of the very instability that its own institutional architecture is demonstrably designed to eliminate.

The Unifier Project also draws attention to the broader governance context within which the events of May 5, 2026, must be situated. The Kano State Government is currently implementing its most ambitious development budget in the state’s recorded history, a N1.477 trillion appropriation for 2026 with 68 percent directed at capital expenditure spanning education, infrastructure, healthcare, and social protection. It has invested over N800 million in youth empowerment programmes benefiting more than 5,300 young people across the state, disbursed over N334 million directly to 6,680 women entrepreneurs across all 44 local government areas, and deployed 2,000 trained Neighbourhood Watch operatives as a community-centred security intervention explicitly designed to reduce violent confrontations and strengthen civilian-security cooperation at the grassroots level. These are not abstract policy commitments. They are documented, verifiable, and independently assessable institutional actions that constitute the operational context within which any characterisation of this administration’s relationship to violence and instability must be rigorously evaluated.

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With respect to the methodological concerns that this incident raises for the broader practice of international human rights monitoring, the Unifier Project wishes to articulate clearly the evidentiary standards that it considers non-negotiable for any responsible investigative conclusion regarding events of this nature. These include credible forensic evidence establishing verifiable operational linkages between institutional decision-making authority and the specific conduct alleged, verified intelligence assessments from recognised and accountable security structures with direct knowledge of the affected communities, a demonstrated and documented understanding of the longstanding rivalries, territorial histories, and criminal network dynamics operating among youth groups in the specific localities concerned, and independent on-the-ground verification processes that meaningfully engage traditional authorities, community leaders, civil society organisations, and relevant law enforcement institutions before conclusions are formed and publicly disseminated. Without these foundational standards, investigative outputs risk functioning not as instruments of accountability but as mechanisms of institutional narrative-building that may, whether intentionally or otherwise, distort rather than illuminate the complex realities they purport to document.

The organisation further notes that the long-term credibility and institutional authority of global human rights bodies depend critically on the perceived consistency, proportionality, and methodological evenhandedness of their monitoring activities across different regions, different administrations, and different categories of political actor. Investigative patterns that appear to apply differential evidentiary thresholds or differential levels of scrutiny to different communities generate, among those communities, a perception of selective activism that is difficult to distinguish from politically motivated monitoring, and that ultimately undermines the culture of civic accountability that responsible human rights organisations exist to strengthen rather than selectively deploy. The Unifier Project does not raise this concern to deflect legitimate scrutiny. It raises it because the integrity of international human rights advocacy as a global public good depends on its practitioners holding themselves to the same standards of evidence, consistency, and contextual honesty that they demand of others.

Kano State is a community in active, measurable, and documented transformation. Its urban renewal programmes, governance reforms, public sector modernisation initiatives, and community stabilisation efforts represent a sustained and verifiable commitment to building a safer, more inclusive, and more prosperous society for its more than 20 million residents. The Unifier Project, with its operational presence across all 44 Local Government Areas and its direct engagement with ward-level civic structures throughout the state, is positioned to affirm, from direct community knowledge, that this transformation is real, that it is generating tangible improvements in the daily lives of ordinary citizens, and that it deserves to be assessed on the basis of its documented outcomes rather than characterised through the lens of allegations that remain forensically unsubstantiated and contextually inadequate.

The Unifier Project reaffirms its commitment to civic accountability, community protection, and the defence of due process as foundational values of democratic governance. It respectfully but firmly urges Amnesty International to engage in a more collaborative, locally informed, and forensically rigorous investigative process, one that prioritises direct engagement with community stakeholders, traditional authorities, security institutions, and civil society actors with verifiable local knowledge, before issuing globally amplified conclusions whose reputational, political, and institutional consequences for the communities concerned are significant and lasting. Allegations of the gravity advanced in this instance should carry only one weight, the weight of independently verified, contextually grounded, and forensically corroborated evidence. The Unifier Project will continue to discharge its responsibility to the people of Kano State by ensuring that the state’s story is told with the accuracy, the balance, and the contextual integrity that its communities deserve.

About the Unifier Project: The Unifier Project is a strategic grassroots coordination and civic engagement initiative committed to community mobilisation, administrative transparency, civic participation, and the strengthening of socio-political unity across Kano State. With operational structures spanning all 44 Local Government Areas and active engagement at ward and polling unit levels throughout the state, the organisation serves as a community-anchored platform for informed civic advocacy, responsible public discourse, and the protection of Kano’s social and institutional integrity.

Signed:

Unifier Project, Kano State

Media and Strategic Communications Unit

May 7, 2026

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