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Dear Prof T. A-IBK

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Professor Ibrahim Bello-Kano

 

Prof Ibrahim Bello-Kano

Dear Prof T.A. I read your column piece several times, and wondered, as you did, why the Honourable (let’s assume) Adamu Adamu, the Minister for Education, behaved towards ASUU the way he did. You did refer to his 2013 strong defence of ASUU strikes in which he called the striking lecturers “heroes and patriots” and a bulwark for a strong University System. Social theorists seek to explain why, in a given micro setting, someone is doing something or why someone is behaving or has behaved in a particular way, especially when that act or behaviour was, or could be, surprising or shocking to those who thought or think that they knew or know him pretty well enough as to not expect him to behave in such a way or manner. In the case of Adamu Adamu, one could ask whether he was behaving stupidly or maliciously or vengefully. Many people thought that Adamu Adamu would do better than Chris Ngige, given the fact of his previous positive attitude to ASUU and that he it was who set up the very Prof. Nimi Briggs Committee that was charged with negotiating with ASUU, for example. How would one explain what you, Prof TA, have/has called his “choleric reticence”? One possible explanation is this: when Adamu Adamu praised ASUU to the heavens in 2013, he was virtually broke and, in any case, unemployed. He was then a “radical” of sorts, typical of dyspectic traditionalist radicals in northern Nigeria. The North of Nigeria is still largely a feudal, proto-peasant community, where what Nietzsche would call “romantic critics of tradition” abound. Yet upon joining the ruling elite, and having been a minister for almost eight years, Adamu Adamu’s psychology has had to change.

He’s now in a new cultural, political and economic setting, defined by privilege and insoucient entitlement. He’s now a confidant of the President of the country. He could jet in and out of Nigeria at will and at the expense of the State. He was gravely ill for a time and would have died but for state medical privilege. In this sense, Adamu Adamu’s hostile behaviour and action towards ASUU are typical of hitherto relatively poor individuals who are now, thanks to good luck or some good fortune, beneficiaries of social and economic parasitism. In this sense, Adamu would naturally see his role as the defender and preserver of official state policy, the Government’s Warrior in Shining Armour, despite his previous personal history and humble origins. Privilege is the flip side of economic parasitism. That’s why Adamu Adamu had to see ASUU as the “enemy within”. The second possible explanation is that, perhaps Adamu Adamu wanted to offer something reasonable for ASUU. One clue is that he did say, at an inter-ministerial meeting with the President on the strike issue, that ASUU were “patriots”. However, soon after that Adamu realised that there were other vested interests that hatched behind his back, and felt hopeless and caged and isolated in regards to the official state policy on the strike. Here, all we can say, if this explanation is plausible, is that Adamu Adamu could not live up to his moral or ethical beliefs and standing.

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We call this his moral failure, a kind of moral cowardice since he could not stand up for his feelings and sense of what is right or wrong in this particular context. Third, perhaps Adamu’s sudden and last minute aggressive and ill-considered attitude towards ASUU may have been caused by the strident criticisms of his failure to be at the top of the situation. Many commentators called him “sloth”, “heavy”, and “weak” in the light of his slow rising to the situation. Perhaps Adamu Adsmu felt he must assert his “macho” and “power” over a recalcitrant ASUU.

Whatever explanation is plausible, Adamu Adamu stands condemned for his handling of the situation. Perhaps he lacks intuitive intelligence in these matters, having been inserted in a new and profitable official position. His former radical religious and moral personality has been dimmed by office-holding and the privileges that that has brought into his personal life and psychological identity. There’s no question that Adamu Adamu has ruined or damaged his preputation as a moral agent, at least in the eyes of a large number of Nigerians. Clearly, then, Adamu Adamu felt that ASUU was a minor irritant, who should be begging the Government and not bargaining with it. Yet it also entirely possible that in his new privileged position as a functionary of the State, he cannot stand a lowly Trade Union standing up to the Government and the mythical figure of Buhari as the President, a man who sees “enough is enough” as applicable only to ASUU’s activist stance on Education. It’s also possible that Adamu Adamu has now got an anemic view of lecturer renumeration.

Years of his Principal’s policies of marketisation and other neo-liberal management of the economy must have convinced Adamu Adamu that the lecturers don’t need or deserve higher salaries. The measly N60k he offered to Professors at the bar says volumes about the mindset of Adamu Adsmu and the President, who’s reputed to despise workers being (seen to be) affluent. Adamu Adamu may have shared this view, too. In a few months, Adamu Adamu would be out of office, out of continuing privilege, and out of official decision making, at least in a direct sense. Without a doubt, his legacy is one of unbridled assault on Collective Bargaining. But as Mick Lynch, the general sectary of the British RMT Union said late last year, “If You’re Not Bargaining, You’re Begging”. The irony of it all is that, Adamu Adamu and Cohorts will be gone while ASUU will be here for a long, long time. Ibrahim Bello-Kano.

Opinion

Beyond the Godfather’s Shadow: Why Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf Chose Kano Over a Provincial Presidential Quest

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​By Kabiru Sani Dogo Maiwanki

​The recent pronouncements by Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso regarding Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf’s strategic political recalibration have finally stripped away the façade, exposing the profound ideological fissures within the NNPP hierarchy. In a caustic address delivered Saturday evening, the Senator characterized the Governor’s newfound autonomy as a “betrayal” of a far more egregious nature than that of his predecessor, Abdullahi Ganduje. However, in this vitriolic attempt to cast himself as the victim of political infidelity, Kwankwaso inadvertently betrayed a disconcerting truth: he viewed the incumbent administration not as a sovereign executive entity, but as a subordinate instrument of his personal political estate.

​Senator Kwankwaso remarked that, as a presidential hopeful, his fundamental expectation was that the administration he purportedly “installed” would function as a geopolitical centrifuge—a financial and logistical catalyst designed to project the Kwankwasiyya hegemony into neighboring Northwestern territories. He expressed profound chagrin that, over two years into this mandate, the machinery of the Kano State government has not been weaponized to “conquer” even Jigawa State for his political brand. This revelation is remarkably candid; it implies that the Senator’s patronage of the current administration was never rooted in the socio-economic advancement of the Kano populace, but was instead a cynical stratagem to treat the state’s commonwealth as a private war chest for a singular, ego-driven presidential odyssey.

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​By resisting this role, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf has committed what Kwankwaso perceives as an unpardonable “sin,” but what objective observers must recognize as a courageous act of institutional integrity. The Governor’s refusal to allow the Kano State treasury to be cannibalized for regional political expansion is a resounding victory for fiscal prudence and administrative transparency. It represents a principled rejection of the archaic practice where public commonwealth is weaponized to bolster the narrow political interests of a singular godfather at the expense of the citizenry.

​The depth of the Senator’s desperation is now laid bare for all to see. In a striking reversal from his usual posture of absolute authority, Kwankwaso has been reduced to making public appeals for reconciliation. His recent plea—openly asking anyone with access to the Governor to “beg him to come back”—reveals a leader who has finally grasped the magnitude of his loss. It is the sound of a man who realizes that the “innocent aide” he once underrated has not only secured his independence but has taken the soul of the movement with him.

​It is therefore essential for Kwankwaso and other political leaders who pride themselves on their political stature to realize that there is a limit to how long they can continue to deceive and exploit their followers. Respect must be reciprocal; whether between a leader and the led, there is a definitive limit to the amount of insult, manipulation, and contempt any person can endure.

Whenever you push a supporter to the brink and their patience finally runs out, the consequences of their anger will certainly be unpleasant for those in power.
​For the well-meaning people of Kano, this is a moment to offer unalloyed commendation. Governor Abba deserves praise for his steadfastness in protecting the state’s allocations and for prioritizing the welfare of the masses over the expansionist agenda of a political empire. Abba Kabir Yusuf has chosen to be the custodian of the people’s trust rather than a puppet for personal ambition, and in doing so, he has redefined the essence of leadership in Kano.

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Opinion

From Zamfara roots to national vision: Aliyu Muhammad Adamu, seasoned media leader, returns home to serve his people.”

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Aliyu Muhammad Adamu was born on 29th December 1982 in Tsafe Local Government Area of Zamfara State, into the respected Adamu Joji family.

He hails from a lineage that includes notable family members such as Alhaji Sanda Adamu Tsafe (Sarkin Yakin Tsafe), Alhaji Aliyu Adamu (Danmadami), Alhaji Sani Adamu, Hajiya Khadija Adamu (Gwoggo Dala), and Hajiya Amina, among others.

His father, Muhammad Adamu (popularly known as Nata’ala), later relocated to Kano State in pursuit of business expansion. As a result, Aliyu and his siblings were raised in Kano, where he began his early education at Da’awa Primary School, Kano.

Driven by a strong connection to his roots, Aliyu returned to Zamfara State for his secondary education, attending Unity Secondary School, Gummi. He subsequently gained admission into Bayero University, Kano (BUK), where he obtained both his Diploma and Bachelor’s Degree, graduating in 2010.

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After completing his National Youth Service Corps (NYSC), Aliyu faced the realities of life with resilience and determination, navigating through challenges that shaped his character and leadership capacity. In 2014, he returned to Zamfara State and began his professional career in the media industry with Gamji Television and Radio.

Through dedication, hard work, and professional excellence, he served the organization for nearly ten years, rising through the ranks to become the General Manager of the station, an achievement that underscored his leadership, administrative competence, and commitment to public communication.

In 2023, Aliyu voluntarily resigned from the media organization and relocated to Kano State in pursuit of broader opportunities and personal development. Today, driven by a renewed sense of purpose and a lifelong commitment to his people, Aliyu Muhammad Adamu is preparing to return to his hometown to seek the support and mandate of his people. His aspiration is to represent our parents, brothers, and sisters at the federal level, with a clear vision of contributing meaningfully to the development, unity, and overall progress of Zamfara State.

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Opinion

Opinion:The Anatomy Of A Hoax- Setting The Record Straight On Governor Abba Yusuf

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​By Ahmed Badamasi Tsaure

​The recent wave of political “scoops” regarding the purported defection of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf of Kano State to the All Progressives Congress (APC) has moved beyond mere speculation into a coordinated campaign of character assassination. Most notably, reports by Daily Nigerian claiming the Governor’s move was “postponed” are masterpieces of fiction, designed to paint a sitting Governor as indecisive and subordinate. As a witness to the political realities in Kano, I find it necessary to dismantle these fallacies with the facts that the purveyors of this rumor have conveniently ignored. In Nigerian politics, defection is a statutory process requiring a formal resignation from one’s current party. To date, Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf has not submitted any resignation from the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP). To claim that a “finalized arrangement” for a Monday registration existed is a procedural hallucination; one cannot join a new house without first stepping out of the old one.
​Furthermore, the narrative suggests the Governor’s plans were shelved because he failed to seek the “blessings” of local APC bigwigs. This is a laughable distortion of executive power. History is replete with Governors who defected based on executive conviction without the interference of local APC “big wigs.” We have seen this with the Governor of Delta vs. Senator Omo-Agege, the Governor of Bayelsa vs. David Lyon and Minister Heineken Lokpobiri, the Governor of Rivers vs. Nyesom Wike, and the Governor of Plateau vs. the current National Chairman of the APC. More recently, the defections of Governors like Dave Umahi (Ebonyi), Ben Ayade (Cross River), and Bello Matawalle (Zamfara) proved that when a Governor moves, he does so as the new leader of the party in his state. It is also historically hypocritical to label such a move as “betrayal.” When Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso defected from the PDP to the APC in 2013, he did not seek permission from any person or leadership—he led a rebellion based on his own conviction. If it was “principled politics” for the godfather then, it cannot be “betrayal” for the Governor now.

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​What, then, remains for a Governor who already holds the overwhelming mandate of his people? It is a known fact that Governor Abba Yusuf moves with the ironclad support of almost 95% of the Kano State House of Assembly, 50% of the National Assembly members from the state, all 44 Local Government chairmen, and the entire grassroots party structure. The desperate attempt by the NNPP National Working Committee to dissolve the Kano executive committees is a futile, “too-late” maneuver that only confirms their loss of control. When a Governor commands such total loyalty, he does not ask for permission; he leads. The defection of Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf is inevitable if he so wishes, as he carries the entire political soul of Kano with him.
​The theory that the APC postponed this move because Senator Kwankwaso is not coming along simply does not hold water. Kwankwaso’s refusal to join the APC is a settled matter; it is alleged the President offered him a ministerial position or the Chairmanship of the soon-to-be resuscitated Petroleum Trust Fund (PTF), both of which he rejected after his demand to join the Presidential ticket was denied. Using this stalemate as a pretext for the Governor’s “indecision” is a transparent lie aimed at making the Governor look like a political appendage. It is disheartening to see Daily Nigerian abandon objective journalism to frame the Governor as a “betrayer.” If Governor Abba Yusuf chooses to move, he does so as a leader of a massive political movement. The media must stop concocting stories to mislead the public. Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf remains focused on his mandate. These rumors are merely the desperate gasps of those who wish to see Kano in perpetual turmoil.

​Ahmed Badamasi Tsaure writes from Shanono Local Government, Kano State. He can be reached at ahmedtsaure28@gmail.com.

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